Narrative of Mr. John Dodge during his Captivity at Detroit Part 1

Narrative of Mr. John Dodge during his Captivity at Detroit.

by John Dodge.

THE DODGE NARRATIVE

The narrative of John Dodge is one of the records of frontier life during the period of the American Revolution that displays the intense feeling of hatred and unfairness evinced by the British soldiers to the American rebels. It was written and published during the time of the greatest excitement in the West--the scene of the Narrative--and is historically valuable because of being contemporary with the events in question.

It was considered of great importance at the time of its first appearance, having been at once reprinted in England[1] and pa.s.sed through at least three editions in America.[2]

In other writings published in England in 1779, appear the first public notice of the cruelties and gross irregularities in the administration of justice in Detroit under the rule of Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton, and the presentment of Hamilton by the grand jury of Montreal for murder in the execution of a Frenchman convicted of stealing. From the Narrative were taken the charges made against Hamilton, when he was a prisoner in Williamsburg, in consequence of which he was confined in irons and barely escaped a more serious, and perhaps even a capital punishment.[3] But little at the present time can be ascertained of Dodge. He was born in Connecticut, July 12, 1751, and was the son of John Dodge and his wife, Lydia Rogers.[4] John Dodge, the father, was a Baptist minister by profession and a blacksmith by trade. His son John was one of a numerous family of children. His brother Israel, who was with him in the West, was nine years his junior, having been born September 3, 1760. Before John had reached his nineteenth year he had wandered into the northern part of the Ohio district and had entered into business as a trader in Sandusky. He was familiar with the Indian language used in his neighborhood and frequently acted as interpreter.

Many of the events of his life from this time, are contained in his Narrative and it is needless to repeat them here, but mention might be made of other acts of his and records pertaining to him, of which he makes no mention. On the fourth day of April, 1776, Dodge, with William Tucker, purchased a house and lot in Detroit, from Joseph Poupard Lafleur, for 3,000 livres, and a few days later Tucker agreed to repay Dodge whatever sums he had paid for this house if Dodge "went down the country," as he then contemplated.[5] Dodge did not go "down the country," but remained in Detroit and sold his interest in the land to William Tucker July 6, 1777. In this deed Dodge is described as "a trader of Detroit," and it is stated that he bought the house and lot of Lafleur June 7, 1774.[6] His Narrative does not agree with the records in all cases, for he says he was confined in jail from January to July, 1776, in daily expectation of death, while the records show that he purchased this house and lot during this period. The story of the rescue of a prisoner from the Indians, related in his Narrative, is contained in the report of the Virginia Council of June 16, 1779.

Sometimes at liberty, engaged in trading, and sometimes confined in jail as a rebel, he remained in Detroit and Mackinac till May, 1778, when he was sent down to Quebec, at which place he arrived on the first day of June.

In the reports of rebel prisoners at Quebec in June and July, 1778, are three entries referring to Dodge as follows: "John Dodge, 24 years old, from Connecticut, a trader settled at Detroit for seven years, sent down by Lieutenant Governor Hamilton. His commercial effects at Detroit.

Taken up on suspicion of having been in arms with the rebels."[7] He remained in Quebec until the ninth day of the following October when he escaped, going first to Boston and subsequently to General Was.h.i.+ngton.

Dodge does not state where or when he met Was.h.i.+ngton, but as the General was in attendance at Congress from December 21, 1778, until some time in the following January, he probably met him at Philadelphia. Dodge says he visited Congress "having some matters relating to Canada worthy their hearing." This related to the "certain expedition" referred to by Was.h.i.+ngton in his letter of December 29th, a proposition to invade Canada. Dodge was at Fort Pitt in the early part of January, 1779, and from that port wrote a letter to John Montour.[8] There is no record of Dodge's appearance before Congress, but he wrote a letter on the subject, to Congress, as follows:

Honorable Congress

Pitsburg Jeneary 25 1779--

as I have Ben one of the grateest Suferers that is now in the united States of Ameraca Both in Person and Property

