A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Iv Part 4

At length we reached the great temple, into which four thousand of the Mexicans immediately rushed, independent of other large bodies who were previously stationed there for its defence. They defended their temple with the most obstinate valour, and for some time prevented us from being able to ascend, our turrets, musketry, and cavalry, being of no avail to force them to give ground. The pavements of the temple courts were so smooth, that the horses fell when our cavalry attempted to charge. They opposed us in front from the steps of the great temple, and a.s.sailed us with such fury on both flanks and in the rear, that though our guns swept off a dozen or fifteen of them at every discharge, and though in each charge of our infantry we killed many of them with our swords and lances, they continually filled up the chasms we had made among them, and their numbers and resolution were so great that we could not make any permanent or effectual impression. We were even forced to abandon our _mantas_ or turrets, which the enemy had demolished. At length, by a desperate effort, we forced our way up the steps, and in this a.s.sault Cortes shewed himself a hero. Our battle in this place was most desperate, every man among us being covered with blood, and above forty of our number lay dead on the spot. We reached with infinite difficulty the place where we had formerly set up the image of the blessed Virgin, which was not to be found, as it had been removed by order of Montezuma, either through fear or from devotion to his idols. We set fire to the buildings, and burnt down a part of the temples of Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca; and while some of us were employed in setting fire to the buildings, and others fighting, in which our Tlascalan allies seconded us most gallantly, above three thousand Mexican n.o.bles, headed by their priests, made a most severe attack, and drove us down eight or ten of the steps. Others of the enemy from the corridors, or within the railings and concavities of the temple, a.s.sailed us on every side with arrows and other missiles, so that we were unable even to maintain the ground we had gained. We were constrained therefore to retreat, every man of us being wounded, and forty-six of our number slain. We regained our quarters with the utmost difficulty, which the enemy had almost gained possession of, as they had been continually endeavouring to carry them by a.s.sault during our absence, or to set them on fire. But they desisted in a great measure from the a.s.sault on our arrival, yet continued to throw in perpetual showers of arrows, darts, and stones. In the course of this most terrible engagement, we made two of the chief priests prisoners, whom we carried along with us to our quarters. I have often seen representations of this battle in Mexican paintings, both at Mexico and Tlascala, in which the various incidents were represented in a very lively manner. Our ascent to the great temple; the setting the temple on fire; the numerous warriors defending it in the corridors, from behind the rails, and in the concavities, and others on the plain ground, in the courts of the temple, and on all sides of us; many of our men being represented as dead, and all of us covered with wounds. In these paintings, the destruction of our turrets is conspicuously represented as a most heroic achievement.

The night which succeeded this unfortunate battle was pa.s.sed by us in a most melancholy state; repairing the breaches which had been made in the walls of our quarters, dressing our wounds, burying our slain companions, and consulting upon measures for extricating us from our present almost hopeless situation. The followers of Narvaez heaped maledictions on Cortes for leading them to Mexico, and Velasquez came in for an ample share of their abuse, for having induced them to quit their peaceful habitations in Cuba. The enemy a.s.sembled around us again at day-break, and a.s.sailed our quarters with greater fury than ever, insomuch that our fire-arms were insufficient to repel them, though they mowed them down in great numbers.

In this desperate situation, Cortes sent for Montezuma, whom he desired to address his subjects from a terrace, desiring them to desist from their attacks, a.s.suring them that we would immediately evacuate the city. On receiving this message, Montezuma burst into tears, exclaiming, "What does he want with me now? I have been reduced to my present unhappy state on his account, and I neither wish to see him nor to live any longer?" He therefore dismissed the messengers with a refusal, and it is reported that he added, that he desired not to be any more troubled with the false words and specious promises of Cortes. Father Olmedo and Captain De Oli went to wait upon him, and used all possible expressions of respect and affection to induce him to comply with the request of Cortes. To this he replied, that he did not believe any thing he could now do would be of any avail, as the Mexicans had elected another sovereign, and were resolved not to allow a single Spaniard to quit the city alive. He made his appearance however at the railing of a terraced roof, attended by many of our soldiers, and made a very affectionate address to the people below, earnestly entreating a cessation of hostilities, that we might evacuate Mexico. As soon as Montezuma was perceived, the chiefs and n.o.bles made their troops to desist from the attack, and commanded silence. Then four of the princ.i.p.al n.o.bles came forwards, so near as to be able to hold conversation with Montezuma whom they addressed, lamenting the misfortunes which had befallen him and his family. They told him that they had raised _Cuitlahuatzin_[3] to the throne; that the war would soon be ended, as they had promised to their G.o.ds never to desist till they had utterly destroyed the Spaniards; that they offered up continual prayers for the safety of Montezuma their beloved sovereign, whom they would venerate and obey as formerly, as soon as they had rescued him from our hands, and hoped he would pardon all they had done for the defence of their religion and independence, and their present disobedience. Just as they concluded this address, a shower of arrows fell about the place where Montezuma stood; and though the Spaniards had hitherto protected him by interposing their s.h.i.+elds, they did not expect any a.s.sault while he was speaking to his subjects, and had therefore uncovered him for an instant; in that unguarded state, three stones and an arrow hit him on the head, the arm, and the leg, wounding him severely. Montezuma refused every a.s.sistance, and all the endeavours of Father Olmedo could not prevail upon him to embrace the holy Catholic faith, neither could he be prevailed upon to have his wounds attended to. When informed of his death, Cortes and our captains lamented him exceedingly, and all of us soldiers who had been acquainted with his generosity and other amiable qualities, grieved as for the loss of a father. He was said to have reigned seventeen years, and to have been the best of all the sovereigns who had ruled over Mexico; having fought and conquered in three pitched battles, while subjugating other states to his dominions.

After the death of Montezuma, Cortes sent two of our prisoners, a n.o.bleman and a priest, with a message to the new sovereign Cuitlahuatzin, to inform him of the melancholy event, which had happened by the hands of his own subjects; to express our grief on the occasion; and our wish that Montezuma might be interred with that respect which was due to his exalted character. Cortes likewise informed these messengers, that he did not acknowledge the right of the sovereign whom the Mexicans had chosen, as the throne ought to belong to the son of the great Montezuma, or to his cousin, who was now a prisoner in our quarters. He desired them also to say, if they would desist from hostilities, we would immediately march out of their city. He then ordered the body of Montezuma to be carried out by six n.o.bles, and attended by most of the priests whom we had taken prisoners, desiring them to deliver the body of their deceased monarch to the Mexican chiefs, according to his dying injunctions. We could hear the exclamations of sorrow which were expressed by the people, at the sight of the body of their late sovereign; but our message was unavailing, as they recommenced their attack on our quarters with the utmost violence, threatening that in two days we should all pay with our lives for the death of their king and the dishonour of their G.o.ds, as they had now a sovereign whom we could not deceive as we had done by the good Montezuma.

