Totem and Taboo Part 1

Totem and Taboo.

by Sigmund Freud.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE

The essays treated here appeared under the subt.i.tle of this book in the first numbers of the periodical _Imago_ edited by me. They represent my first efforts to apply view-points and results of psychoa.n.a.lysis to unexplained problems of racial psychology. In method this book contrasts with that of W. Wundt and the works of the Zurich Psychoa.n.a.lytic School.

The former tries to accomplish the same object through a.s.sumptions and procedures from non-a.n.a.lytic psychology, while the latter follow the opposite course and strive to settle problems of individual psychology by referring to material of racial psychology[1]. I am pleased to say that the first stimulus for my own works came from these two sources.

I am fully aware of the shortcomings in these essays. I shall not touch upon those which are characteristic of first efforts at investigation.

The others, however, demand a word of explanation. The four essays which are here collected will be of interest to a wide circle of educated people, but they can only be thoroughly understood and judged by those who are really acquainted with psychoa.n.a.lysis as such. It is hoped that they may serve as a bond between students of ethnology, philology, folklore and of the allied sciences, and psychoa.n.a.lysts; they cannot, however, supply both groups the entire requisites for such co-operation. They will not furnish the former with sufficient insight into the new psychological technique, nor will the psychoa.n.a.lysts acquire through them an adequate command over the material to be elaborated. Both groups will have to content themselves with whatever attention they can stimulate here and there and with the hope that frequent meetings between them will not remain unproductive for science.

The two princ.i.p.al themes, totem and taboo, which give the name to this small book are not treated alike here. The problem of taboo is presented more exhaustively, and the effort to solve it is approached with perfect confidence. The investigation of totemism may be modestly expressed as: "This is all that psychoa.n.a.lytic study can contribute at present to the elucidation of the problem of totemism." This difference in the treatment of the two subjects is due to the fact that taboo still exists in our midst. To be sure, it is negatively conceived and directed to different contents, but according to its psychological nature, it is still nothing else than Kant's 'Categorical Imperative', which tends to act compulsively and rejects all conscious motivations. On the other hand, totemism is a religio-social inst.i.tution which is alien to our present feelings; it has long been abandoned and replaced by new forms.

In the religions, morals, and customs of the civilized races of to-day it has left only slight traces, and even among those races where it is still retained, it has had to undergo great changes. The social and material progress of the history of mankind could obviously change taboo much less than totemism.

In this book the attempt is ventured to find the original meaning of totemism through its infantile traces, that is, through the indications in which it reappears in the development of our own children. The close connection between totem and taboo indicates the further paths to the hypothesis maintained here. And although this hypothesis leads to somewhat improbable conclusions, there is no reason for rejecting the possibility that it comes more or less near to the reality which is so hard to reconstruct.

INTRODUCTION

When one reviews the history of psychoa.n.a.lysis[2] one finds that it had its inception in the study of morbid mental states. Beginning with the observation of hysteria and the other neuroses[3] Professor Freud gradually extended his investigations to normal psychology and evolved new concepts and new methods of study. The neurotic symptoms were no longer imaginary troubles the nature of which one could not grasp, but were conceived as mental and emotional maladjustments to one's environment. The stamp of degeneracy impressed upon neurotics by other schools of medicine was altogether eradicated. Deeper investigation showed conclusively that a person might become neurotic if subjected to certain environments, and that there was no definite dividing line between normal and abnormal. The hysterical symptoms, obsessions, doubts, phobias, as well as hallucinations of the insane, show the same mechanisms as those similar psychic structures which one constantly encounters in normal persons in the form of mistakes in talking, reading, writing, forgetting[4], dreams and wit. The dream, always highly valued by the populace, and as much despised by the educated cla.s.ses, has a definite structure and meaning when subjected to a.n.a.lysis. Professor Freud's monumental work, _The Interpretation of Dreams_[5], marked a new epoch in the history of mental science. One might use the same words in reference to his profound a.n.a.lysis of wit[6].

