Life of Johnson Volume I Part 16

'On Lord LOVAT'S _Execution_.

'Pity'd by _gentle minds_ KILMARNOCK died; The _brave_, BALMERINO, were on thy side; RADCLIFFE, unhappy in his crimes of youth[522], Steady in what he still mistook for truth, Beheld his death so decently unmov'd, The _soft_ lamented, and the _brave_ approv'd.

But LOVAT'S fate[523] indifferently we view, True to no King, to no _religion_ true: No _fair_ forgets the _ruin_ he has done; No _child_ laments the _tyrant_ of his _son_; No _tory_ pities, thinking what he was; No _whig_ compa.s.sions, _for he left the cause_; The _brave_ regret not, for he was not brave; The _honest_ mourn not, knowing him a knave[524]!'

[Page 181: A Prologue by Johnson. aetat 38.]

This year his old pupil and friend, David Garrick, having become joint patentee and manager of Drury-lane theatre, Johnson honoured his opening of it with a Prologue[525],[*] which for just and manly dramatick criticism, on the whole range of the English stage, as well as for poetical excellence[526], is unrivalled. Like the celebrated Epilogue to the _Distressed Mother_,[527] it was, during the season, often called for by the audience. The most striking and brilliant pa.s.sages of it have been so often repeated, and are so well recollected by all the lovers of the drama and of poetry, that it would be superfluous to point them out.

In the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for December this year, he inserted an 'Ode on Winter,' which is, I think, an admirable specimen of his genius for lyrick poetry[528].

[Page 182: The Plan of the Dictionary. A.D. 1747.]

But the year 1747 is distinguished as the epoch, when Johnson's arduous and important work, his DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE, was announced to the world, by the publication of its Plan or _Prospectus_.

How long this immense undertaking had been the object of his contemplation, I do not know. I once asked him by what means he had attained to that astonis.h.i.+ng knowledge of our language, by which he was enabled to realise a design of such extent, and acc.u.mulated difficulty.

He told me, that 'it was not the effect of particular study; but that it had grown up in his mind insensibly.' I have been informed by Mr. James Dodsley, that several years before this period, when Johnson was one day sitting in his brother Robert's shop, he heard his brother suggest to him, that a Dictionary of the English Language would be a work that would be well received by the publick[529]; that Johnson seemed at first to catch at the proposition, but, after a pause, said, in his abrupt decisive manner, 'I believe I shall not undertake it.' That he, however, had bestowed much thought upon the subject, before he published his _Plan_, is evident from the enlarged, clear, and accurate views which it exhibits; and we find him mentioning in that tract, that many of the writers whose testimonies were to be produced as authorities, were selected by Pope[530]; which proves that he had been furnished, probably by Mr. Robert Dodsley, with whatever hints that eminent poet had contributed towards a great literary project, that had been the subject of important consideration in a former reign.

[Page 183: Address of the Earl of Chesterfield. aetat 38.]

The booksellers who contracted with Johnson, single and unaided, for the execution of a work, which in other countries has not been effected but by the co-operating exertions of many, were Mr. Robert Dodsley, Mr.

Charles. .h.i.tch[531], Mr. Andrew Millar, the two Messieurs Longman, and the two Messieurs Knapton. The price stipulated was fifteen hundred and seventy-five pounds[532].

The _Plan_ was addressed to Philip Dormer, Earl of Chesterfield, then one of his Majesty's Princ.i.p.al Secretaries of State[533]; a n.o.bleman who was very ambitious of literary distinction, and who, upon being informed of the design, had expressed himself in terms very favourable to its success. There is, perhaps in every thing of any consequence, a secret history which it would be amusing to know, could we have it authentically communicated. Johnson told me[534], 'Sir, the way in which the _Plan_ of my _Dictionary_ came to be inscribed to Lord Chesterfield, was this: I had neglected to write it by the time appointed. Dodsley suggested a desire to have it addressed to Lord Chesterfield. I laid hold of this as a pretext for delay, that it might be better done, and let Dodsley have his desire. I said to my friend, Dr. Bathurst, "Now if any good comes of my addressing to Lord Chesterfield, it will be ascribed to deep policy, when, in fact, it was only a casual excuse for laziness."'

