A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ii Part 34

[4] In a former note we have given a list of the names and circ.u.mstances of the English ordnance near this period. In that list the saker is described as a light cannon of only 5-1/2 pound ball, now looked upon as one of very small importance; we may therefore conclude that the other cannon used on the present occasion could hardly exceed _falcouns_, or two-pounders.--E.

[5] Such is the unintelligible expression in Lichefilds translation. In the account of this war compiled by the editor of Astleys Collection from the Portuguese historians, the enemy are said to have lost in the former part of this battle, twenty paraws sunk, 180 persons of note, and above 1000 common men; while in the second attack, nineteen paraws were sunk, sixty-two fled, and 360 men were slain. In this account, a third naval engagement is mentioned, in which sixty-two paraws were sunk, and sixty fled; after which 15,000 men were defeated by land, and four towns were burnt by Pacheco.--Astl. I. 56.

[6] Castaneda tells a long ridiculous story at this place, of a ceremonial defiance of the zamorin, not worth inserting. In Astley, I. 56. we are told that the Moors of Cochin were detected about this time communicating intelligence to the enemy, and that Trimumpara allowed Pacheco to punish them. On which he put five of their chief men into strict confinement, giving out that they were hanged; which gave much offence to the rajah and his people.--E.

[7] Such are the words of Lichefild; which, perhaps may have been intended to imply that there was not yet sufficient depth of water to allow of their approach to the caravels; or it may mean that they waited for the tide of ebb, to carry them towards the Portuguese caravels, being too c.u.mbrous for management by means of oars.--E.

[8] This seems the same story which has been already mentioned in a former note, from Astleys Collection; but which is there related as having taken place with _Moors_.--E.

[9] The nativity of St John the Baptist is the 24th June; the eve therefore is the 23d, yet Castaneda has already said that June was ended.--E.

[10] About this time, in consequence of a message from the Portuguese factor at Coulan, stating that the Moors obstructed the market for pepper, Pacheco went to that place, where he made five Moorish s.h.i.+ps submit, and settled the pepper market on fair terms, yet without doing them any harm.--Astl. I. 57.

[11] According to Astley, the zamorin lost 18,000 men in this war in five months, and desired peace, which was granted by the rajah of Cochin.-- Astl. I. 57. Yet this could hardly be the case, as the first operation of the new commander-in-chief in India was to cannonade Calicut.--E.

SECTION IX.

_The Voyage of Lope Suarez de Menesis to India, in 1504; being the sixth of the Portuguese Expeditions to the East Indies._

Learning the necessity of sending powerful succours to protect the Portuguese trade from the hostilities of the zamorin, the king of Portugal fitted out a fleet of twelve[1] large s.h.i.+ps in 1504, of which the command was given to Lope Suarez de Menesis, who had been captain of the _Mina_ on the coast of Guinea in the reign of John II. The captains of these s.h.i.+ps were, Pedro de Mendoza, Lionel Cotinho, Tristan de la Silva, Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, Lope de Abreu, Philip de Castro, Alonso Lopez de Castro, Alonzo Lopez de la Cocta, Pero Alonzo de Aguilar, Vasco de la Silvero, Vasco Carvallo, and Pedro Dynez de Sutunell: All of whom were gentlemen by birth or service. Having embarked many valiant soldiers, the whole fleet left Lisbon on the 22d of April and arrived on the 2d of May near Cape Verd. Having observed during this part of the voyage, that several of the s.h.i.+ps were very irregularly navigated, not keeping in their proper course, by which they had run foul of each other; some pus.h.i.+ng before, while others lagged behind, and others stood athwart the order of the fleet; Suarez convened an a.s.semblage of all the captains, masters, and pilots of the fleet, to whom he communicated the following written instructions: 1. As soon as it is night, every s.h.i.+p shall keep in regular order a-stern of the admiral; and no vessel to carry any light except in the binnacle and in the cabin. 2. The masters and pilots to keep regular watch, taking special care not to run foul of each other. 3.