Faulty psychic actions, dreams and wit are products of the unconscious mental activity, and like neurotic or psychotic manifestations represent efforts at adjustment to one's environment. The slip of the tongue shows that on account of unconscious inhibitions the individual concerned is unable to express his true thoughts; the dream is a distorted or plain expression of those wishes which are prohibited in the waking states, and the witticism, owing to its veiled or indirect way of expression, enables the individual to obtain pleasure from forbidden sources. But whereas dreams, witticisms, and faulty actions give evidences of inner conflicts which the individual overcomes, the neurotic or psychotic symptom is the result of a failure and represents a morbid adjustment.

The aforementioned psychic formations are therefore nothing but manifestations of the struggle with reality, the constant effort to adjust one's primitive feelings to the demands of civilization. In spite of all later development the individual retains all his infantile psychic structures. Nothing is lost; the infantile wishes and primitive impulses can always be demonstrated in the grown-up and on occasion can be brought back to the surface. In his dreams the normal person is constantly reviving his childhood, and the neurotic or psychotic individual merges back into a sort of psychic infantilism through his morbid productions. The unconscious mental activity which is made up of repressed infantile material for ever tries to express itself. Whenever the individual finds it impossible to dominate the difficulties of the world of reality there is a regression to the infantile, and psychic disturbances ensue which are conceived as peculiar thoughts and acts.

Thus the civilized adult is the result of his childhood or the sum total of his early impressions; psychoa.n.a.lysis thus confirms the old saying: The child is father to the man.

It is at this point in the development of psychoa.n.a.lysis that the paths gradually broadened until they finally culminated in this work. There were many indications that the childhood of the individual showed a marked resemblance to the primitive history or the childhood of races.

The knowledge gained from dream a.n.a.lysis and phantasies[7], when applied to the productions of racial phantasies, like myths and fairy tales, seemed to indicate that the first impulse to form myths was due to the same emotional strivings which produced dreams, fancies and symptoms[8].

Further study in this direction has thrown much light on our great cultural inst.i.tutions, such as religion, morality, law and philosophy, all of which Professor Freud has modestly formulated in this volume and thus initiated a new epoch in the study of racial psychology.

I take great pleasure in acknowledging my indebtedness to Mr Alfred B.

Kuttner for the invaluable a.s.sistance he rendered in the translation of this work.

A. A. BRILL.

TOTEM AND TABOO

CHAPTER I

THE SAVAGE'S DREAD OF INCEST

Primitive man is known to us by the stages of development through which he has pa.s.sed: that is, through the inanimate monuments and implements which he has left behind for us, through our knowledge of his art, his religion and his att.i.tude towards life, which we have received either directly or through the medium of legends, myths and fairy tales; and through the remnants of his ways of thinking that survive in our own manners and customs. Moreover, in a certain sense he is still our contemporary: there are people whom we still consider more closely related to primitive man than to ourselves, in whom we therefore recognize the direct descendants and representatives of earlier man. We can thus judge the so-called savage and semi-savage races; their psychic life a.s.sumes a peculiar interest for us, for we can recognize in their psychic life a well-preserved, early stage of our own development.

If this a.s.sumption is correct, a comparison of the 'Psychology of Primitive Races' as taught by folklore, with the psychology of the neurotic as it has become known through psychoa.n.a.lysis will reveal numerous points of correspondence and throw new light on subjects that are more or less familiar to us.

For outer as well as for inner reasons, I am choosing for this comparison those tribes which have been described by ethnographists as being most backward and wretched: the aborigines of the youngest continent, namely Australia, whose fauna has also preserved for us so much that is archaic and no longer to be found elsewhere.

The aborigines of Australia are looked upon as a peculiar race which shows neither physical nor linguistic relations.h.i.+p with its nearest neighbours, the Melanesian, Polynesian and Malayan races. They do not build houses or permanent huts; they do not cultivate the soil or keep any domestic animals except dogs; and they do not even know the art of pottery. They live exclusively on the flesh of all sorts of animals which they kill in the chase, and on the roots which they dig. Kings or chieftains are unknown among them, and all communal affairs are decided by the elders in a.s.sembly. It is quite doubtful whether they evince any traces of religion in the form of wors.h.i.+p of higher beings. The tribes living in the interior who have to contend with the greatest vicissitudes of life owing to a scarcity of water, seem in every way more primitive than those who live near the coast.