I have Sufferd Every thing But Death Robd Plundered of Every far thing that I was master of But loock upon it as an honour that I have Suffard in so just a Cause as we are now Engagd in and very happy that I have made my Escape from the Enemi after Being Prisener two years and nine months I think it my Duty as I am now in the Service of the united States to Enform your honnours of the Proceedings and Carriings on in the Department whare I am--it Both greaves and s.h.a.grans me to the hart to Se matters so Ill Conduckted as theay are in this Department--it is very natural for Every one that has the Cause of his Contry at hart to Enquire into the reason of our grevences--is not one the farmers Being Drove of thair Plantation on our fronteers By the Saveges--Could theay remaind on thair Plantations theay Could have Ben very Sarvesable in Suppliing our main army in Provisions in Stead of that the Poor mifortonate Peopel are obleged to retreet into the thick Setled Contry and I may Say live almost upon the Charrity of the Contry which of consequence must Distress the hole Contry for Provisions we will Enquire why those Saveges are our Enemies theay are Bribd By the British to take up the hachet against us whare is thair rendevous Detroit a place Stockaded in with Cedar Pickets and Eighty Soldiers to gard it But it is Strong Enough to keep a large Quant.i.ty of goods in so the British Can and Do give near a millian Presents to Bribe the Saveges to fall upon our fronteers and Distress our hole Contry--But we will Suppose that Place to Be Esily taken which it raly is if matters ware Conducted as theay ought to Be--But we will Say that the Publick has Ben at grate Expence for two years Past and thare is nothing Done I may Say nothing thare is a fort Bult at Bever Criek and one at tuskerowayes which if theay are not rainforst with men and Provisions very Spedily we have no reason to think But theay will fall into the hands of the Enemi in the Spring now had one of those forts Ben Bult at Preskeele or Kichoga or any whare on the lake side the men might have Ben Employed this winter in Boulding of Boats or gundelows So that in the Spring we Could Command the lakes which if we Dont we Cant keep Detroit if we take it or if the winter had Seveir we Could have gone on the ice and taken Detroit and vessels to and with half the men that it would have taken at any other Season of the year for the vessels would Be all froze up But in Stead of that theay are Bult in an Endian Contry whare that all Supplies may Be very Esily Cut of and give the Saveges Susspicon that we are a going to Conker them and not our Enemi the English and very good right theay have after thare has Ben such threats throw out to them as thare has we hant the reason But to Expect then all against us Before general McIntosh marcht from Bever Criek the governer of Detroit Put up a few of the lower Sort of Saveges By Bribing them to Send word to the general that theay would meet him at Shuger Criek and give him Battel at the Same time thare was more than four to one Sent him word that theay would not Enterfeir or misleit him on his march as he had told them that he would go to Detroit the general marcht to the Place But thare was not one that apeard against him he then gave word that all those Saveges that Did not Come in within twelve Days time and join him that he would loock upon them as Enemies and use them as Such and that he would Destroy thair hole Contry--now it was an impossibillity for those nation that sent him word that theay would not misleit him to get word in that Short s.p.a.ce of time which the general thought Proper to Set much more Come in--now what Can we Expect But to have them all against us if thare is not Some Spedy rimedy--I Cannot Say what opinion your honours may have of the Saveges But I Can asure you that theay are very numerous thair numbers are not known that thare has not one out of a hundred taken up the hachet against us yet But we Cannot But Expect theay will if there is not Proper Steps taken and that Spedily--we will Supose that the Proper Steps are for us to march threw thair Contry and take Detroit which is Esily Done if matters ware Conducted as theay ought to Be--and By having that in our Possession and the lakes it will Be in our Power to forse all those near nations to Come upon our terms and that will Enduce all the farrons ones to Be upon aliance with us and then we Shall have all the trade of that Extensive Contry Quite from the north west hutsons Bay lake Superier the heads of the macceippia which will make our Contry florish--But we will Say the Publick has Ben at grate Expence for two years Past and we are no nearer now than we was when we fust Set out But what is the reason it is Because thare was Peopel Sent that Knew nothing of the mater the general told me that he was Brought up by the (sic) Sea Sh.o.r.e and that he knew nothing abought Pack horseing in this wooden Contry--I Dont take it upon me to Dictate or Sensure no one But I think that ought to Be Enquired into Before thare was thousands Spent But now it is to recall the horses and b.o.l.l.o.c.ks are Dead the Provisions is Eat the men must have thair Pay it is Sunk lost gone and here we are Still going on in the Same way the general has likewise got the ill will of all his officers the melitia in Protickaler which I am very sorry for as theay are the only Peopel that we have to Depend upon to Do any thing in this Deartment--now if thare was not any one that knew how matters Should have Ben Conducted it would have Ben a meteriel Diference--But thare is a gentlemon of an unblemisht Carrecter who has Singulied himself By leaveing Every thing that was near and Dear to him and Come in to this Quarter of the Contry Prepared Proper talks for the Saveges and as he was grately respected By all those who knew him it had its Entended Effect and I Can asure your honnours that it has Ben the Saving of hundreads of lives and I Can further asure you By various Surcomstances and Credible Intilegence that if he had not have Come and Did what he Did that thare would not have remaind one family this Side alagane mountains--he is Still Striveing to keep them from falling upon us But as here is others here Strieveing to Set them up it will Be a very Difecult matter for him to Do it he has Sent for the Cheifs of the nations to Come in and that thare is Still mercy for them if theay will know thair Duty and as his Enfluence is grate with all those nations who know him I am in hope it will have its Effect But I Should not Be Disapointed if theay Did not after receiveing Such threts as theay have he has like wise at his own Privat Expence hired men and Sent threw the hole Contry abought Detroit and this side found out the Situation of it and when I was Prisener with the British I have heard them often make remarks that if he Did not Come against that we had not another man in our Parts that knew the Situation of the Contry and had the Enfluence with the natives as he had--But whatever knoledge he may have Concarning those matters he has not never had the offer of ordering of them But in Stead of that he has Ben Put under an arest By the fals raports of a Poor Ignorant Set of Peopel which is to the Eternal Shame of our Contry after he had Savd them from Being masacereed By the Saveges that was his reward--now I beg that your Honnours will take it into Consideration and order some Spedy arangement Before this Quarter of the Contry is ruined a house Devided against it Self Cannot Stand and your honnours may rely upon it that is the case here if I have taken to much liberty I Beg your honnours will loock over it as I would not wish to Do more than My Duty--form your most obedient

