A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Iv Part 7

We remained for some time at our quarters comparatively at rest, recounting the events which had occurred at our post, and listening to a relation of what had taken place at the two others. On a sudden, we were struck by the horrifying sound of the great drum, accompanied by the timbals, horns, and trumpets of the temple of the G.o.d of war: And, shocking to tell! we could distinctly see our unfortunate companions who had been made prisoners, driven by blows to the summit of the diabolical temple. On their arrival at the platform, we could see the miserable victims decorated for sacrifice, with plumes of feathers on their heads, and fans in their hands, when they were forced to dance to the infernal music before the accursed idols. After this, we saw them stretched on their backs on the stone of sacrifice, where their hearts were cut out alive, and presented yet palpitating to the d.a.m.nable G.o.ds of the enemy, and their bodies drawn by the feet down the steps. "O merciful G.o.d of Heaven," said we among ourselves, "suffer not that we too may be sacrificed by these wretches!" My readers may conceive how poignant were our reflexions at this horrible scene, more especially as we were utterly unable to afford the smallest aid to our poor friends, whom we saw thus butchered before our eyes. At this moment the enemy a.s.sailed our post in great force; but we maintained it with determined resolution, and drove them back with much loss. During this a.s.sault, they reviled us, saying that their G.o.ds had promised to deliver the whole of us into their hands, and they threw over some of the mangled remains of the horrible repast they had made on our countrymen, sending round other portions among the neighbouring towns, as a b.l.o.o.d.y memorial of their victory over us.

Sandoval and Tapia, on their return to Cortes, reported the valiant manner in which we defended our post; and Sandoval mentioned me in particular with approbation, saying many handsome things of me, which it would be improper for me to repeat, though the facts were perfectly well known to all the army.

Our new allies on the lake had suffered considerably from the resentment of the enemy, who had taken from them above half their canoes: Yet some continued firm in their alliance with us, out of hatred to the Mexicans; and others satisfied themselves with looking on, without attempting to molest us. In consequence of our recent losses, having lost near eighty men, killed and prisoners, and seven horses, and almost all the rest of us being wounded, Cortes issued orders to cease from our attacks for four days. But the enemy continued their attacks daily, and even gained ground, making new ramparts and ditches. We had a deep ditch and very defensible ramparts in front of our post; and during this cessation from offensive operations, the whole of our infantry kept guard on the causeway every night, flanked by our brigantines, one half of our cavalry patroling in Tacuba, and the other half on the causeway to protect our rear. Every morning we prepared ourselves to resist the attacks of the enemy, who continued every day to sacrifice some of our miserable companions. During their daily and incessant attacks, they reviled us, saying, that their G.o.ds had promised to permit them to destroy us all within eight days; yet that our flesh was too bitter to be eaten: And truly I believe that this was miraculously the case. The threats of the Mexicans, and their declaration that their G.o.ds had promised to deliver us into their hands in eight days, had such an effect upon our allies, combined with the bad appearance of our affairs, that they almost entirely deserted from us about this time. The only one who remained with Cortes, was Suchel, otherwise called Don Carlos, brother to our ally the prince of Tezcuco, with about forty followers. The chief of Huexotzinco remained in the camp of Sandoval with about fifty of his warriors; and the brave Chichimecatl, with the two sons of Don Lorenzo de Vargas of Tlascala, and about eighty Tlascalans, continued with us in the quarters of Alvarado. When they were asked the reason of the desertion of their countrymen, they said, that the Mexican G.o.ds had predicted our destruction, and the younger Xicotencatl had foretold from the first we should all be put to death; they saw that many of us were killed and all wounded, and they had already had above twelve hundred of their own number slain; And, considering us all devoted to inevitable ruin, they had fled to avoid sharing our fate. Though Cortes secretly thought there was too much reason in what they alleged, he yet a.s.sumed a cheerful appearance of perfect security as to the ultimate result of the enterprize, and used his utmost endeavours to rea.s.sure our remaining friends, turning the hopes and predictions of the Mexicans and the promises of their false G.o.ds into ridicule, and had the good fortune to persuade our few remaining friends to abide with us. The Indian Don Carlos, or Suchel of Tezcuco, who was a brave warrior and a wise man, strongly represented to our general that he had hitherto acted on a most erroneous plan, especially considering the relative situations of us and the enemy. "If you cut off their means of procuring water and provisions,"

he observed, "how is it possible that the many _xiquipils_[8] of warriors can subsist? Their provisions must be at last expended: The water of their wells is salt and unwholesome, and their only resource is from the present rainy season. Combat them, therefore, by means of hunger and thirst, and do not throw away your own force by unnecessary violence." Cortes embraced Suchel, thanking him for his salutary advice; which indeed had already more than once occurred to ourselves, but we were too impatient to act with so much prudence. Our general began therefore to act upon this new system, so judiciously recommended by our friend of Tezcuco, and sent orders to all the detachments to confine themselves entirely to the defensive for the next three days. As the canoes of the enemy were numerous, our brigantines never ventured singly on the lake; and as they had now found out the way to break through the pallisades of the enemy, by using both sails and oars when favoured by the wind, we became absolute masters of the lake, and were able to command all the insulated houses at any distance from the city; and as the brigantines could now break through the pallisades of the enemy, they could always secure our flanks, while we were engaged in filling up the ditches in our front, which we did effectually in a very few days, Cortes even a.s.sisting in person to carry beams and earth for that purpose.