We surely would not expect that these poor naked cannibals should be moral in their s.e.x life according to our ideas, or that they should have imposed a high degree of restriction upon their s.e.xual impulses. And yet we learn that they have considered it their duty to exercise the most searching care and the most painful rigour in guarding against incestuous s.e.xual relations. In fact their whole social organization seems to serve this object or to have been brought into relation with its attainment.

Among the Australians the system of _Totemism_ takes the place of all religious and social inst.i.tutions. Australian tribes are divided into smaller _septs_ or clans, each taking the name of its _totem_. Now what is a totem? As a rule it is an animal, either edible and harmless, or dangerous and feared; more rarely the totem is a plant or a force of nature (rain, water), which stands in a peculiar relation to the whole clan. The totem is first of all the tribal ancestor of the clan, as well as its tutelary spirit and protector; it sends oracles and, though otherwise dangerous, the totem knows and spares its children. The members of a totem are therefore under a sacred obligation not to kill (destroy) their totem, to abstain from eating its meat or from any other enjoyment of it. Any violation of these prohibitions is automatically punished. The character of a totem is inherent not only in a single animal or a single being but in all the members of the species. From time to time festivals are held at which the members of a totem represent or imitate, in ceremonial dances, the movements and characteristics of their totems.

The totem is hereditary either through the maternal or the paternal line; (maternal transmission probably always preceded and was only later supplanted by the paternal). The attachment to a totem is the foundation of all the social obligations of an Australian: it extends on the one hand beyond the tribal relations.h.i.+p, and on the other hand it supersedes consanguineous relations.h.i.+p[9].

The totem is not limited to district or to locality; the members of a totem may live separated from one another and on friendly terms with adherents of other totems[10].

And now, finally, we must consider that peculiarity of the totemic system which attracts the interest of the psychoa.n.a.lyst. Almost everywhere the totem prevails there also exists the law that _the members of the same totem are not allowed to enter into s.e.xual relations with each other; that is, that they cannot marry each other_. This represents the _exogamy_ which is a.s.sociated with the totem.

This sternly maintained prohibition is very remarkable. There is nothing to account for it in anything that we have hitherto learned from the conception of the totem or from any of its attributes; that is, we do not understand how it happened to enter the system of totemism. We are therefore not astonished if some investigators simply a.s.sume that at first exogamy--both as to its origin and to its meaning--had nothing to do with totemism, but that it was added to it at some time without any deeper a.s.sociation, when marriage restrictions proved necessary. However that may be, the a.s.sociation of totemism and exogamy exists, and proves to be very strong.

Let us elucidate the meaning of this prohibition through further discussion.

(_a_) The violation of the prohibition is not left to what is, so to speak, an automatic punishment, as is the case with other violations of the prohibitions of the totem (e.g., not to kill the totem animal), but is most energetically avenged by the whole tribe as if it were a question of warding off a danger that threatens the community as a whole or a guilt that weighs upon all. A few sentences from Frazer's book[11]

will show how seriously such trespa.s.ses are treated by these savages who, according to our standard are otherwise very immoral.

"In Australia the regular penalty for s.e.xual intercourse with a person of a forbidden clan is death. It matters not whether the woman is of the same local group or has been captured in war from another tribe; a man of the wrong clan who uses her as his wife is hunted down and killed by his clansmen, and so is the woman; though in some cases, if they succeed in eluding capture for a certain time, the offence may be condoned. In the Ta-Ta-thi tribe, New South Wales, in the rare cases which occur, the man is killed, but the woman is only beaten or speared, or both, till she is nearly dead; the reason given for not actually killing her being that she was probably coerced. Even in casual amours the clan prohibitions are strictly observed; any violations of these prohibitions 'are regarded with the utmost abhorrence and are punished by death'

(Howitt)."

(_b_) As the same severe punishment is also meted out for temporary love affairs which have not resulted in childbirth, the a.s.sumption of other motives, perhaps of a practical nature, becomes improbable.