Our situation was now exceedingly alarming, and on the day after the death of Montezuma, we made another sally towards that part of the city which contained many houses built on the firm ground, meaning to do all the injury we could, and, taking advantage of the causeway, to charge through the enemy with our cavalry, hoping to intimidate them by severe military execution, so as to induce them to grant us a free pa.s.sage; we accordingly forced our way to that part of the city, where we burnt down about twenty houses, and very nearly reached the firm land[4]. But the injury we did the enemy was dearly purchased by the death of twenty of our soldiers, and we were unable to gain possession of any of the bridges, which were all partly broken down, and the enemy had constructed barricades or retrenchments in various places to obstruct the cavalry, wherever they could have done most essential service. Thus our troubles and perplexities continually increased, and we were forced again to fight our way back to our quarters. In this sally, which took place on a Thursday, Sandoval and others of our cavalry acted with great bravery; but those who came with Narvaez, not having been accustomed to such service, were timorous in comparison with our veterans. The number and fury of our enemies increased daily, while our force was diminished by each successive attack, and from our wounds we were become less able for resistance. Our powder was almost entirely expended; provisions and water became scarce; our friend Montezuma was no more; all our proposals for peace were rejected; the bridges by which we might have retreated were broken down; and in fine nothing but death in its direst form of immolation to their horrible idols appeared before us. In this state almost bordering on despair, it was resolved by Cortes in a consultation with all his confidential officers and soldiers, to make an attempt to quit the city during the night, as we were in expectation to find the enemy less upon their guard than in the day time. In order to deceive them, a message was sent by one of their chief priests who had been made prisoner, engaging to give up all the treasure in our possession, if they would give us permission within eight days to quit the city. Four days before this, one Botello, who pretended to be an astrologer, predicted that if we did not leave Mexico on this very night, that none of us would ever get out of it alive, adding many other foolish particulars to his prophecy.

As it was determined to endeavour to force our way from the city, a portable bridge of very strong timber was prepared for enabling us to pa.s.s over the ca.n.a.ls or pa.s.sages in the causeway, where the enemy had broken down the bridges; and one hundred and fifty of our soldiers, with four hundred Tlascalan allies, were appointed for conveying, guarding, and placing this bridge. The advanced guard of an hundred of our youngest and most active men, was commanded by Sandoval, a.s.sisted by Azevedo, De Lugo, De Ordas, and De Tapia, with eight of the captains that came with Narvaez.

The rear guard of an hundred men, mostly those of Narvaez, and the greater part of our cavalry, was confided to Alvarado and Velasquez de Leon. Donna Marina and Donna Luisa, with the Mexican chiefs who were prisoners, were placed under an escort of thirty Spanish soldiers and three hundred Tlascalans: Our general, with Avila, Oli, and other officers, and fifty soldiers, formed a body of reserve to act where they might be most needed.

The rest of our soldiers and allies, with the baggage, formed a main body along with which the prisoners and their especial escort was to move, under protection of the van and rear guards. By the time that all these arrangements were completed, it drew towards night, and Cortes caused all the gold, which had hitherto been kept in his apartment, to be brought into the great hall of our quarters, when he desired Avila and Mexia, the kings officers, to take charge of what belonged to his majesty, a.s.signing them eight wounded horses and above fourscore Mexicans for its conveyance.

When these were loaded with all the gold they were able to carry, a great deal more remained heaped up in the saloon. Cortes then desired his secretary Hernandez and other notaries to bear witness that he could no longer be responsible for this gold; and desired the soldiers to take as much as they pleased, saying it were better for them to have it, than to leave it to their Mexican enemies. Upon this many of the soldiers of Narvaez, and some even of our veterans, loaded themselves with treasure. I was never avaricious, and was now more intent on saving my life than on the possession of riches: I took the opportunity, however, of carrying off four calchihuis from a casket, though Cortes had ordered his major-domo to take especial care of this casket and its contents, and these jewels were of infinite use to me afterwards, as a resource against famine, as they are highly prized by the Indians. The memorable night of our leaving Mexico, was dark, with much mist and some rain. Just before midnight, the detachment having charge of the portable bridge moved off from our quarters, followed in regular succession by the other divisions of our army. On coming to the first aperture in the causeway of Tacuba or Tlacopan, by which we retreated as being the shortest, the bridge was laid across, and was pa.s.sed by the vanguard, the baggage, artillery, part of the cavalry, the Tlascalans with the gold. Just as Sandoval and his party had pa.s.sed, and Cortes with his body of reserve, the trumpets of the enemy were heard, and the alarm was given on every side, the Mexicans shouting out, "_Tlaltelulco! Tlaltelulco_[5]! out with your canoes! the teules are marching off, a.s.sail them at the bridges!" In an instant the enemy a.s.sailed us on every side, some on the land and others in their canoes, which swarmed on the lake and the ca.n.a.ls on both sides of our road, and so numerous were they and so determined that they entirely intercepted our line of march, especially at the broken bridges, and from this moment nothing but confusion and dismay prevailed among our troops. It rained so heavily that some of the horses became restive and plunged into the water with their riders; and to add to our distress our portable bridge was broken down at this first gap, and it was no longer serviceable. The enemy attacked us with redoubled fury, and as our soldiers made a brave resistance, the aperture became soon choked up with the dead and dying men and horses, intermixed with artillery, packs and bales of baggage, and those who carried them, all heaped up in the water. Many of our companions were drowned at this place, and many were forced into canoes and hurried away to be sacrificed. It was horrible to hear the cries of these unfortunate captives, calling upon us for aid which we were unable to give, and invoking the blessed Virgin and all the saints in vain for deliverance.