[Page 184: The style of the PLAN. A.D. 1747.]

It is worthy of observation, that the _Plan_ has not only the substantial merit of comprehension, perspicuity, and precision, but that the language of it is unexceptionably excellent; it being altogether free from that inflation of style, and those uncommon but apt and energetick words[535], which in some of his writings have been censured, with more petulance than justice; and never was there a more dignified strain of compliment than that in which he courts the attention of one who, he had been persuaded to believe, would be a respectable patron.

'With regard to questions of purity or propriety, (says he) I was once in doubt whether I should not attribute to myself too much in attempting to decide them, and whether my province was to extend beyond the proposition of the question, and the display of the suffrages on each side; but I have been since determined by your Lords.h.i.+p's opinion, to interpose my own judgement, and shall therefore endeavour to support what appears to me most consonant to grammar and reason. Ausonius thought that modesty forbade him to plead inability for a task to which Caesar had judged him equal:

Cur me pesse negem posse quod ille putat[536]?

'And I may hope, my Lord, that since you, whose authority in our language is so generally acknowledged, have commissioned me to declare my own opinion, I shall be considered as exercising a kind of vicarious jurisdiction; and that the power which might have been denied to my own claim, will be readily allowed me as the delegate of your Lords.h.i.+p.'

[Page 185: The Earl of Orrery. aetat 38.]

This pa.s.sage proves, that Johnson's addressing his _Plan_ to Lord Chesterfield was not merely in consequence of the result of a report by means of Dodsley, that the Earl favoured the design; but that there had been a particular communication with his Lords.h.i.+p concerning it. Dr.

Taylor told me, that Johnson sent his _Plan_ to him in ma.n.u.script, for his perusal; and that when it was lying upon his table, Mr. William Whitehead[537] happened to pay him a visit, and being shewn it, was highly pleased with such parts of it as he had time to read, and begged to take it home with him, which he was allowed to do; that from him it got into the hands of a n.o.ble Lord, who carried it to Lord Chesterfield[538]. When Taylor observed this might be an advantage, Johnson replied, 'No, Sir; it would have come out with more bloom, if it had not been seen before by any body.'

The opinion conceived of it by another n.o.ble authour, appears from the following extract of a letter from the Earl of Orrery to Dr. Birch:

'Caledon, Dec. 30, 1747.

'I have just now seen the specimen of Mr. Johnson's Dictionary, addressed to Lord Chesterfield. I am much pleased with the plan, and I think the specimen is one of the best that I have ever read. Most specimens disgust, rather than prejudice us in favour of the work to follow; but the language of Mr. Johnson's is good, and the arguments are properly and modestly expressed. However, some expressions may be cavilled at, but they are trifles. I'll mention one. The _barren_ Laurel. The laurel is not barren, in any sense whatever; it bears fruits and flowers[539]. _Sed hae sunt nugae_, and I have great expectation from the performance[540].'

That he was fully aware of the arduous nature of the undertaking, he acknowledges; and shews himself perfectly sensible of it in the conclusion of his _Plan_[541]; but he had a n.o.ble consciousness of his own abilities, which enabled him to go on with undaunted spirit[542].

[Page 186: The Dictionary of the French Academy. A.D. 1748.]

Dr. Adams found him one day busy at his _Dictionary_, when the following dialogue ensued. 'ADAMS. This is a great work, Sir. How are you to get all the etymologies? JOHNSON. Why, Sir, here is a shelf with Junius, and Skinner[543], and others; and there is a Welch gentleman who has published a collection of Welch proverbs, who will help me with the Welch[544].