All to answer the signals of the admiral. 4. As soon as day appears, every s.h.i.+p shall come to salute the admiral, and all are carefully to avoid getting before him during the night. The penalty for breach of any of these articles was a fine of ten crowns, besides which the offender was to be put under arrest without being ent.i.tled to wages, and so to remain to the end of the voyage. As some of the masters and pilots had been very negligent, allowing some of the s.h.i.+ps to fall aboard of others, he removed these to other s.h.i.+ps. By this attention to discipline, the fleet was kept afterwards in good sailing order.

In the month of June, at which time they reckoned themselves off the Cape of Good Hope, the fleet was surprised by a heavy storm, and had to drive for two days and nights under bare poles in imminent danger of being cast away, the weather during all this time being wonderfully dark, so that the s.h.i.+ps were in great hazard of running aboard of each other. To guard against this danger, the admiral caused guns to be fired at intervals from all the s.h.i.+ps, to give notice of their situations, and the better to keep company. On the subsidence of the storm, the s.h.i.+p commanded by Lope Mendez was missing, and the admiral caused the fleet to lie to for some days in hopes of her reappearance. While in this situation, two of the s.h.i.+ps ran foul of each other, by which a large hole was broken in the bow of one of the s.h.i.+ps, through which she took in so much water as to be in great danger of sulking. The admiral immediately bore up to her a.s.sistance, and encouraged the crew to stop the leak, and even sent his boats on board to give every aid. By great exertions they got the leak effectually stopped, by nailing hides over the hole, and covering the whole with pitch. On St Jameses day, 25th July, the fleet arrived at Mozambique, where they were well received by the governor, who supplied them abundantly with fresh provisions, and sent off the letter which Pedro de Tayde had written respecting the state of affairs in India a short time before his death, as formerly mentioned. The admiral expedited the refitting of the s.h.i.+ps which had been so much injured, as quickly as possible, and departed from Mozambique on the 1st of August. The king of Melinda sent off one of his princ.i.p.al Moors to visit the admiral, to whom likewise he sent sixteen of our men who had deserted from Pedro de Tayde.

Having stopt only two days at Melinda for refreshment, the fleet sailed across for India, and came to Anchediva, where they found two Portuguese s.h.i.+ps commanded by Antonio de Saldanna and Ruy Lorenzo, who were much afraid of our fleet, suspecting it to have belonged to the Rumes[2].

Saldanna informed Suarez, that he had been sent out the year before from Portugal along with Lorenzo, as vice-admiral, with orders to explore the Red Sea and adjacent countries. That they were separated in a storm off the Cape of Good Hope. That Lorenzo proceeding alone in the voyage, had taken a s.h.i.+p belonging to the Moors near Sofala, out of which he had taken a large quant.i.ty of gold, and had left the hull at Melinda. That Saldanna prosecuted his voyage to Cape Guardafui, where he had taken many rich prizes, without having entered the Red Sea; after which he had sailed to India, and the winter coming on, had taken shelter in Anchediva, where he was afterwards joined by Lorenzo. At this place, Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, who had been separated in the storm off the Cape of Good Hope, rejoined the fleet. The admiral used every expedition to get the fleet ready to proceed for Cananor, where he arrived on the 1st of September, and was informed by the factor of the events in the war with Calicut; and how he and his companions in the factory had been often in great hazard of their lives.

