Select Speeches of Kossuth Part 15

XXVIII.--THE MISERIES AND THE STRENGTH OF HUNGARY.

[_Columbus, Feb. 7th, to the a.s.sociation of Friends of Hungary_.]

On Feb. 7th was held the first regular meeting of the Ohio a.s.sociation of the Friends of Hungary, in the City Hall of Columbus. Governor Wood addressed the a.s.sociation, as its President; and in the course of his speech said:--

This is a cause in which the people of the United States feel much interest. Much has been said on the doctrine of intervention and non-intervention. There was a time when if I ventured to speak a word on any question in this State it was received with authority. The opinions I now express have been formed with the same deliberation as those I expressed with authority in another capacity. There has seemed to be a combined effort on the part of despots in Europe to put down free inst.i.tutions. It is the duty of freemen to oppose this effort--to resist the principle that every civic community has not a right to regulate its own affairs. Whenever one nation interferes with the internal concerns of another, it is a direct insult to all other nations.

There is a combined effort in Continental Europe to overthrow all free and liberal inst.i.tutions. This accomplished, what next?--The efforts of tyrants will be directed to our inst.i.tutions. It will be their aim to break us down. Must not we prevent this event--_peaceably if we can--forcibly if we must?_ No power will prevail with tyrants and usurpers but the power of gunpowder or steel.

Kossuth in reply, turning to Governor Wood, said: Before addressing the a.s.sembly, I humbly entreat your excellency to permit me to express, out of the very heart of my heart, my grat.i.tude and fervent thanks for those lofty, generous principles which you have been pleased now to p.r.o.nounce.

I know those principles would have immense value even if they were only an individual opinion; but when they are expressed by him who is the elect of the people of Ohio, they doubly, manifoldly increase in weight.

The restoration of Hungary to its national independence is my aim, to which I the more cheerfully devote my life, because I know that my nation, once master of its own destiny, can make no other choice, in the regulation of its inst.i.tutions and of its government, than that of a Republic founded upon democracy and the great principle of munic.i.p.al self-government, without which, as opposed to centralization, there is no practical freedom possible.

Other nations enjoying a comparatively tolerable condition under their existing governments--though aware of their imperfections, may shrink from a revolution of which they cannot antic.i.p.ate the issue, while they know that in every case it is attended with great sacrifices and great sufferings for the generation which undertakes the hazard of the change.

But that is not the condition of Hungary. My poor native land is in such a condition that all the horrors of a revolution, when without the hopes of happiness to be gained by it, are preferable to what it lives to endure now. The very life on a b.l.o.o.d.y battle-field, where every whistling musket-ball may bring death--affords more security, more ease, and is less alarming than that life which the people of Hungary has to suffer now. We have seen many a sorrowful day in our past, We have been by our geographical position, destined as the breakwater against every great misfortune, which in former centuries rushed over Europe from the East. It is not only the Turks, when they were yet a dangerous, conquering race, which my nation had to stay, by wading to the very lips in its own heroic blood. No. The still more terrible invasion of Batu Khan's (the Mongol) raging millions, poured down over Europe from the Steppes of Tartary,--who came not to conquer but to destroy, and therefore spared not nature, not men, not the child in its mother's womb. It was Hungary which had to stay its flood from devouring the rest of Europe. Nevertheless, all which Hungary has ever suffered is far less than it has to suffer now from the tyrant of Austria, himself in his turn nothing but the slave of ambitious Russia.

Oh! it is a fair, beautiful land, my beloved country, rich in nature's blessings as perhaps no land is rich on earth. When the spring has strewn its blossoms over it, it looks as the garden of Eden may have looked, and when the summer ripens nature's ocean of crops over its hills and plains, it looks like a table dressed for mankind by the Lord himself; and still it was here in Columbus that I read the news that a terrible dearth, that famine is spreading over the rich and fertile land. How should it not? Where life-draining oppression weighs so heavily, that the landowner offers the use of all his lands to the government, merely to get free from the taxation--where the vintager cuts down his vineyards and the gardener his orchard, and the farmer burns his tobacco seed to be rid of the duties, and their vexations--there of course must dearth prevail, and famine raise its hideous head. Yet the tyrant adds calumny to oppression, by attributing the dearth to a want of industry, after having created it by oppression.