and humble Servant--John Dodge--

upon Colo. Morgans arival here he Sent an Express to the Endian nations for them to Come in and thare has two runners jest arived here with Speaches of grate Concequence which I suppose he will acquaint Congress with the Eairliest oppertunity--

(_in pencil_) Specimen of the Literati of '76--!

(_Indors.e.m.e.nt_) Letter from John Dodge Pittsburg 25 Jany 1779 Read Feby. 17th.-- Referred to the board of war--

This letter or statement was not received by Congress till December 13, 1781, nearly two years later, and the committee to which it was referred, reported adversely to the suggestions contained in it, March 20, 1782.

Early in 1779, Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton was captured by General George Rogers Clark at Vincennes and was carried to Williamsburg, Virginia, as a prisoner of war. The letters and Narrative of Dodge had been read by some members of the Council of Virginia and the Council resolved, June 16, 1779, that because of the cruelties inflicted by Great Britain on the American prisoners of war, it was proper to begin a system of retaliation, and they conclude their resolution as follows:--"this board has resolved to advise the governor that the said Henry Hamilton, Philip Dejean and William LaMothe, prisoners of war, be put in irons, confined in the dungeon of the public jail, debarred the use of pen, ink and paper and excluded all converse except with their keeper, and the governor orders accordingly." The charges preferred by Dodge against Hamilton, were urged as an additional reason for confining the latter in jail. Hamilton answered that the statements of Dodge were mutual, and that the latter was "an unprincipled and perjured renegade."[9]

Hamilton's excuses were not well received, and although no longer confined in irons, he remained in prison for some time, but was finally released and subsequently returned to Canada as Lieutenant Governor of the province.

Dodge was appointed Indian Agent by Virginia and was located in Kaskaskia from 1780 to 1788 and possibly until a later date.[10]

When claims of the Revolutionary soldiers to the western lands were being considered Dodge laid claim to a section, as a refugee from Canada[11] and his heirs were awarded a tract containing 1280 acres in the year 1800. This indicates that Dodge died before May 8th of that year. Four patents were issued to the heirs of John Dodge for lands in town sixteen, range twenty, Ohio, July 12, 1802.

Henry L. Caldwell, a grandson of Israel Dodge, wrote as follows:--"I do not know the date of the death of Colonel John Dodge, neither can I locate his grave or that of my grandfather, Israel Dodge, but the remains of both are, beyond doubt, resting in the old grave yard in Ste.

Genevieve, Mo., which adjoins the catholic grave yard."[12]

John Dodge, while living at Kaskaskia, held a commission of Colonel received from Governor Patrick Henry of Virginia. His brother Israel Dodge was a lieutenant under him at that place. Israel had married Ann Hunter at Carlisle, Pa., before he moved to the West, and at Vincennes, their son Henry, who afterwards became the first Governor of the Territory of Wisconsin, was born October 12, 1782. He was named after Moses Henry, who was in the fort at Vincennes when it was captured by Governor Hamilton in 1778, being the only private in the "Army" which held out against the British invader.

There is a letter from John Dodge from Kaskaskia, June 23, 1783, informing the Indians that Detroit had been captured by the Americans.

A false report. Va. St. Pap. 3. 500.

A letter to Philip Boyle at Sandusky, July 13, 1779, in Farmer's Hist.

of Detroit 1. 173. This letter was intercepted by the British. It enclosed the proceedings of the Virginia Council concerning Hamilton.