Others of our companions escaped across those gaps in the causeway, by clambering over the confused ma.s.s of dead bodies and luggage by which they were filled, and were calling out for a.s.sistance to help them up on the other side; while many of them, thinking themselves in safety when they got to the firm ground, were there seized by the Mexicans, or killed with war clubs. All the regularity which had hitherto guided our march was now utterly lost and abandoned. Cortes and all the mounted officers and soldiers galloped off along the causeway, providing for their own immediate safety, and leaving all the rest to save ourselves as we best might: Nor can I blame them for this procedure, as the cavalry could do nothing against the enemy, who threw themselves into the water on both sides of the causeway when attacked, while others, by continual flights of arrows from the houses, or with long lances from the canoes on each side, killed and wounded the men and horses. Our powder was all expended, so that we were unable to do any injury to the Mexicans in the canoes. In this situation of utter confusion and derout, the only thing we could do was by uniting together in bands of thirty or forty, to endeavour to force our way to the land: When the Indians closed upon us, we exerted our utmost efforts to drive them off with our swords, and then hurried our march to get over the causeway as soon as possible. Had we waited for each other, or had our retreat been in the day, we had all been inevitably destroyed. The escape of such as made their way to land, was due to the mercy of G.o.d who gave us strength to force our way; for the mult.i.tudes that surrounded us, and the melancholy sight of our companions hurried away in the canoes to instant sacrifice, was horrible in the extreme.

About fifty of us, mostly soldiers of Cortes, with a few of those who came with Narvaez, stuck together in a body, and made our way along the causeway through infinite difficulty and danger. Every now and then strong parties of Indians a.s.sailed us, calling us _luilones_, their severest term of reproach, and using their utmost endeavours to seize us. As soon as we thought them within reach, we faced about and repelled them with a few thrusts of our swords, and then resumed our march. We thus proceeded, until at last we reached the firm ground near Tacuba, where Cortes, Sandoval, De Oli, Salcedo, Dominguez, Lares, and others of the cavalry, and such of the infantry as had got across the bridge before it was broken down, had already arrived[6].

On our approach, we heard the voices of Sandoval, De Oli, and Morla, calling on Cortes to return to the a.s.sistance of those who were still on the causeway, who loudly complained of being abandoned. Cortes replied, that it was a miracle any should have escaped, and that all who returned to the bridges would a.s.suredly be slain: Yet he actually did return with ten or twelve of the cavalry and such of the infantry as had escaped unhurt, and proceeded along the causeway to attempt the succour of such as might be still engaged. He had not gone far when he met Alvarado badly wounded, accompanied by three of our soldiers, four of those belonging to Narvaez, and eight Tlascalans, all severely wounded and covered with blood.

These Alvarado a.s.sured him were all that remained of the rear-guard, Velasquez de Leon and about twenty of the cavalry, and above an hundred of the infantry, who had belonged to his division, being all slain, or made prisoners and carried away to be sacrificed. He said farther, that after all the horses were slain, about eighty had a.s.sembled in a body and pa.s.sed the first gap on the heaps of luggage and dead bodies; that at the other bridge the few who now accompanied him were saved by the mercy of G.o.d. I do not now perfectly recollect in what manner he pa.s.sed that last aperture, as we were all more attentive to what he related of the death of Velasquez and above two hundred of our unhappy companions. As to that last fatal bridge, which is still called _Salto de Alvarado_, or the Leap of Alvarado, we were too much occupied in saving our own lives to examine whether he leaped much or little. He must, however, have got over on the baggage and dead bodies; for the water was too deep for him to have reached the bottom with his lance, and the aperture was too wide and the sides too high for him to have leaped over, had he been the most active man in the world. In about a year after, when we besieged Mexico, I was engaged with the enemy at that very bridge which was called Alvarados Leap, where the enemy had constructed breastworks and barricades, and we all agreed that the leap was impossible. One Ocampo, a soldier who came with Garay, who used to amuse himself with lampoons, made one on this supposed feat of Alvarado, saying, "That fear made him give that prodigious leap, leaving Velasquez and two hundred more to their fate as he leaped for his life." As Cortes found, by the information of Alvarado, that the causeway was entirely filled by the enemy, who must have intercepted all the rest of our companions, he returned to Tacuba, where all who had escaped were now collected. Messengers had been already sent from Mexico, ordering all the people of Tacuba, Ezcapuzalco, Tenajocan, and other neighbouring cities on that side of the lake, to collect and attack us; and they now began to surround us in the inclosed courts of Popotla where we had taken shelter, hara.s.sing us with stones and arrows, and even attacking us with lances, many of which were headed with the swords which we lost during our retreat.

We defended ourselves against this attack as well as we could, and made several sallies to drive them off. But, as the enemy continually increased in number, it was determined to endeavour to reach Tlascala, for which purpose we set out under the direction of six or seven of our allies who were well acquainted with the country. After a fatiguing march by an indirect road, during which we were much hara.s.sed by the enemy, who plied us with stones and arrows, we reached some houses on a hill near a temple, where we defended ourselves, and took such care as we could of our wounds; but could get no provisions. After the conquest of Mexico, a church was built on the site of this temple, and dedicated to _Nuestra Senora de los Remedios_, our Lady of Succour, to which many ladies and other inhabitants of Mexico, now go in procession to pay nine days devotion[7].

Our wounds had become extremely painful from cold, and want of proper dressings, and we now bound them up as well as we could. We had to deplore the loss of great numbers of our valiant companions, most of the soldiers of Narvaez having lost their lives by being overloaded with gold. Poor Botello the astrologer was killed among the rest. The sons of Montezuma, Cacamatzin who had been prince of Tezcuco, and all the other prisoners, among whom were some Mexican princes, lost their lives on this fatal night of our retreat from Mexico. All our artillery were lost. We had only twenty-three horses remaining, and very few crossbows; and our situation was melancholy and desperate in the extreme, having no other resource but to endeavour to reach Tlascala, and even there our reception was exceedingly uncertain[8]. After dressing our wounds, and making arrows for our crossbows, during which employment we were incessantly hara.s.sed in our present post, we proceeded at midnight on our march, under the direction of our faithful Tlascalans. Some of those who were badly wounded had to walk with the aid of crutches; others were a.s.sisted on each side by some of their companions; and those who were utterly unable to support themselves were placed upon lame horses. Thus, making head against the enemy with as many of the infantry as could bear arms, and having the cavalry who were able to act in front and on our flanks, with the wounded Spaniards and allies in the centre, we marched on continually hara.s.sed by the enemy, who reviled us, saying that we should soon meet our destruction; words that we did not then understand. I have forgot to mention the satisfaction we all enjoyed at finding Donna Marina and Donna Luisa had been saved in our retreat from Mexico. Having crossed among the first, they had been brought safe to Popotla by the exertions of two brothers of Donna Luisa, all the rest of the female Indians having been lost in the retreat.