There exists no personal security of property. Nor is the verdict "not guilty," when p.r.o.nounced by an Austrian court, sufficient to ensure security against prison, nay, against death by the executioner--through a new trial ordered to find a man guilty at any price. Poor Louis Bathyanyi was thus treated. Even now persecution is going on--hundreds are arrested secretly and sent to prison and their property confiscated, though they were already acquitted by the very Haynaus. _Even to whisper that a man or woman was arrested in the night is considered a crime_, and punished by prison, or if the whisperer be a young man, by sending him to the army, there to taste, when he dares to frown, the corporal's stick. _No man knows what is forbidden, what not_, because there exists no law but the arbitrary will of martial courts--no protecting inst.i.tution--no public life--free speech forbidden--the press fettered--complaint a crime,--When we consider all this, indeed it is not possible not to arrive at the conviction, that, come what may, a new war of revolution in Hungary is not a matter of choice, but a matter of unavoidable necessity, because all that may come is not by far so terrible as that which is!

But I am often asked,--"What hope has Hungary should she rise again?"

Pardon me, gentlemen, for saying, that I cannot forbear to be surprized as often as I hear this question. Why! The Emperor of Austria, fresh with his b.l.o.o.d.y victories over Italy, Vienna, Lemberg, Prague, attacked us in the fulness of his power, when we had no expectation, and were least in the world prepared to meet it. We were a.s.saulted on several sides; our fortresses were in the hands of traitors, we had as yet no army at all. We were secluded from all the world--forsaken by all the world--without money--without arms--without ammunition--without friends--having nothing for us but the justice of our cause and the people burning with patriotism--men who went to the battlefield almost without knowing how to c.o.c.k their guns; but still, within less than six months, we beat all the force of Austria,--we crushed it to the dust, and in despair, the proud tyrant fled to the feet of the Czar, begging his a.s.sistance for his sacrilegious purpose, and paying him by the sacrifice of honour, independence, and all his future!

In contemplating these facts, who can doubt that we are now a match for Austria. Then we had no army--now we have 120,000 brave Magyars, who fought for freedom and motherland, enlisted in the ranks of Austria, forming their weakness and our strength. Then hostile nations were opposed to us, now they are friendly, and are with us. Then no combination existed between the oppressed nations--now the combination exists. Then our oppressor took his own time to strike--when he was best and we were worst prepared:--now we will take our time and strike the blow when it is best for us and worst for him. In a word, then every chance was against us, and we almost in a condition that the stoutest hearts faltered; and we only took up the gauntlet because our very soul revolted against the boundless treachery;--now every chance is for us, and it is the native which throws the gauntlet into the tyrant's face.

Our very misfortune ensures our success--because then we had some something to lose, now we have nothing. We can only gain--for I defy the sophistry of despotism to invent anything of public or private oppression which is not already inflicted upon us.

But I was upon the question of success.--When I moot that question--upon what reposes the success of Hungary, it always occurs to my mind that the last Administration of the United States sent a gentleman over to Europe during the Hungarian struggle, _not_ with orders to recognize the independence of Hungary, but just to look to what chance of success we had. Now, suppose that the United States, taking into consideration the right of every nation to dispose of itself, and true to that policy which it has always followed to take established facts as they are, and not to investigate what chances there might or might not be for the future, but always recognize every new Government everywhere--suppose that it had sent that gentleman with such an instruction to Hungary: what would have been the consequence? If the government of Hungary which existed then and indeed existed very actively, for it had created armies, had beaten Austria, and driven her last soldier from Hungarian territory,--If that government had been recognized by the United States, of course commercial intercourse with the United States, in every respect, would have been lawful, according to your existing international laws. The Emperor of Austria, the Czar of Russia, because they are recognized powers, have full liberty to buy your cannons, gunpowder, muskets--everything. That would have been the case with Hungary. That legitimate commerce with the people of the United States with Hungary, of course would have been protected by the navy of the United States in the Mediterranean. Now, men we had enough--but arms we had none. That would have given us arms, and having beaten Austria already, we would have beaten Russia, and I, instead of having now the honour of addressing you here, would perhaps have dictated a peace in Moscow. But the gentleman was sent to _investigate the chances_ of success. Upon his investigation Hungary perished.