The day after his arrival, the admiral went on sh.o.r.e in great state to visit the rajah of Cananor, attended by all the captains of the fleet in their boats, decorated with flags and streamers, and armed with ordnance, all the boats crews being dressed in their best apparel. The admirals barge had a rich awning, and was dressed out with carpets, on which stood a chair of state covered with unshorn crimson velvet and two cus.h.i.+ons of the same for his feet. His doublet and hose were of satin of divers colours, wrought diamond fas.h.i.+on; his shoes of black velvet, studded with gold; his cap covered over with gold b.u.t.tons. Over all he wore a loose robe or gown of black velvet, in the French fas.h.i.+on, trimmed all round with gold lace. From his neck hung a triple chain of gold enamelled, from which depended a golden whistle. His rapier and dagger, which were borne by a page, had handles of pure gold. Two lackeys preceded him in splendid attire and six trumpeters with silk flags. He was also accompanied by a band of wind instruments, in a small boat In another boat were the presents which he carried for the rajah from the king of Portugal. There were, six beds of fine Holland, with their pillows of the same, all wrought with gold embroidery. Two coverlets or carpets of unshorn crimson velvet, quilted all over, having three guards of cloth of gold, that in the middle a span in width, and the others two fingers broad. The bedstead was gilded all over, having curtains of crimson satin, fringed with cold thread. On putting off from his s.h.i.+p, all the fleet saluted him with their cannon; then the trumpets and drums sounded for a long time; after which the organs never ceased to play till the boats reached the sh.o.r.e, where vast numbers of Moors and Gentiles waited to receive the admiral.

On his landing, the admiral Was conducted into a _sarame_ or house appointed for his reception and audience of the rajah, in which he ordered the bed and all its rich furniture to be set up, close to which was placed a chair for the admiral to sit upon. Soon afterwards, the rajah was brought to the house, carried in a rich chair of state, preceded by three armed elephants, three thousand nayres, armed with swords, spears, and targets, and two thousand armed with bows and arrows.

The admiral, apprized of the rajah's approach by the fleet saluting him with all their guns, went to the door to receive him, where they embraced.

Then going together into the apartment, the admiral presented him with the bed already described, on which the rajah immediately lay down, and the admiral sat down beside him in the place appointed. They here conferred together for two hours, when they were interrupted by the barking of a greyhound belonging to the admiral, which wanted to attack one of the elephants.

Soon afterwards a Moor from Calicut waited upon the admiral, having along with him a Portuguese boy, who brought a letter from some of our men who were captives at Calicut ever since the time of Cabral being there. This boy informed the admiral, that the zamorin was so humbled by the defeats he had sustained from Pacheco, that he had gone into religious seclusion.

That many of the Moorish merchants had gone from Calicut to other places, as they could carry on no trade there owing to the war, and that even provisions had become extremely scarce. That the zamorin and the prince of Calicut, and the magistrates of that place, were exceedingly desirous of peace with the Portuguese, for which reason they had sent him to the admiral, and had allowed the Portuguese prisoners there to write him to that effect, which they had done accordingly, but chiefly in hopes that he would free them from captivity. After reading the letter, the admiral would have sent a written answer, meaning to have sent it by the Moor.

But the boy told him, they had no permission to carry any letter, and that he must return along with the Moor, as the people of Calicut had threatened to put all their Portuguese prisoners to death in case he did not return. On this account, the admiral gave the boy a verbal message for the prisoners; saying that he would very soon come to Calicut, where he would anchor as near as possible to the sh.o.r.e; and as the captives were allowed to go about the city without irons, they might find an opportunity to come off to the fleet either in boats or by swimming.

Suarez went accordingly with the fleet to Calicut, where he came to anchor on Sat.u.r.day the 7th September; and presently afterwards the boy who had been to visit him at Cananor came on board, accompanied by a servant of Cosebequin, who brought the admiral a present from the rulers of Cochin, and a message requiring a safe conduct for Cosebequin, that he might come on board to treat for peace. The admiral refused to accept of any present until such time as peace were restored; but sent word that Cosebequin might repair on board without fear, as a servant of the king of Portugal; he sent a private message at the same time to the Portuguese prisoners, advising them to use their best endeavours to escape. On receiving this message, Cosebequin was sent on board by the governors of Calicut, to treat of peace, carrying with him two of the Portuguese captives. They requested he would wait three or four days, by which time they believed the zamorin would come out from his seclusion, and that they were convinced he would agree to all that should be required. The admiral answered, that unless they would deliver up the two Italian deserters he would agree to no terms; but he sent no message for the liberation of our captives, as he thought they might easily escape. As soon as the Italians learnt that the admiral had demanded them, they suspected the captives would run away of which circ.u.mstance they gave notice to the governors, requiring them to secure the Portuguese captives, as they were men of consideration, and that a peace might be procured in exchange for them almost on any terms the zamorin pleased to prescribe.