On this day we reached a large town named Gualt.i.tlan[9]. From that place we continued our march, still hara.s.sed at every step by the enemy, whose numbers and boldness increased as we advanced, insomuch that they killed two of our lame soldiers and one of our horses at a difficult pa.s.s, wounding many both of our horses and ourselves. Having repulsed them, we reached some villages, where we halted for the night, making our supper of the slain horse[10]. We began our march very early next morning, and had only proceeded about a league, believing ourselves now almost in safety, when three of our videts came in with a report that the whole extent of a plain through which we must necessarily pa.s.s was covered over by an innumerable army. This intelligence was truly terrifying to our small numbers, worn out with fatigue and privations, and covered with wounds; yet we resolved to conquer or die, as we had indeed no other alternative.

We were immediately halted and formed in order of battle, the infantry being directed to use their swords only in thrusts, by which we exposed ourselves less to the weapons of the enemy, and the cavalry were ordered to charge clear through at half speed, with their lances levelled at the faces of the enemy, never stopping to make thrusts. While recommending ourselves to G.o.d and his Holy Mother, and invoking the aid of St Jago, the enemy began to close around us, and we resolved to sell our lives dearly, or force our way through. The infantry being drawn up in a solid column, and our cavalry formed in bodies of five, we proceeded to the attack. It is impossible to describe the tremendous battle which ensued: How we closed hand to hand, and with what fury the enemy attacked us, wounding us with their clubs and lances and two-handed swords; while our cavalry, favoured by the even surface of the plain, rode through them at will with couched lances, bearing down the enemy wherever they came, and fighting most manfully though they and their horses were all wounded. We too of the infantry did our best, regardless of our former wounds and of those we now received, closing up with the enemy, and using every effort to bear them down with our swords. Cortes, Alvarado, and De Oli, though all wounded, continued to make lanes through the throng of the enemy, calling out to us to strike especially at the chiefs, who were easily distinguished by their plumes of feathers, golden ornaments, rich arms, and curious devices. The valiant Sandoval encouraged us by his example and exhortations, exclaiming, "Now is the day of victory! Trust in G.o.d, who will still preserve us to do him service." We were all resolute to conquer or die, and were a.s.suredly a.s.sisted by the Lord Jesus Christ, the Holy Virgin, and St Jago; as was afterwards certified by a chief belonging to Guatimotzin, who was present in this battle. Though some were killed and many wounded, we continued to maintain our ground, yet the enemy never relaxed in their efforts. At length it was the will of G.o.d, that Cortes, accompanied by Sandoval, De Oli, Alvarado, Avila, and other captains, came up to that part of the enemy in which their commander-in-chief was posted, who was distinguished from all the rest by his rich golden arms, and highly adorned plume of feathers, and the grand standard of the army[11]. Immediately on Cortes perceiving this chief, who was surrounded by many n.o.bles wearing plumes of feathers, he exclaimed to his companions, "Now, gentlemen, let us charge these men, and if we succeed the day is our own." Then, recommending themselves to G.o.d, they charged upon them, and Cortes struck the Mexican chief and threw down his standard, he and the other cavaliers effectually breaking and dispersing this numerous body. The Mexican chief, however, was making his escape, but was pursued and slain by Juan de Salamanca, who seized his rich plume of feathers and presented it to Cortes, saying, that as he had first struck the Mexican general and overthrown the standard, the trophy of the conquest was his undoubted right.

It pleased G.o.d, that the enemy should relax in their efforts immediately on learning the death of their general and of the numerous chiefs who surrounded him. On perceiving that they began to retreat, we forgot our hunger, thirst, fatigue, and wounds, and thought of nothing but victory and pursuit. Our scanty cavalry followed them up close, dealing destruction around them on every side; and our faithful allies fought like lions, mowing down all before them with the arms which the enemy threw away to facilitate their flight. On the return of our cavalry from the pursuit, we gave humble thanks to G.o.d for our unexpected victory and miraculous preservation. Never had the Mexican empire collected together so large a force as on this occasion; being composed of all the warriors of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlalcopan, headed by the whole n.o.bility of these nations, magnificently armed and adorned, and all determined not to leave a single trace of us upon earth. This great and decisive battle was fought in the neighbourhood of a place called Obtumba, Otumba, or Otompan. I have frequently seen it, and all the other battles we fought against the Mexicans, antecedent to the final conquest, admirably represented in Mexican paintings. It is now proper to mention, that we entered Mexico to relieve Alvarado on the 24th of June 1520, with upwards of 1300 soldiers, including 97 cavalry, 80 musketeers, and 80 armed with crossbows; having with us a great train of artillery, and 2000 warriors of our allies the Tlascalans. Our flight from Mexico was on the 1st of the succeeding month of July, and the battle of Obtumba on the 4th of that month. In Mexico, during our pa.s.sage of the causeway, on our march, and in the battle, we lost above 870 soldiers, including 72 of those belonging to Narvaez, and five Spanish women, who were put to death at a place called Tustepeque.

Upwards of 1200 of our Tlascalan allies were also killed; as were Juan de Alcantara and two more who had been sent from Chempoalla for the share of the gold a.s.signed to the garrison of Villa Rica, who were robbed and murdered. Upon the whole, all who were concerned in the treasure came to bad fortune; and thus a much greater proportion of the soldiers of Narvaez perished in the flight from Mexico than of our veterans, as they had avariciously loaded themselves with gold on that unhappy night[12].

[1] We are not writing the history of the conquest of Mexico, yet may be allowed to say that Cortes committed a gross military error, in entering Mexico without establis.h.i.+ng a strong communication of posts between that insulated city and the land, along one of the causeways; which he might easily have done along the shortest causeway of Tacuba or Tlacopan, or by the aqueduct of Chapoltepec.--E.

[2] It is to be noticed that the lake in which the city of Mexico was built contained water so salt as to be unfit for drinking.--E.

[3] This prince, whom Diaz names Coadlavaca, was brother to Montezuma, prince of Iztapalapan, and Tlachcocoatl, or grand general of the Mexican army.--E.

[4] The expression in the text, of having nearly reached the firm land, is rather obscure, and may possibly mean that they had nearly forced their way along one of the causeways leading from the insular city to the continental sh.o.r.e of the lake.--E.

[5] Tlaltelulco was the name of that division of the city of Mexico through which the Spaniards marched in their way towards the causeway of Tacuba, and was probably used to summon the inhabitants of that quarter to the attack.--E.

[6] Clavigero, II. 116, says that the miserable remnant of the Spaniards a.s.sembled in Popotla, a village near Tacuba or Tlacopan. Diaz is often negligent of dates, but we learn in a subsequent pa.s.sage, that this disastrous retreat from Mexico was on the 1st of July 1520.--E.