Every night of this period during which we remained on the defensive, the enemy continued their infernal ceremonies, sacrificing some of our unfortunate companions, which we could distinctly see as their temple was brightly illuminated; the accursed drum continually stunned our ears, and the shrieks and yells of the mult.i.tudes who surrounded the temple were at times perfectly diabolical. Christoval de Guzman was the last executed, who remained eighteen days in their hands. We learned every minute circ.u.mstance respecting these horrible sacrifices from our prisoners, who told us, that after each successive sacrifice, their war G.o.d renewed his promise of delivering us all into their power. Sometimes, even during this period, the enemy employed some of our own crossbows against us, obliging our unfortunate companions who were in their custody to shoot them off; but our post was protected by the excellent management of the two guns by Morena, and we every day advanced, gaining possession of a bridge or a parapet. Our brigantines also were of infinite service, as they were continually intercepting the canoes which carried water and provisions to the enemy, and those which were employed in procuring a certain nutritive substance from the bottom of the lake, which, when dry, resembles cheese.

Twelve or thirteen days had now elapsed after the time when the Mexican priest had predicted we had only eight days to live. Our allies, therefore, recovered their courage when they saw the fallacy of the prediction, and at the requisition of our steady friend Suchel, two thousand warriors of Tezcuco returned to our quarters, with whom came Pedro Farfan and Antonio Villareal, who had been left by Cortes at that city. About the same time, many bodies of warriors returned to us from Tlascala and other places in our alliance. After their return, Cortes called the chiefs together, to whom he made a speech; partly reprimanding them for having abandoned us, and partly encouraging their future fidelity by confident hopes of victory, and promises of reward, and concluded by earnestly admonis.h.i.+ng them not to put any of their Mexican prisoners to death, as he wished to negociate peace with Guatimotzin.

Though the heavy rains which fell at this season were both incommodious and distressing to us, they operated in our favour, as the enemy always relaxed their efforts against us during their continuance. By slow but steady perseverance, we had now considerably advanced into the city at all the three attacks, and had even reached the wells of brackish water which the enemy had dug, and which we now destroyed. Our cavalry could now act freely through the whole s.p.a.ce which we had gained, as we had carefully levelled the causeway behind us, destroying all the houses on each side from which we could be annoyed, and carefully fortified our several fronts.

Cortes deemed the present conjuncture favourable for offering peace to the Mexicans, and proposed to three of our princ.i.p.al prisoners to carry a message to Guatimotzin to that effect; but they declined the commission, alleging that he would put them to death. They were at length prevailed upon to comply, and were instructed to represent to Guatimotzin in the name of Cortes: "That from respect to the family of the great Montezuma, and that he might prevent the destruction of the capital and the loss of so many lives, he was willing to enter into a treaty of peace and amity; desiring Guatimotzin to reflect that he and his people were now cut off from all supplies of water and provisions; and that all the nations who had formerly been the va.s.sals of Mexico, were now in alliance with the Spaniards." A great deal more was added, to the same effect, all of which was perfectly understood by the messengers. Before they went into the city, they required a letter from Cortes, to serve them as a token of credence; with which they waited on their sovereign, weeping and lamenting themselves bitterly, as they knew the danger to which they were exposed.

At first, Guatimotzin and his princ.i.p.al chiefs were filled with rage and indignation at the proposal; but he at last consented to call a council of all the princes, chiefs, and princ.i.p.al priests of the city, before whom he laid the message of Cortes, and even expressed his own inclination to come into terms of peace, considering the inefficacy of their resistance, the desertion of their allies, and the miseries to which the people were reduced. The priests obstinately opposed every idea of peace. They represented the hostile conduct of the Spaniards to their nation ever since they first came into the country; their profanation of the temples and idols of their G.o.ds; their injurious treatment of the great Montezuma, and of all the other princes who had fallen under their power; the death of the two sons of Montezuma, the seizure of the royal treasures, and the destruction of the city. They reminded Guatimotzin of his own martial fame, which would be sullied and disgraced by submission; insisting, that all the offers of Cortes were only insidiously meant to enslave and circ.u.mvent; and concluded by repeating the a.s.surances of victory which they had received from their G.o.ds. Guatimotzin yielded to these arguments, and declared his resolution to fight to the last: He gave orders, therefore, to husband their provisions with the utmost frugality, to use their utmost endeavours to procure supplies under night, and to sink new wells in various parts of the city. Our army had remained two days quietly in their posts, waiting an answer to our pacific message. On the third, we were furiously a.s.sailed on all points by large bodies of the enemy, who rushed upon us like lions, closing up as if utterly regardless of their lives, and using their utmost efforts to make us prisoners; all the while, the horn of Guatimotzin being continually sounded, to inspire them with fury.

For seven days we were thus continually a.s.sailed: After watching all night, we had to go into action every morning at day-break; and having fought the whole day, we retired in the evening to a miserable regale of maize calces, with _tunas_ or Indian figs, herbs, and _agi_ or pepper. Our recent pacific offer was employed as a subject of contempt, for which they reproached us as cowards; saying that peace belonged only to women, arms and war to brave men.

It has been already mentioned, that the horrible fragments of our wretched companions had been sent round the provinces of the Mexican empire, to encourage them to rise in support of the sovereign and his capital. In consequence of this, a great force a.s.sembled from Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and other places about eight leagues from Mexico, which was intended for an attack on our rear, while the Mexicans should attack us in front. On the a.s.semblage of this force, they committed horrible ravages on the country in our rear, seizing numbers of children in order to sacrifice them to their idols. To disperse this hostile a.s.semblage, Andres de Tapia was detached with twenty cavalry and an hundred infantry, and effectually executed his commission, driving the enemy back to their own country with great loss. Soon after his return, Cortes sent Sandoval with a detachment to the a.s.sistance of the country around Quauhnahuac, or Cuernabaca. Much might be said of this expedition, were I to enter into a detail: but it may suffice, that it was more like a peaceable triumph than a warlike expedition, yet proved of most excellent service to us, as Sandoval returned accompanied by two chiefs of the nation against which he was sent[9]. Cortes, after these successes, sent a second message to Guatimotzin, reminding him of the distresses to which his people were reduced, and expressing great anxiety to save the city of Mexico from destruction, which could only be done by immediate submission; and to convince him that all hopes of a.s.sistance from his former allies were now at an end, he sent this message by the two chiefs who had accompanied Sandoval. Guatimotzin refused any answer, but sent back the chiefs unhurt.