On this advice, the governors took care to prevent the captives from escaping, and became less urgent in their desire of peace. Owing to this, they remained in captivity till Don Francisco de Almeida became viceroy of India, though some made their escape in the interim, and others of them fell victims to the diseases of the climate.

After waiting some days, and finding no friendly steps taken by the governors of Calicut towards a peace; and being likewise without hope of recovering the captives, Suarez resolved to take revenge by cannonading the city of Calicut, which he did for a whole day and a night, during which time he did prodigious damage, destroying the palace of the zamorin, several of their paG.o.das or idol temples, and many of the houses, and slew a great number of the inhabitants. For this service, he brought seven of his smallest s.h.i.+ps as near the sh.o.r.e as possible, and advanced all the boats of the fleet, likewise carrying ordnance, close almost to the beach. After this he departed for Cochin, where he arrived on Sat.u.r.day the 13th of September. He landed next day near the Portuguese castle, in as great state as he had done before at Cananor, and was received with many marks of satisfaction by Trimumpara. After embracing, they went hand in hand into the hall, in which a chair of state was placed for the admiral. As the rajah sat on the cus.h.i.+ons on the floor, according to the custom of the country, and was therefore much lower than the admiral, he commanded his chair to be removed somewhat farther from the rajah, by which he greatly offended the native chiefs who were present at the interview. He now delivered to Trimumpara a letter from the king of Portugal, in which great compliments and many thanks were given, for the favour and protection the rajah had vouchsafed to the Portuguese. To this the rajah answered, that he had been amply repaid, by the good service which Duarte Pacheco had rendered him in the war with the zamorin. Next day, the admiral sent a large sum of money to Trimumpara, as a present from the king of Portugal, who knew that his finances had been greatly injured ill consequence of the war with Calicut.

Soon after, Suarez sent Pedro de Mendoza and Vasco Carvallo with their s.h.i.+ps to guard the coast of Calicut, with orders to capture all s.h.i.+ps belonging to the Moors that were laden with spices. He likewise dispatched De la Cocta, Aguilar, Cotinho, and Abreu, to go to Coulan to take in their loading, being informed that spices were to be had there in abundance. He likewise sent Tristan de la Silva with four armed boats up the rivers towards Cranganor, against some armed paraws of Calicut which were stationed in that quarter. In this expedition, Silva had a skirmish with these paraws and some nayres on the sh.o.r.es of the rivers; but falling in with a Moorish s.h.i.+p laden with pepper, he captured her and brought her to Cochin, where he and the other captains loaded their s.h.i.+ps, as spices were now procured in great abundance.

Duarte Pacheco happened to be off Coulan when he learnt the arrival of Suarez; and knowing that his own command was ended so soon as the new captain-general should arrive at Cochin, determined to attempt some exploits while he remained master of his own conduct. With this view, he put to sea on the 22d of October, and soon after got sight of a s.h.i.+p at a great distance, to which he gave chase all that day and part of the night.

The chase was driven into Coulan, when Pacheco learnt that she _belonged to the confederates[3]_, and was bound from Coromandel. He immediately afterwards descried three s.h.i.+ps of Calicut, to which he gave chase, keeping as near the coast a possible to take the advantage of a land breeze. In the morning he put off to sea in chase of the vessel, which he was unable to get up with till towards evening close to the land; after a brave defence, as the s.h.i.+p had many men, she at length yielded; and not chusing to enc.u.mber himself with so many prisoners, he landed a part of her company, and made the rest prisoners in irons in his own s.h.i.+p.