[7] This place is about nine miles W.N.W. from Mexico, and only about a mile and a half from Tacuba. Its Mexican name, according to Clavigero, was Otoncalpolco. It is almost in an opposite direction from the road to Tlascala, but was probably chosen on purpose to avoid the populous hostile vale of Mexico, and to get as soon as possible among the hills, and among some of the conquered tribes who bore the Mexican yoke with impatience. Clavigero says that the Spaniards procured at this place some refreshments from a tribe of Otomies, who inhabited two neighbouring hamlets.--E.

[8] The distance from where they now were to Tlascala was between 80 and 90 miles in a straight line; but as they chose a very circuitous route, by the west and north of the lakes in the vale of Mexico, before turning south-eastwards to Tlascala, their march must have much exceeded that distance.--E.

[9] Named Quauht.i.tlan by Clavigero, and Guaut.i.tlan, Huauht.i.tlan or Teut.i.tlan, in Humboldts map of the Vale of Mexico.--E.

[10] As related in the text, this march to the villages appears to have been made on the same day with that to Guauht.i.tlan, and the battle of Otumba or Otompan, to have been fought on the second day of the march from Popotla or _Los Remedios_. But the distances and difficulty of the march renders this almost impossible. The chronology and distances, taking the names of some of the stages from Clavigero, II. 117, and the distances from Humboldts map, may have been as follows; Retreat from Mexico to Popotla, 1st July, 9 miles. March to Quauht.i.tlan, 2d July, 10 miles. To Xoloc, 3d July, 13 miles. To Zacamolco, 4th July, 10 miles. To Otompan, 5th July, 3 miles:--and indeed these dates are sufficiently confirmed by Diaz himself in the sequel.--E.

[11] According to Clavigero, II. 118, this standard was a net of gold fixed to a staff ten palms long, which was firmly tied to his back, and was called by the Mexicans Tlahuizmatlaxopilli.--E.

[12] Cortes entered Mexico with above 1300 men, and there were there under Alvarado about 75. Of these above 870 were slain, down to the close of the battle of Otumba; so that about 500 still remained under the command of Cortes. Diaz reckons only 440; but these were probably exclusive of such as were entirely disabled from service by their wounds.--E.

SECTION XI.

_Occurrences from the Battle of Otumba till the march of Cortes to besiege Mexico_.

Immediately after the victory, we resumed our march for Tlascala, cheered by our success, and subsisted on a kind of gourds, called _ayotes_, which we found in the country through which we pa.s.sed. We halted for the night in a strong temple, being occasionally alarmed by detached parties of the Mexicans, who still kept hovering about us, as if determined to see us out of their country. From this place we were rejoiced at seeing the mountains of Tlascala, being anxious to ascertain the fidelity of these allies, and to hear news from our friends at Villa Rica. Cortes warned us to be exceedingly cautious of giving any offence to the Tlascalans, and particularly enforced this advice on the soldiers of Narvaez, who were less accustomed to discipline. He said that he hoped to find our allies steady in their attachment; but if they should have changed in consequence of our misfortunes, although we were now only 440 strong, all wounded and ill armed, we still possessed vigorous bodies and firm minds to carry us through, if necessary, to the coast. We now arrived at a fountain on the side of a hill, where we came to a rampart built in ancient times as a boundary between the state of Tlascala and the dominions of Mexico. We halted here, and then proceeded to a town called Gualiopar, or Huejotlipan, where we halted one day, and procured some food for which we were obliged to pay. Immediately on our arrival being announced at Tlascala, our friends Maxicatzin, Xicotencatl, Chichimecatl, the chief of Huexatcinco, and others, came to wait upon Cortes, whom they embraced, yet kindly blamed him for having neglected their advice to distrust the treachery of the Mexicans. They wept for the losses we had sustained, yet rejoiced at our escape, and praised our valiant actions; a.s.suring us that they were a.s.sembling 30,000 of their warriors to have joined us at Obtumba. They were rejoiced to see Donna Marina and Donna Luisa, and lamented the loss of the other ladies. Maxicatzin in particular bewailed the fate which had befallen his daughter and Velasquez de Leon, to whom he had given her.

They invited us to their city, where we were kindly received, and where we reposed in peace and safety after our many and severe hards.h.i.+ps. Cortes lodged in the house of Maxicatzin, Alvarado in that of Xicotencatl, and the other officers were distributed among the houses of the n.o.bles, all the soldiers being likewise supplied with comfortable quarters and abundant food. Here in the midst of our friends, we recovered from our wounds and fatigues, all except four who died.

Soon after our arrival, Cortes made inquiry after certain gold to the value of 40,000 crowns, the share belonging to the garrison of Villa Rica, which had been sent here from Mexico; and was informed by the Tlascalan chiefs, and by a Spanish invalid left here when on our march to Mexico, that the persons who had been sent for it from Villa Rica had been robbed and murdered on the road, at the time we were engaged in hostilities with the Mexicans. Letters were sent to Villa Rica, giving an account of all the disastrous events which had befallen us, and desiring an immediate supply of all the arms and ammunition that could be spared, and to send us a strong reinforcement. By the return of the messengers, we were informed that all was well at Villa Rica and the neighbourhood, and that the reinforcement should be immediately sent. It accordingly arrived soon after, consisting in all of _seven_ men, three of whom were sailors, and all of them were invalids. They were commanded by a soldier named Lencero, who afterwards kept an inn still known by his name; and for a long while afterwards, _a Lencero reinforcement_ was a proverbial saying among us. We were involved in some trouble by the younger Xicotencatl, who had commanded the Tlascalan army against us on our first arrival in their country. This ambitious chieftain, anxious to be revenged upon us for the disgrace he had formerly sustained, on hearing of our misfortunes and our intended march to Tlascala, conceived a project for surprising us on our march and putting us all to death. For this purpose, he a.s.sembled many of his relations, friends, and adherents, to whom he shewed how easily we might all be destroyed, and was very active in forming a party and collecting an army for this purpose. Although severely reproached by his father for this treacherous design, he persevered in his plan; but the intrigue was discovered by Chichimecatl, his determined enemy, who immediately communicated the intelligence to the council of Tlascala, before whom Xicotencatl was brought prisoner to answer for his treacherous intentions. Maxicatzin made a long speech in our favour, representing the prosperity which their state had enjoyed ever since our arrival, by freeing them from the depredations of their Mexican enemies, and enabling them to procure salt from which they had been long debarred. He then reprobated the proposed treachery of the younger Xicotencatl, against men who certainly were those concerning whom the prophecy had been handed down by their ancestors. In reply to this, and to a discourse from his father to the same purpose, the young man used such violent and disrespectful language, that he was seized and thrown down the steps of the council-hall into the street, with such violence that he narrowly escaped with his life.