The enemy continued their daily a.s.saults upon the advanced works of our several attacks, increasing even in their fury if possible, and exultingly exclaiming, _Tenitotz re de Castila? Tenitotz axa a!_ "What says the king of Castile? What does he now?"

We still continued to advance towards the centre of Mexico, regularly destroying the houses on both sides of us, and carefully fortifying our advanced post; and we now perceived a considerable relaxation in the efforts of the enemy, who were not so eager as formerly to open up the ditches; yet they continued to attack us with the utmost fury, as if courting death. But we too had now serious cause of alarm, as our gunpowder was almost entirely expended. At this critical moment, and most fortunately for us, a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with soldiers and ordnance stores, all of which, together with the men, were immediately sent to Cortes by Rangel, who commanded at Villa Rica. This vessel belonged to an armament which had been fitted out by Lucas Vasquez de Aillon, and which had been destroyed or dispersed near Florida. On the arrival of this reinforcement, Cortes and all the army determined to make a grand push for the great square in that part of the city called Tlaltelolco, as it would become an excellent place of arms, on account of some princ.i.p.al temples and other strong buildings which were there situated. For this purpose, each of our divisions continued their daily efforts to advance in our usual cautious manner. Cortes got possession of a small square in which were some temples, on the beams of which many of the heads of our sacrificed companions were placed, their hair and beards being much grown. I could not have believed this, if I had not myself seen them three days afterwards, when our party had worked their way to the same place, after having filled up three ca.n.a.ls. In twelve days afterwards, they were all reverently buried by us in that place where the Church of the Martyrs is now built.

Our detachment under Alvarado continued to advance, and at last forced the enemy from the barricades they had thrown up to defend the great square, which cost us two hours hard fighting. Our cavalry was now of most essential service in the large s.p.a.ce which was now laid open, and drove the enemy before them into the temple of the G.o.d of war, which stood in the middle of the great square. Alvarado determined to gain possession of the temple; for which purpose he divided his forces into three bodies, one of which, commanded by Guttierrez de Badajoz, he ordered to gain possession of the temple, while with the other two he occupied the attention of the enemy below. A large force of the enemy, headed by the priests, occupied the platform of the temple, with all its idol sanctuaries and galleries, and repulsed the troops of Guttierrez, driving them down the steps. The body to which I belonged was now ordered by Alvarado to their support. We advanced boldly to the a.s.sault, and having ascended to the platform, we drove the enemy from the post, of which we took possession, setting fire to their abominable idols, and planting our standard in triumph on the summit of the temple. The view of this signal of victory greatly rejoiced Cortes, who would fain have joined us; but he was still a quarter of a league from the place, and had many ditches to fill as he advanced. In four days more, both he and Sandoval had worked their way up to the great square of Tlaltelolco, where they joined us, and thus communications from all our three attacks were opened up to the centre of Mexico.

Our attack on the temple was truly perilous, considering the number of the enemy, the height and difficulty of the ascent, and the fury with which they continued to fight against us, even after we had attained the platform and set their idols on fire, and it was night before we could compel them to abandon the summit. The royal palaces were now levelled with the ground, and Guatimotzin had retired with his troops to a more distant quarter of the city towards the lake[10]. Still, however, the enemy attacked us every day, and at night pursued us into our quarters; and though apparently reduced to the last extremity, they made no offer towards peace. Cortes now laid a plan for drawing the enemy into an ambush: For this purpose, he one night placed 30 of our cavalry, with 100 of our best foot soldiers, and 1000 Tlascalans, in some large houses which had belonged to a princ.i.p.al n.o.bleman of Mexico. Next morning he went in person with the rest of our army to attack a post at a bridge, which was defended by a large force of the Mexicans. After continuing the a.s.sault for some time, Cortes slowly retreated with his men, drawing the enemy after him by the buildings in which the ambush lay concealed. When he had led them to a sufficient distance, he gave the concerted signal, by firing two guns in quick succession. We immediately sallied out, and having thus enclosed the enemy between us, we made a terrible havoc among them, and from that time they never ventured to annoy us on our nightly retreat. Another trap was laid for the enemy by Alvarado, which had not the same success; but as I was now doing duty with the division which Cortes commanded in person, I was not present, and cannot, therefore recount the particulars. Hitherto we had continued to retreat every night to the posts we had established on the causeways, which were at least half a league from the great temple; but we now quitted these posts, and formed a lodgment for the whole army in the great square of Tlaltelolco, where we remained for three days without doing any thing worth notice, as Cortes wished to abstain from destroying any more of the city, in hopes of prevailing on Guatimotzin to accept of peace. He sent, therefore, a message, requesting him to surrender, giving him the strongest a.s.surances that he should continue to enjoy the sovereignty, and should be treated with every honourable distinction; and he accompanied this message with a considerable present of provisions, such as fowls, game, bread, and fruit. Guatimotzin pretended to be inclined towards a pacification, and even sent four of his princ.i.p.al n.o.bles to propose an interview between him and our general. But this, was a mere stratagem to gain time for strengthening his fortifications, and making preparations to attack us; as from the example of what had befallen his uncle Montezuma, and the suggestions of his advisers, he was afraid to trust himself in our hands. The mask was soon thrown off, and the enemy attacked us with such extreme violence, and having taken us in some measure by surprise, that they had some success at first, killing one of our soldiers and two horses; but in the end we drove them back with considerable loss.