ADAMS. But, Sir, how can you do this in three years? JOHNSON. Sir, I have no doubt that I can do it in three years. ADAMS. But the French Academy, which consists of forty members, took forty years to compile their Dictionary. JOHNSON. Sir, thus it is. This is the proportion. Let me see; forty times forty is sixteen hundred. As three to sixteen hundred, so is the proportion of an Englishman to a Frenchman.' With so much ease and pleasantry could he talk of that prodigious labour which he had undertaken to execute.

The publick has had, from another pen[545], a long detail of what had been done in this country by prior Lexicographers; and no doubt Johnson was wise to avail himself of them, so far as they went: but the learned, yet judicious research of etymology[546], the various, yet accurate display of definition, and the rich collection of authorities, were reserved for the superior mind of our great philologist[547]. For the mechanical part he employed, as he told me, six amanuenses; and let it be remembered by the natives of North-Britain, to whom he is supposed to have been so hostile, that five of them were of that country. There were two Messieurs Macbean; Mr. s.h.i.+els, who we shall hereafter see partly wrote the _Lives of the Poets_ to which the name of Cibber is affixed[548]; Mr.

Stewart, son of Mr. George Stewart, bookseller at Edinburgh; and a Mr.

Maitland. The sixth of these humble a.s.sistants was Mr. Peyton, who, I believe, taught French, and published some elementary tracts.

[Page 187: Johnson's amanuenses. aetat 38.]

To all these painful labourers, Johnson shewed a never-ceasing kindness, so far as they stood in need of it. The elder Mr. Macbean had afterwards the honour of being Librarian to Archibald, Duke of Argyle, for many years, but was left without a s.h.i.+lling. Johnson wrote for him a Preface to _A System of Ancient Geography_; and, by the favour of Lord Thurlow, got him admitted a poor brother of the Charterhouse[549]. For s.h.i.+els, who died, of a consumption, he had much tenderness; and it has been thought that some choice sentences in the _Lives of the Poets_ were supplied by him[550]. Peyton, when reduced to penury, had frequent aid from the bounty of Johnson, who at last was at the expense of burying both him and his wife[551].

[Page 188: The upper room in Gough-square. A.D. 1748.]

[Page 189: Authours quoted in THE DICTIONARY. aetat 39.]

While the _Dictionary_ was going forward, Johnson lived part of the time in Holborn, part in Gough-square, Fleet-street; and he had an upper room fitted up like a counting-house for the purpose, in which he gave to the copyists their several tasks[552]. The words, partly taken from other dictionaries, and partly supplied by himself, having been first written down with s.p.a.ces left between them, he delivered in writing their etymologies, definitions, and various significations[553]. The authorities were copied from the books themselves, in which he had marked the pa.s.sages with a black-lead pencil, the traces of which could easily be effaced[554]. I have seen several of them, in which that trouble had not been taken; so that they were just as when used by the copyists[555]. It is remarkable, that he was so attentive in the choice of the pa.s.sages in which words were authorised, that one may read page after page of his _Dictionary_ with improvement and pleasure; and it should not pa.s.s un.o.bserved, that he has quoted no authour whose writings had a tendency to hurt sound religion and morality[556].

The necessary expense of preparing a work of such magnitude for the press, must have been a considerable deduction from the price stipulated to be paid for the copy-right. I understand that nothing was allowed by the booksellers on that account; and I remember his telling me, that a large portion of it having by mistake been written upon both sides of the paper, so as to be inconvenient for the compositor, it cost him twenty pounds to have it transcribed upon one side only.

[Page 190: The Ivy Lane Club. A.D. 1748.]

[Page 191: Mr. John Hawkins, an attorney. aetat 39.]

He is now to be considered as 'tugging at his oar[557],' as engaged in a steady continued course of occupation, sufficient to employ all his time for some years; and which was the best preventive of that const.i.tutional melancholy which was ever lurking about him, ready to trouble his quiet.

