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[Footnote i-252: _Ibid._]
[Footnote i-253: _Ibid._, II, 352.]
[Footnote i-254: _Ibid._, II, 347.]
[Footnote i-255: Shepherd, _op. cit._, 222. In 1764 Penn thought that Franklin was one "who may lose the government of a post office by grasping at that of a province" (_ibid._, 564). In turn one of the proprietors wrote to him: "Franklin is certainly destined to be our plague" (_ibid._, 566). Penn professed not to fear "your mighty Goliath." For proof that Franklin's fear expressed in _Plain Truth_ was not idle see _Extracts from Chief Justice William Allen's Letter Book_, 17, 22-3, 25, 31-2.]
[Footnote i-256: _Plain Truth_ inspirited the colonists to defend themselves, even if it failed in its larger purpose; see _Writings_, II, 354, 362.]
[Footnote i-257: To James Parker, March 20, 1750/51 (_Writings_, III, 40-5). L. C. Wroth, in _An American Bookshelf_, 1755 (Philadelphia, 1934), 12 ff., reviews A. Kennedy's _The Importance of Gaining the Friends.h.i.+p of the Indians to the British Interest_ (1751), to which was appended a letter, prefiguring the Albany Plan of Union. This letter, Mr. Wroth observes, was by Franklin. C. E. Merriam states that "The storm centre of the democratic movement during the colonial period was the conflict between the governors and the colonial legislatures or a.s.semblies" (_A History of American Political Theories_, 34). Also see E. B. Greene, _The Provincial Governor in the English Colonies of North America_.]
[Footnote i-258: _Writings_, III, 71.]
[Footnote i-259: Cited in G. L. Beer, _British Colonial Policy_, 1754-1765, 17.]
[Footnote i-260: _Writings_, III, 197.]
[Footnote i-261: For a suggestive source study see Mrs. L. K. Mathews's "Benjamin Franklin's Plans for a Colonial Union, 1750-1775," _American Political Science Review_, VIII, 393-412 (Aug., 1914).]
[Footnote i-262: Cited in Beer, _op. cit._, 49.]
[Footnote i-263: _Writings_, III, 242.]
[Footnote i-264: _Ibid._, III, 226. As Beer has pointed out (_op. cit._, 23 note), since the plan was not ratified, it never went before the Crown; hence Franklin's retrospective glance is misleading: "The Crown disapproved it, as having placed too much Weight in the Democratic Part of the Const.i.tution; and every a.s.sembly as having allowed too much to Prerogative. So it was totally rejected" (_Writings_, III, 227).]
[Footnote i-265: _Ibid._, III, 233.]
[Footnote i-266: To Peter Collinson, Nov. 22, 1756 (_Writings_, III, 351).]
[Footnote i-267: As A. H. Smyth says, this was probably _inspired_ by Franklin although not written by him; at any rate "it undoubtedly reflects" his opinions (III, vi). Isaac Sharpless observes that Franklin "had sympathy with their [Quakers'] demands for political freedom, but none for their non-military spirit" (_Political Leaders of Provincial Pennsylvania_, New York, 1919, 178).]
[Footnote i-268: _Writings_, III, 372.]
[Footnote i-269: A. Bradford, _Memoir of the Life and Writings of Rev.
J. Mayhew_ (Boston, 1838), 119.]
[Footnote i-270: See for capable studies: B. F. Wright, _American Interpretations of Natural Law_; C. F. Mullett, _Fundamental Law and the American Revolution_; D. G. Ritchie, _Natural Rights_ (London, 1895), and his "Contributions to the History of the Social Contract Theory,"
_Political Science Quarterly_, VI, 656-76 (1891); C. Becker, _The Declaration of Independence_, chap. II; C. E. Merriam, _op. cit._, chap.
II; H. J. Laski, _Political Thought in England from Locke to Bentham_ (New York, 1920).]
[Footnote i-271: Becker, _op. cit._, 24.]
[Footnote i-272: _Ibid._, 27.]
[Footnote i-273: Burke said that nearly as many copies of this work were sold in the colonies as in Great Britain. It will be remembered that Hamilton leaned heavily on Blackstone in _The Farmer Refuted_ (1773).]
[Footnote i-274: Cited in Wright, _op. cit._, 11.]
[Footnote i-275: _The Farmer Refuted._ For discussion of changes in Hamilton's political theory see F. C. Prescott's Introduction to _Hamilton and Jefferson_ (American Writers Series, New York, 1934).]