Learning that this was one of the three s.h.i.+ps belonging to Calicut of which he was in search, he put two of his men on board the prize, with orders to keep him company. Being arrived directly abreast of Cape Comorin, he met with a sudden whirlwind, by which he was nearly cast away, and when this subsided, he came to anchor within a league of the sh.o.r.e, where he remained all night. While at anchor thirty of his Moorish prisoners made their escape, twelve of whom were retaken by means of his boat. Pacheco remained for some time off the Cape in expectation of the other s.h.i.+ps of the Moors coming round from Coromandel, but none making their appearance, he went to Coulan with the s.h.i.+p he had captured, which he delivered to the factor at that city with all its rich merchandize. He then went to Cochin, where he put himself under the command of Suarez.

The zamorin had now resumed the government, having withdrawn from the _torcul_ or religious seclusion. He had dispatched one of his generals with a fleet of eighty paraws and fifty s.h.i.+ps[4] to defend the pa.s.sages of the rivers, and to obstruct the trade of Cochin with the interior; and had likewise set on foot a considerable land army under the prince Naubea Daring. It was the intention of the zamorin to stand on the defensive only while the Portuguese fleet remained in India, and to renew the war against Cochin after their departure. But the admiral Suarez, by the advice of all his captains, resolved to make an attack on Cranganor, a town belonging to the zamorin, about four leagues from Cochin, whence the enemy had often done much injury to the dominions of Trimumpara during the late war. For this purpose, Suarez took fifteen armed boats with raised defences on their gunwales, and twenty-five paraws belonging to Cochin, all armed with cannon, and accompanied by a caravel, the whole manned with about 1000 Portuguese soldiers, and an equal number of nayres from Cochin. The armament arrived before day at _Palypuerto_, where it had to wait for daylight, not daring to attempt the pa.s.sage of certain shoals, as the boats were heavily laden. On arriving at Cranganor, the fleet of Calicut was found drawn up ready to repel the Portuguese attack.

The Calicut commander was posted in the front, in two new s.h.i.+ps chained together, which were full of ordnance and well manned; chiefly by archers.

In the rear of these s.h.i.+ps, and on both flanks, the paraws of Calicut were arranged, all full of armed men.

On the arrival of the Portuguese flotilla, the battle immediately commenced by the discharge of ordnance on both sides. Five Portuguese captains who led the van, pushed on to attack the Calicut admiral in his two chained s.h.i.+ps, which they carried by boarding after a brave resistance, in which that officer and two of his sons with many others of the Malabars were slain. After the capture of these s.h.i.+ps, the paraws made little resistance, and soon took to flight. Suarez immediately disembarked his troops, which soon put Naubea Daring to flight, who commanded the land army of Calicut. The Moors and Malabars in their flight, plundered the houses of Cranganor, which was immediately afterwards set on fire by the Portuguese. Certain Christian inhabitants of the place came to Suarez and prayed him not to burn their city, representing that it contained several churches dedicated to the Virgin and the Apostles, besides many Christian houses which were interspersed among these belonging to the Moors and Gentiles. For their sakes, Suarez ordered the conflagration to be stopped; yet many of the houses were destroyed before that could be effected, as they were all of wood. After the fire was quenched, our men plundered the houses belonging to the Moors, many of whom had formerly dwelt in Cochin. The two s.h.i.+ps, and several paraws which had been taken in the before mentioned engagement, were set on fire, and other three s.h.i.+ps that were found drawn on sh.o.r.e.

At this time Suarez was joined by the prince of Cochin, who informed him that Naubea Daring remained with his army at no great distance, and intended to return to Cranganor after his departure. A considerable force was therefore sent against Naubea Daring; but immediately on seeing their approach, the troops of Calicut fled. On the return of the Portuguese flotilla towards Cochin, Suarez was disposed to have destroyed another town which lay near their pa.s.sage; but the prince of Cochin represented that half of it belonged to him, and prevailed on the admiral to spare it, as he could not destroy one part without the other. Suarez, therefore, returned to Cochin, where he knighted some of his officers for their bravery during the last engagement. A few days after his return, there came an amba.s.sador from the rajah of _Tanor_, whose dominions are next adjoining to those of Cochin. This amba.s.sador represented, that his master had hitherto adhered to the zamorin, and had a.s.sisted him in all his wars against Pacheco. But that the zamorin, since he had come out from his religious seclusion, had redoubled his arrogant ideas of his irresistible power, and in reward of the services of the rajah of Tanor, now threatened him with war and conquest. He farther represented, that on the late occasion, when the general of the Calicut forces was in full march for the relief of Cranganor, the rajah of Tanor had placed 4000 of his nayres in ambush in a defile in their line of march, who had defeated the troops of Calicut, and hod slain 2000 of them. On this account the rajah of Tanor was in great fear of the zamorin, and humbly requested a.s.sistance from the admiral, promising in return to become subject to the king of Portugal.