But his enlarged and lively mind could not be satisfied without more diversity of employment, and the pleasure of animated relaxation[558]. He therefore not only exerted his talents in occasional composition very different from Lexicography, but formed a club in Ivy-lane, Paternoster-row, with a view to enjoy literary discussion, and amuse his evening hours. The members a.s.sociated with him in this little society were his beloved friend Dr. Richard Bathurst[559], Mr. Hawkesworth[560], afterwards well known by his writings, Mr. John Hawkins, an attorney[561], and a few others of different professions[562].

[Page 192: The Vision of Theodore. A.D. 1749.]

In the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for May of this year he wrote a 'Life of Roscommon,'[*] with Notes, which he afterwards much improved, indented the notes into text, and inserted it amongst his _Lives of the English Poets_.

Mr. Dodsley this year brought out his _Preceptor_, one of the most valuable books for the improvement of young minds that has appeared in any language; and to this meritorious work Johnson furnished 'The Preface,'[*] containing a general sketch of the book, with a short and perspicuous recommendation of each article; as also, 'The Vision of Theodore the Hermit, found in his Cell,'[*] a most beautiful allegory of human life, under the figure of ascending the mountain of Existence. The Bishop of Dromore heard Dr. Johnson say, that he thought this was the best thing he ever wrote[563].

1749: aeTAT. 40.--In January, 1749, he published _The Vanity of Human Wishes, being the Tenth Satire of Juvenal imitated_[564]. He, I believe, composed it the preceding year[565]. Mrs. Johnson, for the sake of country air, had lodgings at Hampstead, to which he resorted occasionally, and there the greatest part, if not the whole, of this _Imitation_ was written[566]. The fervid rapidity with which it was produced, is scarcely credible. I have heard him say, that he composed seventy lines of it in one day, without putting one of them upon paper till they were finished[567].

[Page 193: The payment of poets.]

I remember when I once regretted to him that he had not given us more of Juvenal's _Satires_, he said he probably should give more, for he had them all in his head; by which I understood that he had the originals and correspondent allusions floating in his mind, which he could, when he pleased, embody and render permanent without much labour. Some of them, however, he observed were too gross for imitation.

The profits of a single poem, however excellent, appear to have been very small in the last reign, compared with what a publication of the same size has since been known to yield. I have mentioned, upon Johnson's own authority, that for his _London_ he had only ten guineas; and now, after his fame was established, he got for his _Vanity of Human Wishes_ but five guineas more, as is proved by an authentick doc.u.ment in my possession[568].

It will be observed, that he reserves to himself the right of printing one edition of this satire, which was his practice upon occasion of the sale of all his writings; it being his fixed intention to publish at some period, for his own profit, a complete collection of his works[569].

His _Vanity of Human Wishes_ has less of common life, but more of a philosophick dignity than his _London_. More readers, therefore, will be delighted with the pointed spirit of _London_, than with the profound reflection of _The Vanity of Human Wishes_[570]. Garrick, for instance, observed in his sprightly manner, with more vivacity than regard to just discrimination, as is usual with wits, 'When Johnson lived much with the Herveys, and saw a good deal of what was pa.s.sing in life, he wrote his _London_, which is lively and easy. When he became more retired, he gave us his _Vanity of Human Wishes_, which is as hard as Greek. Had he gone on to imitate another satire, it would have been as hard as Hebrew[571].'

[Page 194: Lydiat's life. A.D. 1749.]

But _The Vanity of Human Wishes_ is, in the opinion of the best judges, as high an effort of ethick poetry as any language can shew. The instances of variety of disappointment are chosen so judiciously and painted so strongly, that, the moment they are read, they bring conviction to every thinking mind. That of the scholar must have depressed the too sanguine expectations of many an ambitious student[572].

That of the warrior, Charles of Sweden, is, I think, as highly finished a picture as can possibly be conceived.

[Page 195: The conclusion of Johnson's poem. aetat 40.]