Such was the faithful conduct of our Tlascalan allies, and Cortes did not think it prudent to push the matter any farther in our present ticklish situation.

After remaining twenty two days in Tlascala, Cortes resolved upon attacking the adjoining provinces of Tepejacac and Zacatula, on account of some murders the inhabitant of these districts had committed on the Spaniards; but the soldiers of Narvaez were decidedly averse from entering into any new war, as the slaughter of Mexico and the battle of Obtumba made them anxious to renounce Cortes and his conquests, and to return as soon as possible to their houses and mines in Cuba. Beyond all the rest, Andres Duero was heartily sick of his junction with Cortes, regretting the gold he had been forced to leave in the ditches of Mexico. These men, finding that words were of no avail to persuade Cortes to relinquish his plans of conquest, made a formal remonstrance in writing, stating the insufficiency of our force, and demanding leave to return to Cuba. Cortes urged every reason he could think of to induce them to concur in his schemes; and we who were his own soldiers, requested him on no account to permit any one to depart, but that all should remain to serve the cause of G.o.d and the king. The malcontents were forced reluctantly to acquiesce, murmuring against Cortes and his expeditions, and us who supported him, who, they said, had nothing but our lives to lose[1]. We now, therefore, set out on an expedition to chastise these districts, without artillery or fire-arms of any kind, all of which had been left in the Mexican ca.n.a.ls.

Our force consisted of 16 cavalry, 424 of our own infantry, mostly armed with swords and targets, and about 4000 Tlascalans. We halted at about three leagues from Tepejacac, but the inhabitants had deserted their houses on our approach. Having got some prisoners during the march, Cortes sent them to the chiefs with a message, intimating that he came to demand justice for the murder of eighteen Spaniards in their territories, and for their admitting Mexican troops into their country; and threatening them with fire and sword if they did not immediately submit to his authority.

By our messengers and two Mexicans, they sent back a message, ordering us to return immediately, or they would put us all to death, and feast upon our bodies. Upon this it was determined in a council of the officers, that a full statement of all that had pa.s.sed, should be drawn up by a royal notary, denouncing slavery on the Mexicans or their allies who had killed any Spanish subjects, after having submitted to the authority of the king.

When this was drawn up and authenticated, we sent once more to require their submission, giving notice of the inevitable consequences of their disobedience. But they returned an answer like the former. Both sides being prepared for battle, we came to action with them next day; and as the enemy were drawn up in open fields of maize, our cavalry soon put the enemy to flight with considerable loss, though they made an obstinate resistance. In this battle our Tlascalan allies fought bravely; and, in the pursuit, we took a good many prisoners, all of whom were made slaves of. After this victory, the natives sued for peace, and we marched to the town of Tepejacac to receive their submission; and finding it an eligible situation, being in a fertile district, and on the road to Villa Rica, Cortes founded a colony in the place, naming it _Segura de la Frontera._ Munic.i.p.al officers were appointed, and a branding-iron for marking those natives who were taken and reduced to slavery. We made excursions from this place through the surrounding district, and to the towns of Cachula, Tecamechalco, Guayavas, and some others, taking many prisoners, who were immediately branded for slaves; and in about six weeks we reduced the people to order and obedience.

At this time Cortes was informed from Villa Rica, that a vessel had arrived there commanded by Pedro Barba, his intimate friend, who had been lieutenant to Velasquez at the Havanna, and had now brought over thirteen soldiers and two horses; as also letters from Velasquez to Narvaez, ordering to send Cortes, if alive, to Cuba, that he might be sent to Castile, such being the orders of the bishop of Burgos. On the arrival of Barba in the harbour, the admiral appointed by Cortes went on board in a boat well armed, but with the arms concealed. When on board, the admiral saluted Barba, inquiring after the health of Velasquez, and the others inquired for Narvaez, and what had become of Cortes. They were told that Narvaez was in possession of the country, and had acquired great riches, while Cortes was a fugitive, wandering about with only twenty followers.

They then invited Barba and the rest on sh.o.r.e; but the moment they entered the boats, they were ordered to surrender themselves prisoners to Cortes.

The s.h.i.+p was dismantled, and the captain and crew, together with Barba and his men, sent up to us at Tepejacac, to our great satisfaction; for though we did not now suffer much in the field, we were very unhealthy from continual fatigue, five of our men having died of pleurisies of late.

Francisco Lopez, afterwards regidor of Guatimala, came along with this party. Barba was kindly received by Cortes, whom he informed that another small vessel might be expected with provisions in about a week. It came accordingly, having on board Roderigo de Lobera, with eight soldiers and a horse. These were circ.u.mvented like the others, and sent up to us, by which we were much pleased to procure an accession to our small force.

About this period, Cuitlahuitzin, who had been elected sovereign of Mexico in place of his brother Montezuma, died of the small-pox, and Quauhtemotzin, or Gautimotzin, was chosen in his stead, a young man of twenty-five years of age, of fine appearance, exceedingly brave, and so terrible to his subjects that every one trembled at his sight. On receiving notice of the reduction of Tepejacac, he became apprehensive of losing his other provinces, yet neglected no precautions to preserve the chiefs in their obedience, and sent considerable bodies of troops to the provinces nearest to where we were, to watch our motions. But these Mexican troops injured the cause they were sent to support, becoming very disorderly, plundering and maltreating the people whom they were sent to defend, or to keep under subjection. Provoked by these injuries, the ruling people of these provinces deputed four chiefs to negociate with Cortes, offering to submit to him, provided he would expel the Mexicans.

Cortes immediately acceded to this proposal, and detached all the cavalry and crossbow-men of our army under De Oli, with as many of our other infantry as made up a force of 300 men, to which a considerable number of Tlascalan allies were joined. While our people were on their march, they received such formidable accounts of the number and force of the enemy, as entirely deprived the soldiers of Narvaez of all inclination for military expeditions. They mutinied, and told De Oli that, if he were determined to persevere, he might go alone, for they were resolved to quit him. De Oli remonstrated with them in vain, though supported by all the old soldiers of Cortes, and was compelled to halt at Cholula, whence he sent word to Cortes of his situation. Cortes returned an angry answer, ordering him to advance at all events. De Oli was now in a violent rage at those who had occasioned this reprimand from the general, and ordered the whole to march immediately, declaring he would send back all who hesitated, to be treated by Cortes as their cowardice deserved. On his arrival within a league of Guacacualco, he was met by some of the native chiefs, who informed him how he might best come upon the enemy. He accordingly marched against the Mexican forces, whom he completely defeated and put to flight, after a sharp action, in which eight of our men were wounded, and two horses killed. Our allies made a great slaughter of the Mexicans during the pursuit. The Mexicans fell back to a large town called Ozucar, where they joined another great body of their countrymen, who fortified themselves in that post, and broke down the bridges. De Oli pursued with as many of his troops as could keep up with him; and having pa.s.sed the river by the a.s.sistance of his friends of Guacacualco, he again attacked the Mexicans, whom he again defeated and dispersed, losing two more of his horses. He received two wounds himself on this occasion, and his horse was wounded in several places. He halted two days after his double victory, receiving the submission of all the neighbouring chiefs, after which he returned with his troops to Segura de la Frontera. De Oli was received with applause by Cortes and all of us; and when we laughed at him for the hesitation of his men, he joined with us heartily, saying he would take the poor soldiers of Cortes on the next expedition, and not the rich planters who came with Narvaez, who thought more of their houses and estates than of military glory, and were more ready to command than to obey.