Dodge was a great traveler in his day. Born in Connecticut in 1751, he went to Sandusky, Ohio, in 1770, thence to Fort Pitt (Pittsburg), thence back to Sandusky, thence in succession to Detroit, Michillimackinac (Mackinac), Detroit, Quebec, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Fort Pitt, Vincennes (Indiana), Kaskaskia (Illinois), Ste. Genevieve (Missouri), and New Orleans. We find mention of the man at these places and it is very probable that his travels were much more extensive.[13]

In the Harman papers, as reported by the Missouri Historical Society, is the following reference to Dodge in a letter from John Rice Jones, dated October, 1789: "John Dodge and Michael Antanya, with a party of whites and armed Piankeshaw Indians, came over from the Spanish side and attempted to carry off some slaves of Mr. John Edgar, and otherwise were guilty of outlandish conduct, threatening to burn the village." Dodge and Edgar were old friends and fellow prisoners at Detroit. They were both arrested and confined in that place as being too friendly towards the American cause. Edgar was one of the witnesses relied upon to prove that Dodge was ent.i.tled to the land grant for which he had made application as a Canadian refugee.

James Wood[14] of Frederick County, Va., who is mentioned in the Narrative, was appointed to command an expedition against the Shawanese, and armed his company at his own expense. He was also deputed, by the House of Burgesses, in 1775, to go among the several tribes of Western Indians and invite them to a treaty at Fort Pitt. He set out on his errand June 25, 1775, and was gone two months. He "underwent the greatest fatigues, difficulties and dangers." He was ordered paid 250 for "the great service he hath done to this colony, by his diligent and faithful execution of the commission with which he was intrusted."

The meeting of the Indians, which is referred to in the Narrative, took place at Fort Pitt in October, 1775. One of the Indian chiefs who was present on the occasion, was Shegenaba, the son of the famous Pontiac.

His father had recently been killed in a war between the Indians, and he refers to this event in his speech, a part of which is as follows:

Fathers: From the information I have had of the commandant of Detroit, with distrust I accepted your invitation, and measured my way to the council fire with trembling feet. Your reception of me convinces me of his falsehood, and the groundlessness of my fears.

Truth and he has long been enemies. My father, and many of my chiefs, have lately tasted death. The remembrance of that misfortune almost unmans me, and fills my eyes with tears.

The following is another letter by Dodge:

Fort Pitt Decr 13th 1781.

Sir

I think it my indispencible duty to Lay before your Excellency a State of the Western Islianoy Country which may Probably throw Some light on the Various Reports which may have Reached you through Channels not so well acquainted with it as I am--Since Col George Rogers Clark took Possion of that Country by order of the State of Virginia the inhabitants have been obliged to furnish The means of Subsistance for a number of troops stationed Thare--Received bills for payment but the Greatest part of them protested and Still Remains unpaid which have Not only impoverished the Country to a Great Degree but Numbers have Joynd the Spanish Settlements on the Same Account and indeed the Greatest part are determined to Follow them if their Grievances are Not Remedied in Consequence the enormous Expence the State of Virginia has Been at in that quarter will be but of little advantage To the united States if the inhabitants all leave that Country and Join the Spanish Settlements who are Making use of Every means and giving Every incouragement In their power Even to our allied Savages but as Yet their efforts has proved inafectual with them But as Poverty is always loyable to temptation I fear their Warmest attachment to us Will be Seduced by those Who have it in their power to Supply them the inhabitants are too inconsiderable to Guard themselves from the Hostilities of our Enemies and have often Solicited me to Represent their Situation to Congress before the State of Virginia Gave up their Claim to that Country--the the Chief of the indian Nations Sent a Speech to Congress Representing the State of his Nation and if Nothing Cold be done in Regard of Suplying them Beged an answer Which to my knoledge was lodged with the board of War and Never no answer Received--Should Congress think proper to Send troops to protect and keep that Country under Subjection the Only Way in my Humble opinion to Furnish them Would be to send Some Confidential person with a proper Supply of Merchandize which would in incourage the Settlement of the Country Cultivate the Savage interest Supply the troops with Every Necessary the Return would also answer for Exportation and Finally open a Very Profitable and Extensive trade in a little time--But these hints I beg leave to Refer to your Excellencies own better Judgment Consious that if they are worth your Notice Will direct them into their Proper uses--I propose to Leave this Soon for that quarter and Shall be Very happy in Rendering any Service in my Power which may be advantageous to the United States that Your Excellency may think Proper to intrust to my mannagement--Pleasd to Excuse the freedom of my remarks Which you Will do me the Honour to Corruct