Cortes now ordered us to proceed on our former system, of advancing daily against that part of the city which was occupied by Guatimotzin, filling up the ditches and destroying the houses as we proceeded; and we accordingly gained ground as formerly. Guatimotzin, on seeing this, made another offer of an interview with our general, proposing the conference might take place across a large ca.n.a.l. To this Cortes readily a.s.sented, and went accordingly to the appointed place, but Guatimotzin never appeared; instead of which he sent some of his princ.i.p.al n.o.bles, who said the king was apprehensive of being shot during the conference. Cortes engaged by the most solemn oaths that no injury should be offered, but all to no purpose. At this time two of these n.o.bles played a most ridiculous farce: They took out from a sack a fowl, some bread, and a quant.i.ty of cherries, which they began to eat deliberately, as if to impress us with the belief that they had abundance of provisions. When Cortes found that the proposed conference was only a pretext to gain time, he sent a message of defiance to Guatimotzin and retired. For four days after this, we were not attacked by the enemy; but numbers of famished Mexicans used to surround our quarters every night. Cortes pitied their wretched situation, and ordered us to refrain from hostilities, always hoping that the enemy would offer terms of accommodation. One of our soldiers, named Sotela, who had served in Italy, was always boasting of the great battles he had seen, and of the wonderful military engines which he was able to construct, and particularly that he could make a machine for throwing stones, by which he would destroy the whole of that part of the city which Guatimotzin occupied, in a very few days. Cortes was at last induced to listen to him, and all kinds of materials were brought for him to construct his engine.

Stone and lime was procured; the carpenters were set to work to prepare timber; two strong cables were made; and a number of large stones were brought, which the machine was to project. When all was ready, a stone was placed in the engine, and it was played off against the quarters of Guatimotzin. But instead of taking that direction, the stone flew up vertically into the air, and returned exactly to the place whence it was launched. Cortes was angry and ashamed at the result, and ordered the machine to be destroyed, reproaching the soldier for his ignorant presumption.

Sandoval was now sent with the command of the flotilla, to act against that division of the city in which Guatimotzin still held out. He was ordered to spare the Mexicans as much as possible, but to destroy all the houses and advanced works which the enemy possessed in the lake. On this occasion, Cortes ascended to the high platform of the great temple, attended by many of his officers and soldiers, to observe the movements of the fleet. Guatimotzin, on observing the approach of Sandoval, became very apprehensive of being made prisoner, and determined to attempt making his escape. For this purpose he had already fifty large piraguas in readiness, on board of which he embarked with his family, princ.i.p.al officers and courtiers, and all their most valuable effects, and endeavoured to escape by the lake to the main land; all the piraguas taking different directions, in order to distract the pursuit of the brigantines. At this time Sandoval was occupied in tearing down some houses, that he might clear his way towards the quarters of Guatimotzin, of whose flight he got immediate notice. He set out therefore immediately in pursuit, giving strict orders to all the captains of his brigantines to offer no injury or insult to the royal fugitive; but to keep a watchful eye on that vessel in which Guatimotzin was supposed to have embarked, using every effort to take it, and paying no attention to the rest. In particular, he directed Garcia Holguin, who commanded the swiftest sailing vessel of the fleet, to make for that part of the sh.o.r.e to which it was supposed Guatimotzin was most likely to go. Holguin accordingly fell in with several piraguas, one of which, from the superior appearance of its structure and awning, he supposed to be that which carried the king. He called out to the people on board to bring to, but without effect, and then ordered his musketeers and cross-bows to present. On seeing this, Guatimotzin called out to them not to shoot, acknowledging who he was, and declared his readiness to submit, requesting to be taken immediately to the general, and entreating that his queen, children, and attendants might not be ill treated. Holguin received him and his queen with the utmost respect, placing them and twenty of the n.o.bles who attended them on the p.o.o.p of his vessel, setting such refreshments before them as he had in his power, and ordered the piraguas which carried the royal effects to follow untouched. At this time, perceiving that Holguin had made Guatimotzin prisoner, and was carrying him to Cortes, Sandoval made a signal for all the brigantines to close up with him, and ordered his rowers to exert every effort to bring him up with Holguin. On getting alongside, Sandoval demanded Guatimotzin to be delivered up to him, as commander of the naval force, but Holguin refused, and many high words pa.s.sed between them. One of the vessels was sent to inform Cortes of the great event which had taken place, and by the same means he learnt the dispute which had occurred between Sandoval and Holguin. He immediately sent the Captains Marin and De Lugo with orders to bring the whole party to his quarters on the summit of the great temple, ordering them to treat Guatimotzin and his queen with the highest respect.

In the meantime, he ordered a state canopy to be arranged as well as he could, with cloths and mantles, to receive his prisoners, and a table to be spread with such refreshments as could be procured.

On the approach of the prisoners, Cortes went forward to meet the king, whom he embraced with much respect, and shewed all possible attention to his followers. The unfortunate monarch sinking under his affliction, addressed Cortes as follows, with his eyes full of tears: "_Malinatzin!_ I have done every thing in my power to defend my kingdom and people, but all my efforts have been in vain, and I am now your prisoner; I request of you, therefore, to draw your dagger and stab me to the heart." Cortes used his best endeavours to console him, a.s.suring him of his high esteem for the valour and firmness he had exerted, that he should continue to reign as formerly, and that he had only required his submission when all reasonable hope of defence was gone, in order to avoid the utter destruction of his capital and people. Cortes then inquired after the queen, and was told that she and her female attendants remained in the piragua till their fate was decided. He then ordered them to be sent for, and treated them with all respect. As the evening drew on, and it threatened to rain, the whole royal family was sent to Cojohuacan, under the care of Sandoval, and a sufficient escort. Guatimotzin was about twenty-three or twenty-four years of age, of a n.o.ble appearance, both in person and countenance, having large and cheerful features, with lively eyes, and his complexion was very fair for an Indian. His queen, who was the niece[11] of Montezuma, was young and very handsome.