Cortes now got information from Villa Rica of the arrival of a s.h.i.+p commanded by one Comargo, having upwards of seventy soldiers on board, all very sickly. This vessel had belonged to an expedition sent from Jamaica by Garray to establish a colony at Panuco; the other captain, Pineda, and all his soldiers, having been put to death by the natives, and their s.h.i.+p burnt. On finding, therefore, the ill success of that adventure, and that his men were afflicted with diseases of the liver from the unhealthy nature of the country, Camargo had come to Villa Rica for a.s.sistance. He is said to have been perfectly acquainted with the state of affairs in New Spain; and, on his arrival at Villa Rica, he immediately disembarked his soldiers, and went to Segura de la Frontera by slow marches, where he and his men were received with the utmost kindness by Cortes, and every possible care was bestowed for his and their recovery; but he and several of his soldiers soon died. By reason of their swollen bodies and discoloured countenances, we used to call these men _the green paunches_.

That I may not interrupt the thread of my narrative, I shall mention in this place, that all the rest of this armament which was destined for Panuco, arrived at our port of Villa Rica at different and irregular periods, Garray continually sending us reinforcements, which he meant for Panuco, as he believed his intended colony at that place was going on successfully. The first of these reinforcements after Camargo consisted of fifty soldiers with seven horses, under the command of Michael Diaz de Auz.

These men were all plump and jolly, and we gave them the nickname of the _Sir-loins_. Shortly after him another vessel brought forty soldiers with ten horses, and a good supply of crossbows and other arms. These were commanded by an officer named Ramirez, and as all his soldiers wore very thick and clumsy cotton armour, quite impenetrable by arrows, we called them the _Pack-horses_.

Being thus unexpectedly reinforced by upwards of an hundred and fifty men, and twenty horses, Cortes determined to chastise the Indians of Xalatcingo, Cacatame, and other towns near the road to Villa Rica, who had been concerned in the murder of those Spaniards who had been sent from Villa Rica for the treasure. For this purpose he sent a detachment of two hundred veterans, among whom were twenty hors.e.m.e.n, and twelve armed with crossbows, under the command of Sandoval, who had likewise along with him a strong detachment of Tlascalans. Being informed that the Indians of that district were in arms, and reinforced by Mexican troops, Sandoval sent a message, offering pardon for the murder of the Spaniards, if they would submit to our government, and return the treasure. Their answer was, that they would eat him and all his men, as they had done the others. Sandoval, therefore, immediately marched into their country, and attacked them in two places at once, and though both the natives and the Mexicans defended themselves with great bravery, they were soon defeated with considerable loss. On going into some of their temples after the victory, our people found Spanish cloths, arms, saddles, and bridles, hung up as offerings to their G.o.ds. The inhabitants of this district submitted themselves to his majesties government, but were unable to return the treasure, as it had been sent to Mexico. Sandoval remained three days in this district receiving the submission of the inhabitants, whom he referred to Cortes for their pardon, and then returned to head-quarters, carrying a number of women and boys along with him, who were all branded as slaves. I was not on this expedition, being ill of a fever, attended with a vomiting of blood; but, being bled plentifully, I recovered by the blessing of G.o.d. In pursuance of orders from Sandoval, the chiefs of these tribes and of many others in the neighbourhood, came to Cortes and submitted themselves to his authority. Sandoval was sent in the next place to chastise the inhabitants of a district called Xocotlan, who had murdered nine Spaniards, having with him an hundred infantry, thirty cavalry, and a strong body of Tlascalans. On entering the district, he summoned the people to submission under the usual threats; but, as they had a considerable body of Mexican forces to aid them, they returned for answer, that they would acknowledge no other government than that of Mexico. Sandoval, therefore, put his troops in motion, cautioning the allies not to advance to the attack till the enemy were broken by our troops, and then to fall upon the Mexicans especially. Two large bodies of the enemy were found posted in strong and rocky ground, very difficult for our cavalry, insomuch, that before Sandoval could drive them from this post, one of his horses was killed, and nine wounded, as likewise were four of his soldiers. They were at length driven from this post into the town of Xocotlan, where they took post in the temples and some large walled courts; but were dislodged from these and put to flight with great slaughter, our Tlascalan allies giving good a.s.sistance, as they were incited by the hopes of abundant plunder.

Sandoval halted two days in this place, to receive the submission of the chiefs, who begged pardon for what had pa.s.sed, promising future obedience, and to supply us plentifully with provisions. On being ordered to restore the effects of the Spaniards whom they had slain, they replied that every thing of that kind had been burnt. They said, likewise that most of the Spaniards whom they had slain were eaten by them, except five, whom they sent to Guatimotzin[2].

These expeditions were productive of the best effects, as they extended the fame of Cortes and the Spaniards through the whole country for valour and clemency; and our general became more dreaded and respected than Guatimotzin, the new sovereign of Mexico, insomuch that his authority was resorted to on all occasions of importance. The small-pox at this time committed dreadful ravages in New Spain, cutting off vast numbers of the natives, and among the rest, many of the chiefs and princes of the country became victims to this dreadful calamity. On these occasions, the claimants for succession to the vacant chiefs.h.i.+ps resorted to Cortes, as sovereign of the country, for his decision, which they uniformly submitted to. Among the rest, the lords.h.i.+p of Guacacualco and Ozucar became vacant, and the various claimants submitted their claims to the decision of Cortes, who decided in favour of a nephew of the late Montezuma, whose sister had been married to the former cacique of the district.