I have the honour to be with the Greatest Respect

Your Excellencies Most Obd and Very Humbe Servt-- Jno. Dodge To His Excellency President of Congress (Dec. 13, 1782)

(_Indors.e.m.e.nt_) Letter 13 Decr. 1781 John Dodge Read Feby. 27, 1782 Referred to Mr. Wolcot Mr. Clark Mr. Patridge The Comd discharged (_Address_) His Excellency President of Congress Philadelphia

The Committee to whom was referred the Letter of John Dodge report

That they have made the fullest enquiry that the circ.u.mstances of the case would admit, relative to the Facts mentioned in said Letter, But have not been able to obtain any Evidence to support them--and are therefore of opinion that the Committee ought to be discharged.

March 20, 1782.

In council June 16, 1779.

The board proceeded to the consideration of the letters of colonel Clarke, and other papers relating to Henry Hamilton Esqr., who has acted for some years past as Lieutenant Governour of the settlement at and about Detroit, and Commandant of the British garrison there, under Sir Guy Carleton as Governour in Chief; Philip Dejean Justice of the Peace for Detroit and William Lamothe, Captain of volunteers, prisoners of war, taken in the county of Illinois.

They find that Governour Hamilton has executed the task of inciting the Indians to perpetrate their accustomed cruelties on the citizens of these States, without distinction of age, s.e.x, or condition, with an eagerness and activity which evince that the general nature of his charge harmonized with his particular disposition; they should have been satisfied from the other testimony adduced that these enormities were committed by savages acting under his commission, but the number of proclamations which, at different times were left in houses, the inhabitants of which were killed or carried away by the Indians, one of which proclamations, under the hand and seal of Governour Hamilton, is in possession of the Board, puts this fact beyond doubt. At the time of his captivity it appears, that he had sent considerable detachments of Indians against the frontier settlements of these states, and had actually appointed a great council of Indians to meet him at the mouth of the Tanissee, to concert the operations of this present campaign. They find that his treatment of our citizens and soldiers, captivated and carried within the limits of his command, has been cruel and inhumane; that in the case of John Dodge, a citizen of these states, which has been particularly stated to this Board, he loaded him with irons, threw him into a dungeon, without bedding, without straw, without fire, in the dead of winter and severe climate of Detroit; that in that state he harra.s.sed and wasted him, with incessant expectations of death; that when the rigours of his situation had brought him so low that death seemed likely to withdraw him from their power, he was taken out and attended to somewhat mended, and then again, before he had recovered abilities to walk, was returned to his dungeon, in which a hole was cut seven inches square only, for the admission of air, and the same load of irons again put on him; that appearing again to be in imminent danger of being lost to them, he was a second time taken from his dungeon, in which he had lain from January to June, with the intermission before mentioned of a few weeks only; That Governour Hamilton gave standing rewards for scalps, but offered none for prisoners, which induced the Indians, after making their captives carry their baggage into the neighborhood of the fort, there to put them to death, and carry in their scalps to the Governour, who welcomed their return and success by a discharge of cannon; that when a prisoner brought [a]live, and destined to death by the Indians, the fire already kindled, and himself bound to the stake, was dexterously withdrawn and secreted from them by the humanity of a fellow prisoner; a large reward was offered for the discovery of the victim, which having tempted a servant to betray his concealment, the present prisoner Dejean being sent with a party of soldiers, surrounded the house, took and threw into jail the unhappy victim, and his deliverer, where the former soon expired under the perpetual a.s.surances of Dejean, that he was to be again restored into the hands of the savages, and the latter when enlarged was bitterly and illiberally reprimanded and threatened by Governour Hamilton.

It appears to them that the prisoner Dejean, was on all occasions the willing and cordial instrument of Governour Hamilton, acting both as judge and keeper of the jail, and instigating and urging him by malicious insinuations and untruths, to increase rather than relax his severities, heightening the cruelty of his orders by the manner of executing them; offering at one time a reward to one prisoner to be the hangman of another, threatening his life on refusal, and taking from his prisoners the little property their opportunities enabled them to acquire.

It appears that the prisoner, Lamothe, was a Captain of the volunteer scalping parties of Indians and whites wh[o] went out from time to time, under general orders to spare neither men, women, nor children.

From this detail of circ.u.mstances which arose in a few cases only, coming accidentally to the knowledge of the Board they think themselves authorized to presume by fair deduction what would be the horrid history of the sufferings of the many who have expired under their miseries (which therefore will remain forever untold) or who having escaped from them, are yet too remote and too much dispersed to bring together their well grounded accusations against these prisoners.