The whole army was now ordered to withdraw from the great temple of Tlaltelolco, and to return to their original head-quarters. Cortes proceeded to Cojohuacan, where he took the command in person, sending Sandoval to resume his station at Tepejacac, and our division, under Alvarado, retired to Tacuba. Thus was the important seige of Mexico brought to a successful conclusion, by the capture of Guatimotzin and his family at the hour of vespers, on the day of St Hypolitus, 13th of August 1521. Glorified be our Lord Jesus Christ, and his Holy Virgin Mother, Amen!

In the night after the capture of Guatimotzin, about midnight, there was the greatest tempest of thunder, lightning, and rain I ever witnessed. But all the soldiers were as deaf as if they had been an hour in a belfrey, and all the bells ringing about their ears. This proceeded from the continual noise they had been accustomed to from the enemy during the _ninety-three days_[12] of this memorable siege: Some bringing on their troops to attack us on the causeways, with loud shouts, and shrill whistling; others in canoes a.s.sailing our flanks; some at work on the pallisades, water courses, and stone parapets, or preparing their magazines of arms, and the shrieks and yells of the women, who supplied the warriors with stones, darts, and arrows; the infernal noise of their timbals, horns, and trumpets, and the dismal drum, and other shocking noises, perpetually sounding in our ears: All of which immediately ceased on the capture of Guatimotzin. In consequence of the dispute between Sandoval and Holguin threatening unpleasant consequences, Cortes related to them from the Roman history the dispute between Marius and Sylla, about the capture of Iugurtha, which was ultimately productive of very fatal civil wars. He a.s.sured them that the whole affair should be represented to the emperor Don Carlos, by whose arbitration it should be decided. But in two years after, the emperor authorised Cortes to bear in his arms the seven kings whom he had subdued, Montezuma, Guatimotzin, and the princes of Tezcuco, Cojohuacan, Iztapalapa, Tacuba, and Matlatzinco.

It is absolutely truth, to which I swear _amen_! that all the lake, the houses, and the courts were filled with dead bodies, so that I know not how to describe the miserable spectacle. All the streets, squares, courts, and houses of Tlaltelolco, were so covered by them, that we could not take a single step without treading on or between the bodies of dead Indians.

The lake and the ca.n.a.ls were full of them, and the stench was intolerable.

It was for this reason that our troops retired from the city immediately after the capture of Guatimotzin: Cortes was himself ill for some time, owing to the dreadful effluvia arising from the putrifying bodies. I have read the history of the destruction of Jerusalem, but I cannot conceive that the mortality even there exceeded what I was witness to in Mexico; as all the warriors from the most distant provinces of that populous empire were concentrated there, and almost the whole garrison was cut off in their almost perpetual encounters with us, or perished of famine.

Our vessels were now in the best situation for service; as those on board had ready access to the houses in the water, which were beyond our reach, whence they carried away all the best of the plunder. Their crews also discovered a great many valuable articles which the Mexicans had concealed among the tall reeds on the borders of the lake, and they intercepted a great deal that the inhabitants of the city endeavoured to carry away in their canoes; all of which was beyond our reach: Indeed the wealth which our mariners procured at this time was quite incalculable, as Guatimotzin and all his chiefs declared that far the greater part of the public treasure fell into their hands.

Soon after the capture of Guatimotzin, it was ordered on his suggestion, that all the remaining inhabitants of Mexico should remove to the neighbouring towns, in order to have the the city cleared of the dead bodies, to restore its salubrity. In consequence of this order, all the causeways were full for three days and nights, of weak, sickly, and squalid wretches, men, women, and children, covered with filth, worn out by famine and disease, so that the sight was shocking in the extreme. When all were gone who had been able to get away, we went to examine the situation of the city, which was as I have already described, in a most miserable state. All the streets, courts, and houses were covered with dead bodies, among whom some miserable wretches were crawling about in the different stages of the most offensive diseases, occasioned by famine, the most unnatural food, and the pestilential smell of the corrupting carcases.

Even the trees were stripped of their bark, and the ground had been everywhere dug up in search of any kind of roots it might be able to afford. Not a drop of water could be any where procured; and though it was the constant practice of all these nations to feast on the prisoners they took in war, not one instance occurred, in the midst of their extreme distress, of their having preyed on each other: and certainly there never existed in the history of this world any instance of a people who suffered so severely from hunger, thirst, and warfare. I must here observe, that in all our combats, the Mexicans seemed much more anxious to carry our soldiers away alive, that they might be sacrificed to their G.o.ds, than to kill them.

After a solemn service of thanks to G.o.d for our victory, Cortes determined upon giving a feast in Cojohuacan to celebrate our triumph, as a vessel had arrived at Villa Rica with abundance of hogs, and a cargo of wine. He invited all his officers, and all the soldiers of particular estimation to this entertainment, and we all accordingly waited upon him at the time appointed. When we came to sit down to dinner, there were not tables and covers prepared for more than half of us, so that the company fell into sad confusion. The wine occasioned many to commit follies and other worse things. Some leapt over the tables, who were afterwards unable to get out at the doors, and many rolled down the steps, who could not walk home to their quarters. The private soldiers, in high expectations of immense plunder, declared they would buy horses with gold trappings, and the crossbow-men swore they would henceforth use only golden arrows. When the tables were removed, the soldiers danced in their armour, with the few ladies who were present; but the disproportion was very great, and the scene became truly ludicrous. Father Olmedo became quite scandalized at the conduct of the visitors at the feast, and was so disgusted at what was going on during the dances, that he complained to Sandoval, who reported to Cortes that the good Father was grumbling and scolding out of all measure. Our general, always prudent in his proceedings, came up to Olmedo, affecting to disapprove of the indecent conduct of his guests, and requested of him to order a solemn ma.s.s and thanksgiving, and to give the soldiers a sermon on their religious and moral duties. The good father was quite delighted at this proposal; and accordingly the crucifixes and the image of the blessed Virgin were carried in solemn procession, amid our drums and military ensigns; Olmedo chanted the litany and administered the sacrament, and we all gave thanks to G.o.d for our victory.