All the country around Tlascala and to the eastwards being now reduced to subjection, an order was issued to bring all the prisoners to a large house in the town of Segura, that the fifths belonging to the king and Cortes might be deducted, and the rest divided among the troops. The prisoners consisted of women, boys, and girls, as the men were found too difficult to keep, and our Tlascalan friends performed every service for us that we could desire, such as carrying our baggage, ammunition, and provisions, and all other drudgery. The prisoners were confined all night, and the repart.i.tion took place next morning. In the first place the king's fifth was set aside, and then that which belonged to Cortes; but when the shares of the soldiers came to be distributed, there remained only a parcel of old miserable jades, and it was found that some person had been in the depot during the night, who had taken away all the young and handsome women. This occasioned much clamour among the soldiers, who accused Cortes of injustice, and the soldiers of Narvaez swore no such thing had ever been heard of in the Spanish dominions as two kings and two fifths. One Juan de Quexo was very loud in his complaints on this occasion, declaring that he would make it known in Spain how we had been abused by Cortes, more especially in regard to the gold at Mexico, where only the value of 300,000 crowns appeared at the division, whereas 700,000 crowns worth were produced at the time of our flight. Many of the soldiers loudly complained of having their women taken from them, after they had given them clothes and ornaments, saying they had only expected to have paid the fifth of their values to the king, and then that each would have got back his own. Cortes protested that better regulations should he adopted in future, and got the affair hushed up with smooth words and fair promises; yet he soon attempted even worse than this. It may be remembered, that, on the fatal night of our retreat from Mexico, all the treasure was produced, and every soldier was allowed to take as much as he pleased. On this occasion, many of the soldiers of Narvaez, and some of our own, loaded themselves with gold. Cortes now learned that a quant.i.ty of gold in bars was in circulation among the troops at La Frontera, who were much engaged in deep play, and forgot the old adage, that riches and amours should be concealed. He now issued an order for all the gold to be delivered within a given time, under severe penalties for disobedience, and promised to return back a third part to all who delivered their gold, but that all should be forfeited in case of failure or evasion. Many of the soldiers refused obedience to this arbitrary order, and from some Cortes took their gold by way of loan, yet rather by force than with their consent. Many of our captains, and those who had civil offices in the colony, were possessed of gold, and at length Cortes was glad to quash the order and say no more about the matter.

The officers who had come with Narvaez thought the present interval of tranquillity was a favourable opportunity to renew their solicitations for leave to return to Cuba, to which Cortes at length consented, and gave them one of the best s.h.i.+ps in the harbour, which was victualled with salted dogs, fowls, maize, and other provisions of the country. By this s.h.i.+p, Cortes sent letters to his wife Donna Catalina and her brother Juan Suarez, giving them an account of all that had happened in New Spain, and sent them some bars of gold and Mexican curiosities. The following were among the persons who now returned to Cuba, having their pockets well lined after all our disasters. Andres de Duero, Augustin Bermudez, Juan Buono, Bernardino de Quesada, Francisco Velasquez, Gonsalo Carrasco, who afterwards returned to New Spain, and lives now in La Puebla, Melchior Velasquez, one Ximenes, who now lives in Guaxaca, and went over at this time for his sons, the commendator Leon de Cervantes, who went to bring over his daughters, who were very honourably married after the conquest of Mexico; one Maldonado of Medelin, an invalid, a person named Vargas, and Cardinas the pilot, he who talked about the two kings, to whom Cortes gave the three hundred crowns he had formerly promised for his wife and daughters. We remonstrated with Cortes for allowing so many persons to quit the army, considering how weak we were already, on which he observed, that he did it partly to get rid of their importunities, and partly because they were unfit for war, and it was better to have a few good soldiers than many bad ones. Alvarado was sent to see these men safely s.h.i.+pped off, and he sent at this time Diego de Ordas and Alonzo de Mendoza to Spain, with instructions of which we were ignorant, except that they were meant to counteract the malice of the bishop of Burgos, who had declared us all traitors. De Ordas executed his commission to good purpose, and got the order of St Jago for himself, and the volcano of Popocatepetl added to his arms. Cortes sent also Alonzo de Avila, contador of New Spain, and Francisco Alvarez, to Hispaniola, to make a report to the court of royal audience, and the brothers of the order of Jeronymites, of all that had taken place, particularly in regard to Narvaez, and supplicating them to represent our faithful services to the emperor, and to support our interests against the enmity and misrepresentations of Velasquez and the bishop of Burgos. He sent likewise De Solis to Jamaica to purchase horses.

It may be asked how Cortes was able to send agents to Spain, Hispaniola, and Jamaica, without money. But, although many of our soldiers were slain in our flight from Mexico, and much treasure lost in the ditches and ca.n.a.ls of Mexico, yet a considerable quant.i.ty of gold was saved, as the eighty loaded Tlascalans were among the first who pa.s.sed the bridge, and afterwards delivered all their gold to Cortes[3]. But we poor soldiers had enough ado to preserve our lives, all badly wounded, and did not trouble ourselves to inquire what became of the gold, or how much was brought off.

It was even rumoured among us, that the share belonging to the garrison of Villa Rica, the carriers of which had been robbed and murdered, went after all to Spain, Jamaica, and other places; but as Cortes lined the pockets of our captains with plenty of gold, all inquiry on this head was stopped.

It may be wondered how Cortes should send away so valiant a captain as Alonzo de Avila on an affair of negociation, when he had several men of business in his army who could have been better spared, such as Alonzo de Grado, Juan Carceres _the rich_, and several others. The true reason was, that Avila was too ready to speak out on all occasions to obtain justice for the soldiers, and therefore Cortes sent him away that he might no longer be opposed and thwarted in his proceedings; and that he might give his company to Andres de Tapia, and his office of contador to Alonzo de Grado.

Having now determined to undertake the siege of Mexico, Cortes left a garrison of twenty men, mostly sick and invalids in Frontera, under the command of Juan de Orozco, and marched with the rest of the army into the country of Tlascala, where he gave orders to cut down a quant.i.ty of timber, with which to construct a number of vessels to command the lake of Mexico.

These s.h.i.+ps were to be built under the direction of Martin Lopez, an excellent s.h.i.+pwright, and a valiant soldier, in which he was a.s.sisted by Andres Nunez, and old Ramirez, who was lame from a wound. Lopez conducted matters with great spirit, insomuch that in a very short time he had all the timber cut down, shaped, and marked out for the vessels, ready to be put together. The iron work, anchors, cables, sails, cordage, and all other necessaries for the vessels were procured from Villa Rica, whence all the smiths were sent up to the army to give their a.s.sistance. As pitch was unknown among the natives, four sailors were sent to the pine forests of Huetzotzinco, to obtain a supply of that article, in which they succeeded.