(_c_) As the totem is hereditary and is not changed by marriage, the results of the prohibition, for instance in the case of maternal heredity, are easily perceived. If, for example, the man belongs to a clan with the totem of the Kangaroo and marries a woman of the Emu totem, the children, both boys and girls, are all Emu. According to the totem law incestuous relations with his mother and his sister, who are Emu like himself, are therefore made impossible for a son of this marriage[12].

(_d_) But we need only a reminder to realize that the exogamy connected with the totem accomplishes more; that is, aims at more than the prevention of incest with the mother or the sisters. It also makes it impossible for the man to have s.e.xual union with all the women of his own group, with a number of females, therefore, who are not consanguineously related to him, by treating all these women like blood relations. The psychological justification for this extraordinary restriction, which far exceeds anything comparable to it among civilized races, is not, at first, evident. All we seem to understand is that the role of the totem (the animal) as ancestor is taken very seriously.

Everybody descended from the same totem is consanguineous; that is, of one family; and in this family the most distant grades of relations.h.i.+p are recognized as an absolute obstacle to s.e.xual union.

Thus these savages reveal to us an unusually high grade of incest dread or incest sensitiveness, combined with the peculiarity, which we do not very well understand, of subst.i.tuting the totem relations.h.i.+p for the real blood relations.h.i.+p. But we must not exaggerate this contradiction too much, and let us bear in mind that the totem prohibitions include real incest as a special case.

In what manner the subst.i.tution of the totem group for the actual family has come about remains a riddle, the solution of which is perhaps bound up with the explanation of the totem itself. Of course it must be remembered that with a certain freedom of s.e.xual intercourse, extending beyond the limitations of matrimony, the blood relations.h.i.+p, and with it also the prevention of incest, becomes so uncertain that we cannot dispense with some other basis for the prohibition. It is therefore not superfluous to note that the customs of Australians recognize social conditions and festive occasions at which the exclusive conjugal right of a man to a woman is violated.

The linguistic customs of these tribes, as well as of most totem races, reveals a peculiarity which undoubtedly is pertinent in this connection.

For the designations of relations.h.i.+p of which they make use do not take into consideration the relations.h.i.+p between two individuals, but between an individual and his group; they belong, according to the expression of L. H. Morgan, to the 'cla.s.sifying' system. That means that a man calls not only his begetter 'father' but also every other man who, according to the tribal regulations, might have married his mother and thus become his father; he calls 'mother' not only the woman who bore him but also every other woman who might have become his mother without violation of the tribal laws; he calls 'brothers' and 'sisters' not only the children of his real parents, but also the children of all the persons named who stand in the parental group relation with him, and so on. The kins.h.i.+p names which two Australians give each other do not, therefore, necessarily point to a blood relations.h.i.+p between them, as they would have to according to the custom of our language; they signify much more the social than the physical relations. An approach to this cla.s.sifying system is perhaps to be found in our nursery, when the child is induced to greet every male and female friend of the parents as 'uncle' and 'aunt', or it may be found in a transferred sense when we speak of 'Brothers in Apollo', or 'Sisters in Christ'.

The explanation of this linguistic custom, which seems so strange to us, is simple if looked upon as a remnant and indication of those marriage inst.i.tutions which the Rev. L. Fison has called 'group marriage', characterized by a number of men exercising conjugal rights over a number of women. The children of this group marriage would then rightly look upon each other as brothers and sisters although not born of the same mother, and would take all the men of the group for their fathers.

Although a number of authors, as, for instance, B. Westermarck in his _History of Human Marriage_[13], oppose the conclusions which others have drawn from the existence of group-relations.h.i.+p names, the best authorities on the Australian savages are agreed that the cla.s.sificatory relations.h.i.+p names must be considered as survivals from the period of group marriages. And, according to Spencer and Gillen[14], a certain form of group marriage can be established as still existing to-day among the tribes of the Urabunna and the Dieri. Group marriage therefore preceded individual marriage among these races, and did not disappear without leaving distinct traces in language and custom.