Let me entreat you, friends of Hungary, do not much hesitate about success. While Rome deliberated, Saguntum fell. I fear that by too long investigating what chances we have, the chances of success will be compromised, which by speedy help could have been ensured.

Well, I am answered--"there is no doubt about it.--Hungary is a match for Austria. You have beaten Austria, it is true; but Russia--there is the rub." Precisely, because there is the rub, I come to the United States, relying upon the fundamental principles of your great Republic, to claim the protection and maintenance of the law of nations against the armed interference of Russia.

That is precisely what I claim. That accorded, no intervention of Russia can take place; the word of America will be respected, not out of consideration for your dignity, but because the Czar and the cabinet of Russia, atrocious and unprincipled as they are, are no fools, and will not risk their existence. Therefore your word will be respected.

You have an act of Congress, pa.s.sed in 1818, by which the people of the United States are forbidden by law to take any hostile steps against a power with which the United States are at amity. Well, suppose Congress p.r.o.nounces such a resolution--that in respect to any power which violates the laws of nations we recall this neutrality law and give full liberty to follow its own will. (Applause.) Now, in declaring this, Congress has prevented a war, because it has been pointed out to the people in what way that p.r.o.nunciation of the law of nations is to be supported, and the enterprizing spirit of the people of the United States is too well known as its sympathy for the cause of Hungary is too decidedly expressed, not to impart a conviction to the Czar of Russia that though the United States do not wish to go to war, so the law of nations will be enforced, _peaceably if possible_ (turning to Governor Wood) _forcibly if necessary_.

But as I again and again meet the doubt whether your protest even with such sanction will be respected, I farther answer--let me entreat you to try. It costs nothing. You are not bound to go farther than you will;--try. _Perhaps_ it will be respected, and if it be, humanity is rescued, and freedom on earth reigns where despotism now rules. It is worth a trial.

Besides, I beg to remind you of my second and third requests, either of which might bring a practical solution of this doubt. At present, whoever will may sell arms to Austria, but you forbid your own citizens to sell arms to Hungary; and this, though the rule of Austria has no legitimate basis, but rests on unjust force; while you have avowed the cause of Hungary to be just. Such a state of your law is not neutrality, and is not righteous towards _us_ nor is it fair towards your _own people_. If Venice were to-day to shake off the yoke of Austria, Austria will forthwith forbid all of you to buy and sell with Venice. Well: I say that is not fair towards your own citizens, any more than to the Venetians. True; you have not the right to open any market by force, towards a nation which is unwilling to deal with you, but you have a clear right to deal with one which desires it, in spite of any belligerent who chooses to forbid you. How could the fact of Hungary or Venice rising up against their oppressor justify Austria in damaging the lawful commerce of America with those nations? On this turns my second principle, which I consider of high importance for the coming struggle; that the United States would declare their resolve to uphold their commercial intercourse with every nation which is ready to accept it.

Thirdly, I claimed that you would recognize the Hungarian Declaration of Independence as having been legitimate. My enemies have misrepresented this, as if I desired to be recognized as _de facto_ the Governor of Hungary. This is mere absurdity. That is not the question--_am_ I governor or not governor? The question is--_was_ the Declaration of Independence of Hungary, in the judgment of the people of the United States, a legitimate one, to which my nation had a right--or was it not?

I believe America cannot answer no, because your very existence rests on a similar act. And if that declaration is made, what will be the consequence of it? What will be the practical result? Why, that very moment when I or whoever else, upon the basis of this declaration, recognized to be legitimate by your republic, shall take a stake upon Hungarian independence, and issue a proclamation declaring that a national government exists, that very moment the existence of the government will be recognized, and the gentleman who will be sent to Europe will not be sent to investigate what chances we have of success, but into what diplomatic relation we shall come. And what will be the consequence? A legitimate commercial intercourse of America. Then I can fit out men of war--steamers and everything--and your laws will not prevent me. The government of Hungary will then be a friendly power, and therefore according to your laws everything might be done for the benefit of my country--and who knows what a benefit it might secure to yourselves?