[Footnote i-276: Franklin acknowledges his close reading of Locke's _Essay Concerning Human Understanding_ (_Writings_, I, 243). In 1749 he urges that Locke be read in the Philadelphia Academy (II, 387) and refers again to the great logician in _Idea of the English School_ (III, 28). He is supposed to have defended in spirited debate Locke's treatise on Toleration (I, 179). The catalogues of the Philadelphia Library Company disclose that by 1757 all of Locke's works had been obtained.
One may ask how an alert eighteenth-century mind could have escaped the impact of Locke's thought.
It is more difficult to establish satisfactorily a nexus between Rousseau's and Franklin's minds. Mr. George Simpson Eddy has kindly allowed us to consult his "Catalogue of Pamphlets, Once a Part of the Library of Benjamin Franklin, and now owned by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania" in which are included Rousseau's _Preface de la Nouvelle Heloise ..._ (1761) and _Discours sur l'economie politique ..._ (1760).
Even if Rousseau's mistress, Countess d'Houdetot, feted Franklin in 1781, and Franklin was acquainted with Rousseau's physician, Achille-Guillaume le Begue de Presle, and directly in 1785 mentions Rousseau on child-education (_Writings_, IX, 334), one can not be sure to what extent Rousseau's writings may have aided Franklin in formulating notions similar to the social contract theory (IX, 138).]
[Footnote i-277: Cited in A. M. Baldwin, _The New England Clergy and the American Revolution_, 6.]
[Footnote i-278: _Ibid._, xii. See also C. H. Van Tyne's able study, "The Influence of the Clergy, and of Religious and Sectarian Forces, on the American Revolution," _American Historical Review_, XIX, 44-64 (Oct., 1913). He takes issue with the economic determinists and concludes that of all the causes of the Revolution, religious causes are "among the most important" (p. 64). The Revolution was in large measure caused by a conflict of political ideas, and these were disseminated mostly by the clergy.]
[Footnote i-279: _An Oration, Delivered March 5, 1773_ (Boston, 1773), 6.]
[Footnote i-280: _Ibid._, 10-11.]
[Footnote i-281: _Ibid._, 8. Also see S. Stillman, _Election-Sermon_, May 26, 1779 (Boston, 1779); J. Clarke, _Election-Sermon_, May 30, 1781 (Boston, 1781).]
[Footnote i-282: Although Franklin denied having written it (_Writings_, IV, 82), Mr. Ford (_Franklin Bibliography_, III) a.s.serts that "this work must still be treated as from Franklin's pen." He sent 500 copies to Pennsylvania consigned to his partner, David Hall, for distribution.]
[Footnote i-283: To Joseph Galloway, April 11, 1757 (unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection). For a description of the unpublished Franklin-Galloway correspondence see W. S. Mason's article in _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_ for Oct., 1924.]
[Footnote i-284: To Joseph Galloway, Feb. 17, 1758 (unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection).]
[Footnote i-285: June 10, 1758 (unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection).]
[Footnote i-286: April 7, 1759 (unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection).]
[Footnote i-287: _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_ (Philadelphia, 1809), II, 147.]
[Footnote i-288: _Ibid._, II, 7.]
[Footnote i-289: _Ibid._, II, 1.]
[Footnote i-290: _Ibid._, II, vii.]
[Footnote i-291: _Ibid._, II, xvi.]
[Footnote i-292: Apropos of many colonial ferments, not unlike the one we have considered above, Carl Becker writes: "Throughout the eighteenth century, little colonial aristocracies played their part, in imagination clothing their governor in the decaying vesture of Old-World tyrants and themselves a.s.suming the homespun garb, half Roman and half Puritan, of a virtuous republicanism.... It was the illusion of sharing in great events rather than any low mercenary motive that made Americans guard with jealous care their legislative independence" (_The Eve of the Revolution_, New Haven, 1918, 60). Also see C. H. Lincoln, _The Revolutionary Movement in Pennsylvania, 1760-1776_.]
[Footnote i-293: _Writings_, III, 408-9.]
[Footnote i-294: _Ibid._, III, 457.]
[Footnote i-295: V. W. Crane, "Certain Writings of Benjamin Franklin on the British Empire and the American Colonies," _Papers of the Bibliographical Society_, XXVIII, Pt. 1, 6 (1934). Also see W. L. Grant, "Canada vs. Guadaloupe," _American Historical Review_, XVII, 735-43, (Oct., 1911-July, 1912).]
[Footnote i-296: Beer, _op. cit._, 313.]
[Footnote i-297: _Writings_, IV, 224.]