Cortes now dismissed the Tlascalan chiefs and our other allies, who had rendered most important services during our long protracted warfare, making them many compliments and great promises, that he would make them all rich and great lords, with extensive territories and numerous va.s.sals, so that they all departed in high spirits: But they had secured something more substantial than empty promises, as they were all well laden with the plunder of Mexico. Neither were they behind our enemies in their cannibal feasts, of which they had reserved some portions to give to their friends on their return.

Now that I have concluded the narrative of so many furious and b.l.o.o.d.y engagements, through which the Almighty has been pleased to protect me, I must confess, that the sight of so many of my companions sacrificed alive to the war-G.o.d of the Mexicans, inspired me with fear. This may appear to some as an indication of want of courage, yet in that time I considered myself, and was looked upon by all as a valiant soldier, and was never exceeded by any in bold achievements. But when I saw the palpitating hearts of my companions taken out alive, and their legs and arms cut off to be served up in the barbarous feasts of our cannibal enemies, I feared it might one day be my own lot; and in fact the enemy had me twice in their hands, but by the blessing of G.o.d I escaped from their savage grasp.

Yet I ever afterwards remembered the dreadful scene which I had witnessed, and on going to battle was much depressed and uneasy, fearing to be doomed to that cruel death. Yet I always recommended myself to G.o.d and his blessed Mother, and the moment I was engaged with the enemy all fear left me. Let those valiant cavaliers who have been in desperate battles and mortal dangers decide on the cause of my fears, for I declare I never knew what fear was till I saw the savage immolation of my seventy-two companions: In my own opinion it was from excessive courage, as I was fully aware of the extent of danger which I was voluntarily about to encounter. I have related many engagements in this history, at which I was not present; for even if my body had been of iron I could not have been present at all, and I was much oftener wounded than whole.

[1] According to Clavigero, II. 162, the 30th of May 1521, on which day Cortes dated the commencement of this memorable siege.--E.

[2] Corpus Christi fell that year, according to Clavigero, on the 30th May, so that the occupation of Iztapalapa, by which the investment of Mexico was completed, was on the 3d of June.

[3] The whole of this topographical account of Mexico and its approaches is added by the editor, and has been placed in the text, distinguished by inverted commas, as too long for a note. A plan is added, constructed from a comparison of the maps in Diaz and Clavigero, both evidently drawn without any actual survey, and corrected by means of the excellent map of the vale of Mexico given by Humboldt. By means of a great drain, made considerably posterior to the conquest, the lake has been greatly diminished in magnitude, insomuch that the city is now above three miles from the lake; so that the accurate map of Humboldt does not now serve for the ancient topography of Mexico and its near environs.--E.

[4] It is hard to guess which way the brigantines could get there, as by the maps both of Diaz and Clavigero, the great double causeway of Xoloc or Iztapalapa, ought to have completely prevented his penetrating to that part of the lake. It was probably Xoloc against which this attack was made, and Diaz may have mistaken the name after an interval of fifty-one years; for so long intervened between the siege of Mexico in 1521, and 1572, when he informs us his history was concluded.--E.

[5] Perhaps along the mound or causeway of Mexicaltzinco; by which he approached towards the great causeway of Xoloc, and the position of De Oli at Cojohuacan.--E.

[6] Though not mentioned by Diaz, this necessarily implies that one of the bridges of each causeway must have been taken possession of by the Spaniards, to allow the brigantines to get through into those parts of the lake which were intersected by the causeways.--E.

[7] Though not especially mentioned by Diaz, it appears that Cortes had taken the immediate command of the detachment of De Oli, at Cojohuacan, which formed the southern attack.--E.

[8] On some former occasions the xiquipil has been already explained as denoting eight thousand men.--E.

[9] Clavigero, II. 180, supplies the brevity used by Diaz on this occasion.

He says that the chiefs of the districts of Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and Cohuixco came to Cortes and entered into a confederacy with him against Mexico; by which means, added to his former alliances, he was now able to have employed "more warriors against Mexico than Xerxes did against Greece." Clavigero everywhere deals in monstrous exaggeration, while Diaz is uniformly modest, and within due bounds of credibility. Even in the few _miracles_ of which Diaz makes mention, his credulity is modestly guarded by devout fear of the holy office.--E.

[10] The whole western division of Mexico called Tlaltelolco was now in possession of the Spaniards, and probably destroyed by them to secure their communications; and the miserable remnant of the brave Mexicans had retired into the eastern division, named Tenocht.i.tlan.--E.

[11] According to the genealogy of the Mexican kings in Clavigero, I. 240, this princess, whose name was Tecuichpotzin, was queen successively to her uncle Cuitlahuatzin, and her cousin Guatimotzin. After the conquest, she became a Christian, by the name of Donna Elizabeta Montezuma, marrying three n.o.ble Spaniards in succession; and from her descended the two n.o.ble families of Cano Montezuma, and Andrea Montezuma. Montezuma left likewise a son, Don Pedro Johualicahuatxin Montezuma, whose male descendants failed in a great-grandson; but there are several n.o.ble families both in Spain and Mexico descended from that sovereign of Mexico in the female line.--E.