As regards my use of any pecuniary aids, I declare that I will respect the laws of every nation where I have the honour even temporarily to be.

I will employ that aid, which the friends of Hungary may place at my disposal, for the benefit of my country, to be sure, but only in such a way as is not forbidden by, or contrary to, your laws. Now, to make an armed expedition against a friendly power--that is forbidden. But if Hungary rises upon the basis of a recognized, legitimate independence, then what is necessary for it to prepare for coming into that position is lawful. I have taken the advice of the highest authorities in that respect. I was not so bold as to become the interpreter of your laws, but I have asked, Is that lawful, or is it not? from the highest authorities in law matters of the United States.

Now to return to Hungary. In what condition is it! In the beginning of my talking I mentioned the invasion of Tartarian hordes. Then the wild beasts spread over the land, and caused the few remnants of the people to take refuge in some castles, and fortresses, and fortified places and in the most remote and sterile ground. The wild beasts fed on human blood. Now again the wild beasts are spreading terribly; and why?

Because to have a single pistol, to have a sword, or a musket, is a crime which is punished by several years' imprisonment. Such is now the condition of Hungary! Therefore, you may now see that the country is disarmed, and of what importance is it for that success, about which I hear now and then doubts, to have arms prepared in a convenient lawful manner.

[After this, Kossuth spoke in some detail concerning the pecuniary contributions; and closed with complaints of his painfully over-worked chest, which had much impeded his speech.]

XXIX.--OHIO AND FRANCE CONTRASTED AS REPUBLICS.

[_Reception at Cincinnati_.]

Kossuth having been received by a vast a.s.semblage of the people of Cincinnati was addressed in their name by the Honourable Caleb Smith, from whose speech the following are extracts:--

Your progress through a portion of the whole States which originally const.i.tuted the American confederacy, has called forth such manifestations of public feeling as leave no doubt that the liberty enjoyed by the people of those States, has created in their hearts a generous sympathy for the advocates of civil liberty who have endeavoured to establish free inst.i.tutions in Europe.

The brilliant success which attended the first efforts of the Hungarian Patriots, excited the hope that the tricoloured flag unfurled on the sh.o.r.es of the Danube, would, like the stars and stripes of our own Republic, become the emblem and the hope of freedom.

The intervention of Russia, in violation of the law of nations, in defiance of justice and right, and in disregard of the public sentiment of the civilized world, for a time, at last, disappointed this hope; and the exultation it excited was followed by a mournful sadness, when Russian arms and domestic treason combined, caused the Hungarian flag to trail in the dust.

Hungary failed to establish her independence, but failed only, when success was impossible. The efforts she has made have not been wholly lost. The seed which she has sown in agony and blood, will yet sprout and bring forth fruit. The memory of her devoted sons who have fallen in the cause of liberty, will be perpetuated upon the living tablets of the hearts of freedom's votaries throughout the world. The spirits of the martyrs shall whisper hope and consolation to the hearts of her surviving children; and from out the dungeons of her captive patriots shall go forth the spirit of liberty to cheer and animate their countrymen.

You are engaged in a high and holy mission. The redemption of your fatherland from oppression is worthy of your efforts, and may G.o.d prosper them; and may you find in this free land such sympathy and aid as will strengthen your heart for the stern trials which await you in your own country.

Kossuth replied:--

Sir,--Before I answer you, let me look over this animated ocean, that I may impress upon my memory the look of those who have transformed the wilderness of a primitive forest into an immense city, of which there exists a prediction that, by the year of our Lord 2000, it will be the greatest city in the world.

"The West! the West! the region of the Father of Rivers," there thou canst see the cradle of a new-born humanity. So I was told by the learned expounders of descriptive geography, who believe that they know the world, because they have seen it on maps.

The West a cradle! Why? A cradle is the sleeping place of a child wrapped in swaddling clothes and crying for the mother's milk.

People of Cincinnati, are you that child which, awakening in an unwatched moment, liberated his tender hands from the swaddling band, swept away by his left arm the primitive forest planted by the Lord at creation's dawn, and raised by his right hand this mighty metropolis.