For this purpose, the admiral sent Pedro Raphael in a caravel to Tanor, with 100 soldiers, most of whom were crossbow men. It chanced that on the very day of his arrival at Tanor, the zamorin arrived before that city with his army and gave battle to the rajah; but, chiefly owing to the valour of Raphael and his company, the army of the zamorin was defeated with great slaughter. In reward for this well-timed succour, the rajah of Tanor became subject to the king of Portugal. In consequence of this defeat, the zamorin was much humbled, and lost more credit with the Moors than by all the victories which Pacheco had obtained; as these had been obtained by strangers, while the present victory had been gained by a native prince. In consequence of these reverses, seeing no likelihood of ever being able to recover their trade, all the Moors who dwelt in Calicut and Cranganor determined upon removing to their own country with their remaining wealth. For this purpose, they fitted up seventeen large s.h.i.+ps at _Pandarane_, which they armed on purpose to defend themselves against any attack from our men, and loaded them with all expedition for Mecca. Besides these, they loaded a great number of paraws and tonys with such goods as the s.h.i.+ps were unable to contain.

The season now approached for the return of the fleet to Portugal, and Suarez appointed Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles[5] as captain-general of the Indies, with whom he left a s.h.i.+p and two caravels, of which last Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez were captains. The admiral presented these officers to the rajah of Cochin, who would much rather have procured Duarte Pacheco to remain, having great confidence in his valour and attachment to his service, but dared not to request this of the admiral, as he was of a haughty disposition. In a conference between Pacheco and the rajah, the latter entreated him to remain in India if possible, as he did not think himself quite secure from the enmity of the zamorin; and even urged him to remember that he had promised not to leave him till he had made him king of Calicut. Pacheco answered, that he left him in a good situation, his country being restored to quiet, and the zamorin so much humbled that he was no longer to be dreaded; as a proof of which the Moors were about to depart from Calicut, seeing their trade entirely ruined. And that he hoped to return from Portugal, and to serve him longer and to greater purpose than he had done hitherto. The rajah was somewhat satisfied with this answer, and craved pardon of Pacheco that he had not rewarded his services as they deserved, because he was extremely poor; yet requested he would take as much pepper as he pleased. Pacheco refused to accept of any thing; saying, he hoped to find the rajah rich and prosperous on his return to Cochin, and then he would accept a reward.

The rajah gave Pacheco a letter for the king of Portugal, in which he set forth all his gallant actions during the war, strongly recommending him to his majesties favour.

The admiral Suarez departed from Cochin on the 27th December[6], taking with him the whole of his fleet, even those captains who were to remain in India. His intention was to have come to anchor in the harbour of Paniani, on purpose to visit the rajah of Tanor; but from foul weather, and bad pilots, the fleet could not make that port, and was driven to Calicut and Pandarane. Being off these ports and with a scanty wind, the admiral detached Raphael and Perez with their caravels, to examine if there were any s.h.i.+ps of the Moors at anchor. While on this service, ten paraws came off to attack them, and an engagement ensued. On the rest of the fleet hearing the sound of the ordnance, they bore up as close to the wind as possible, and came to anchor[7]. In a council of war, it was resolved to attack the seventeen s.h.i.+ps of the Moors, which lay all aground; and as the s.h.i.+ps were unable to get near them, because they lay within the bar, the attack was determined to be made by the boats of the fleet, with orders to set the Moorish s.h.i.+ps on fire. This being resolved upon, the admiral and all the captains of the fleet embarked in the boats, taking with them all the soldiers belonging to the expedition.