[12] We have formerly said, on the authority of Clavigero, that the siege of Mexico commenced on the 30th of May, and as it ended on the 13th of August, the siege, by this mode of reckoning, could only have lasted 76 days. It is highly probable, therefore, that the commencement of the siege must have been on the 13th of May, and the 30th of Clavigero may only be an error of the press.--E.

SECTION XIV.

_Occurrences in New Spain immediately subsequent to the reduction of Mexico_.

As soon as Cortes had leisure to think of objects of internal regulation, he gave orders to have the aqueduct restored by which the city of Mexico was supplied with water, and to have the city cleared of the dead bodies and repaired, so that it might be again habitable within two months. The palaces and houses were ordered to be rebuilt, and a certain portion of the city was allotted for the natives, while another part was reserved for the residence of the Spaniards. Guatimotzin made application to our general, in the name of many of his princ.i.p.al n.o.bles, requesting that all their women of rank who had been taken by our soldiers, might be restored to their husbands and fathers. This was a matter of considerable difficulty; yet the general allowed a search to be made, with an a.s.surance that all should be delivered up who were inclined to return. Every house was accordingly searched; and though many were found, three only of the whole number were inclined to return to their families; all the rest expressed their abhorrence at the idolatry of their countrymen, besides which, many of them declared that they were pregnant, and refused to quit the soldiers to whom they were attached.

One of the first public works undertaken in Mexico was an a.r.s.enal for the reception of our flotilla which had been of such signal service during the siege. To the best of my remembrance, Alvarado was appointed alcalde, or chief magistrate, till the arrival of Salazar de la Pedrada. It was currently reported that Guatimotzin had thrown great quant.i.ties of gold, silver, and jewels, into the lake four days before his capture, and it was well known that our allies had got large plunder as well as our own men who served in the brigantines, and many of us suspected that Cortes was well pleased that Guatimotzin had concealed much treasure, as he expected to procure the whole for himself. It was then proposed in the army, that Guatimotzin and the prince of Tacuba, his most confidential counsellor, should be put to the torture, to extort confession of where the treasure was secreted; this horrid act was certainly greatly against the inclination of Cortes, yet he was forced to leave the unfortunate king and the lord of Tacuba at the disposal of those avaricious wretches, who alleged that our general objected to this infernal measure that he might secure the gold for himself. In answer to all interrogatories on the subject of the treasure, the royal Mexican officers uniformly protested that no more existed than what had been produced; which, when melted, did not exceed the value of 380,000 crowns; so that, when the royal fifth and that for Cortes were deducted, those of the conquerors who were not friends to Cortes were exceedingly dissatisfied. All that could be extorted by the inhuman procedure of torture from the king and prince was, that they had thrown some treasure into the lake, together with the muskets and other arms captured during our flight from Mexico in the preceding year, four days before the surrender. The place indicated was repeatedly searched to no purpose by our best divers; but a sun of solid gold, similar to one we got from Montezuma, with many ornaments of small value, were found in a deep pond near his residence. The prince of Tacuba declared under the torture that he had buried some gold at a place about four leagues from Tacuba; but when Alvarado and six soldiers accompanied him there, of whom I was one, he declared he had no gold, and had only said so in hope of dying on the road. In fact the treasury was reduced very low before the accession of Guatimotzin. I and several other good divers searched that part of the lake which had been indicated by Guatimotzin, but we found only some small pieces of gold, which were immediately claimed by Cortes and Alederete the treasurer; who likewise sent down other persons in their own presence, but all they got did not reach the value of ninety crowns. We were all miserably disappointed to find our shares so small; insomuch that Olmedo and all the captains proposed to Cortes to divide the whole which belonged to the army among the wounded, the lame, the blind, and the sick, all who were sound renouncing their claims. We were all curious to know what our shares amounted to, and it at length appeared that the share of a horseman was only an hundred crowns. I forget how much belonged to a foot soldier; but it was so small that none of us would accept the paltry sum, more especially the soldiers of Narvaez, who never liked Cortes.

Many of our soldiers had incurred heavy debts. A crossbow cost fifty crowns, a musket a hundred, a horse eight hundred or a thousand, and every thing else in proportion. Our surgeon, master Juan, and Doctor Murcia our apothecary and barber, charged very high, and there were various other sources of debt, all to be satisfied from our miserable dividends. These required to be regulated; and accordingly Cortes appointed two respectable persons, Santa Clara and Lerena, to arbitrate all claims, which were ordered to be cleared off within two years according to their award. The value also of the gold was debased, to serve us in our dealings with the merchants from Spain and Cuba; but it had the opposite effect, as they charged more than double the difference on their goods. On these abuses being known at court, our emperor was pleased to prohibit the farther currency of this base metal, ordering it to be all received in payment of certain duties, and no more of it to be made; and as two goldsmiths were detected for putting off base metal with the legal mark of good, they were hanged for the fraud.