Why, if that be your childhood's pastime, I am awed by the presentiment of your manhood's task; for it is written, that it is forbidden to men to approach too near to omnipotence. And that people here which created this rich city, and changed the native woods of the red man into a flouris.h.i.+ng seat of Christian civilization and civilized Christianity--into a living workshop of science and art, of industry and widely spread commerce; and performed this change, not like the drop, which, by falling incessantly through centuries, digs a gulf where a mountain stood, but performed it suddenly within the turn of the hand, like a magician; that people achieved a prouder work than the giants of old, who dared to pile Ossa upon Pelion; but excuse me, the comparison is bad.

Those giants of old heaped mountain upon mountain, with the impious design to storm the heavens. You have transformed the wilderness of the West into the dwelling-place of an enlightened, industrious, intelligent Christian community, that it may flourish a living monument of the wonderful bounty of Divine Providence--a temple of freedom, which glorifies G.o.d, and bids oppressed humanity to hope.

And yet, when I look at you, citizens of Cincinnati, I see no race of giants, astonis.h.i.+ng by uncommon frame: I see men as I am wont to see all my life, and I have lived almost long enough to have seen Cincinnati a small hamlet, composed of some modest log-houses, separated by dense woods, where savage beast and savage Indian lurked about the lonely settlers, who, as the legend of Jacob Wetzel and his faithful log tells, had to wrestle for life when they left their poor abode.

What is the key of this rapid wonderful change? The glorious cities of old were founded by heroes whom posterity called demi-G.o.ds, and whose name survived their work by thousands of years. Who is your hero? Who stood G.o.d-father at the birth of the Queen of the West?

I looked to history and found not his name. But instead of one mortal man's renowned name, I find in the records of your city's history an immortal being's name, and that is, _the people_. The word sparkles with the l.u.s.tre of a life invigorating flame, and that flame is LIBERTY.

Freedom, regulated by wise inst.i.tutions, based upon the great principle of national independence and self-government; this is the magical rod by which the great enchanter, "_the people_," has achieved this wonderful work.

Sir, there is a mighty change going on in human development. Formerly great things were done by great men, whose names stand in history like milestones, marking the march of mankind on the highway of progress. It was mankind which marched, and still it pa.s.sed unnoticed and unknown. Of him history has made no record, but of the milestones only, and has called them great men. The lofty frame of individual greatness overshadowed the people, who were ready to follow but not prepared to go without being led. Humanity and its progress was absorbed by individualities; because the people which stood low in the valley got giddy by looking up to the mountain's top, where its leaders stood. It was the age of childhood for nations. Children cling to the leading strings as to a necessity, and feel it a benefit to be led.

But the leaders of nations changed soon into kings. Ambition claimed as a right what merit had gained as a free offering. Arrogance succeeded to greatness; and out of the child-like attachment for benefits received, the duty of blind obedience was framed by the iron hand of violence, and by the craft of impious hypocrisy, degrading everything held for holy by men--religion itself--into a tool of oppression on earth. It was the era of uncontroverted despotism, which, with sacrilegious arrogance, claimed the t.i.tle of divine rank; and mankind advanced slowly in progress, because it was not conscious of its own aim. Oppression was taken for a gloomy fatality.

The scene has changed. Nations have become conscious of their rights and destiny, and will tolerate no masters, nor will suffer oppression any longer. The spirit of freedom moves through the air; and remember, that you are morally somewhat responsible for it, inasmuch as it is your glorious struggle for independence which was the first upheaving of mankind's heart roused to self-conscious life. Even by that first effort she gloriously achieved the national independence of America. Though gifted with all the blessings of nature's virginal vitality, you would never have succeeded to achieve this wonderful growth which we see, if you had employed your conquered national independence merely to take a new master for the old one.

And mark well, gentlemen! a nation may have a master even if it has no king--a nation may be called a republic, and yet be not free--_Wherever centralization exists, there the nation has either sold or lent, either alienated or delegated its sovereignty_; and wherever this is done, the nation has a master--and he who has a master is of course not his own master. Power may be centralized in many--the centralization by and by will be concentrated in few, as in ancient Venice, or in one, as in France at the time of the "_Uncle_," some forty years ago, and again in France, now that the "_Nephew_" has his b.l.o.o.d.y reign for a day.