As the best way to rid himself of troublesome demands, Cortes resolved to send off colonies to make settlements at convenient situations. Sandoval was sent for this purpose to occupy Coatzacualco and Tzapotecapan, the south-eastern provinces of the Mexican empire. Juan Velasquez to Colima, and Villa Fuerte to Zacatollan, the most westerly provinces on the south sea. Christoval de Oli to take possession of the kingdom of Michuacan, and Francisca de Orozco to Guaxaca or Oaxaco. The native chiefs of the distant provinces could hardly be brought to believe that Mexico was destroyed, and sent deputations to ascertain the truth of the report, bearing large presents of gold to Cortes, and submitting themselves as va.s.sals to our emperor. Many came in person to Mexico, and even brought their children to see the fallen condition of that great power which they had once held in such awe and terror, expressing themselves in their own language, as who should say, _Here stood Troy_. My readers may be curious to know how we, the conquerors of Mexico, after encountering so many fatigues and dangers to gain possession of that city, should now so readily abandon it in search of new settlements. To this I answer: The books containing the record of the Mexican revenues were examined to find whence Montezmna had obtained the valuable articles of tribute, such as gold, cocoa, and cotton, and we all wished to remove to these productive districts. Some especially were led by the example of Sandoval, who was known to be the particular friend of Cortes, and who would not, as they thought, be sent upon an unprofitable errand. We all knew that the vicinity of Mexico had neither mines, plantations, nor manufactures, being entirely occupied in the cultivation of maize and _maguey_, which did not afford sufficient prospects of advantage, and we anxiously removed therefore to other places, where we were miserably disappointed. I among others, went to Cortes and asked permission to accompany Sandoval to his government: "Brother Diaz,"

said he, "you had better stay with me: If you are resolved to accompany your friend Sandoval, you may certainly go; but on my conscience you will repent." All the gold got into the hands of the royal officers, as the slaves were purchased by the soldiers at a public sale. The various detachments were sent out at different periods to occupy the provinces, but all within two months after the reduction of Mexico.

At this time, Christoval de Tapia, _veedor_ of Hispaniola, arrived at Villa Rica with a commission to a.s.sume the government of New Spain, by order of the emperor and under the direction of the bishop of Burgos. He likewise brought letters from the bishop to Cortes and many persons in the army, recommending him to be received with honour as governor, promising great rewards to all who should a.s.sist him in a.s.suming the government, with severe threats of punis.h.i.+ng all who opposed him: besides these sealed letters, he had many others which he was authorised to address as he saw occasion. Tapia in the first place presented his commission to Alvarado, who now commanded at Villa Rica, who received it with the highest respect, saying that it did not belong to him to decide on so important a subject, and it would be proper, therefore, to a.s.semble the alcaldes and regidors of the settlement, that the commission might be verified in their presence, and that it might be certainly known it came regularly from his majesty.

This did not exactly suit the views of Tapia, who was advised to proceed to Mexico, and to produce his commission to the general; he therefore forwarded to Cortes the letter of the bishop, and wrote to him on the subject of his mission to New Spain, using smooth and persuasive terms, and Cortes was by no means behind hand in the civility of his reply.

Cortes, however, sent off expresses to some of his most confidential officers whom he had previously detached to settle colonies, ordering them to go to meet Tapia, who had already begun his journey to Mexico, and was met with on the road by Alvarado, Sandoval, Valdenegro, Andres de Tapia, and Father Olmedo, all persons in the confidence of Cortes, by whom Christoval de Tapia was persuaded to go back to Chempoalla, and to produce his commission to them. Having examined it and finding it genuine, they placed it on their heads in token of respect and submission to the will of the emperor, yet hesitated as to acknowledging Tapia for governor, alleging that it was necessary in the first place to be a.s.sured of his majestys pleasure in the present state of New Spain, which had been concealed from his knowledge by the bishop of Burgos, to serve his own private views and to favour Tapia and Velasquez, one of whom it was alleged was to marry his niece. Tapia saw evidently that it would be no easy matter to enter upon his office of governor, and fell sick with vexation. The before-mentioned deputies informed Cortes by letter of all that had pa.s.sed, and advised him to try the all-powerful influence of gold on the would-be governor. Cortes complied with this advice, and transmitted a good quant.i.ty of golden ingots by return of the express, by means of which his friends gratified the avarice of Tapia, under pretence of purchasing one of his s.h.i.+ps, with some horses and negroes; and Tapia set sail in his other vessel for Hispaniola, where he was very ill received by the royal audience and the Jeronymite brotherhood, as he had undertaken this business contrary to their express orders.

I have formerly mentioned some particulars of an unsuccessful expedition set on foot by Garray, the governor of Jamaica, for the establishment of a colony on the river of Panuco; and as Cortes was informed that Garray intended to resume that project, he resolved to antic.i.p.ate him, considering the country on that river as included in New Spain. Having likewise been informed that Narvaez, who still continued a prisoner at Villa Rica, had held some confidential intercourse with Tapia, in which he advised him to quit the country as soon as possible, and to lay a statement of the whole before his patron the bishop of Burgos; Cortes sent orders to Rangel, now commandant at Villa Rica, to send up Narvaez to Cojohuacan, where Cortes resided until the palace he meant to inhabit at Mexico was completed. On appearing before Cortes, Narvaez fell on his knees and endeavoured to kiss his hand; but Cortes raised and embraced him, and treated him with the utmost kindness. His residence in Mexico being ready for his reception, Cortes went to live there in great splendour, marking out a plan for the restoration of the city, in which ample allotments were made for churches, monasteries, and public buildings, with squares and markets, all the rest of the ground being set apart for the private inhabitants; and both so speedily and splendidly was this capital restored, that all who have seen it allow there is not in Christendom a larger, better built, or more populous city. While thus employed, intelligence was brought to Cortes that the province of Panuco was in arms, and had killed many of the soldiers whom he had sent to make a settlement at that place. He resolved, therefore, to proceed to Panuco in person, as all his most confidential officers were now absent on different duties.

By this time our strength had been considerably augmented, both by means of those formerly mentioned who had been on the expedition to Florida under Aillon, and by several who had come over along with Tapia, and by the arrival of many adventurers from the islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, and Jamaica. De Oli, likewise, had now returned from Mechoacan, which he had reduced to submission, bringing with him the princ.i.p.al cacique of that country and several other chiefs, with a considerable quant.i.ty of gold.