The Moorish s.h.i.+ps were all drawn on the beach in a close line, having their sterns to the sh.o.r.e, and were well armed with ordnance, and had many soldiers on board armed with bows and arrows, a considerable number of them being men of a fair complexion[8]. Besides all these, the Moors had two pieces of ordnance on a small bulwark or redoubt which flanked the pa.s.sage of the bar. Our boats, seeing all these formidable preparations, returned towards the fleet[9], whence they towed several caravels within the bar to a.s.sist the boats in the attack. After a severe conflict, in which the Portuguese had twenty-five men killed, and 127 wounded, the whole seventeen s.h.i.+ps of the Moors were boarded and taken, with the loss of 2000 men. But as the Moorish s.h.i.+ps were all aground, the victors were under the necessity to burn them, with all the rich merchandize they contained. Owing to this severe loss, the Moors deserted the city of Calicut, which by the cessation of trade became much distressed for provisions, insomuch that most of its inhabitants withdrew to other places. The zamorin was so much humbled by this succession of disastrous events, that he remained quiet for a long time afterwards[10].

The particular incidents of this engagement are so confusedly related in Lichefilds translation of Castaneda as to baffle every attempt to reduce them into intelligible order. Among these, the two following are more distinctly told. Tristan de la Silva endeavoured to board a s.h.i.+p which appeared to be the admiral, of which the captain and a numerous crew were Turks. A little before De Silva got up to this s.h.i.+p, the crew had fired off a piece of ordnance which lay on the upper deck, and which by its recoil broke a large hole in the side of the s.h.i.+p. The Turks were so intent on defending themselves against the Portuguese boats, that they neglected to barricade this hole, of which the people in De Silvas boat took advantage to get on board; Alonzo Lopez the master, and Alvaro Lopez one of the kings servants, now town-clerk of Santarem, being the first who entered by the hole. A desperate conflict ensued on deck, in which many of the Turks were slain, others hid themselves below the hatches, and others leapt into the water, most of whom were drowned, as they were covered with s.h.i.+rts of mail.

The caravel commanded by Pedro Raphael, one of these brought within the bar to co-operate with the boats, was struck by a ball from the battery on sh.o.r.e, which killed three men and dangerously wounded other ten. In the confusion occasioned by this accident, another shot killed the master at the helm, and the caravel drove with the tide of flood right under the bows of a large Moorish s.h.i.+p full of men which had not yet been attacked by the boats. In this situation, a great number of the enemy boarded the caravel, _and used our men very ill_. The caravel afterwards drifted on certain rocks, where she remained till the end of the battle. The situation of the caravel was now perceived by the admiral, who ordered effectual succour to be sent to Raphael. The succours boarded the caravel, which was quite full of Moors, whom they drove out with great slaughter; but all of our men belonging to that caravel were sore hurt.

On the next day, being the first of January 1505, the admiral went with the fleet to Cananor, to take in the rest of his lading. He was here informed by the factor of the humbled situation of the Moors, from whom, in his opinion, the Portuguese had no longer any thing to fear in India.

Being ready to depart for Europe, the admiral made an oration to Manual Telez, and those who were to remain with him in India, giving them instructions for their conduct after his departure; and as the enemy was so greatly humbled, he considered that such a fleet as had formerly been left by Albuquerque was quite sufficient, in which he left an hundred soldiers. Indeed the zamorin, as has been already said, was sick of the war, and remained quiet after the departure of the admiral.

Departing from Cananor, Suarez arrived off Melinda on the 1st of February; where, without landing himself, he sent Antonio de Saldanna to bring away the rich prizes he had formerly made at Cape Guardafui. From Melinda, the fleet went to Quiloa, on purpose to enforce the payment of the tribute from the king of that place. Departing from thence on the 10th of February, he arrived safe at Lisbon on the 22d of June 1505[11], without any incident worth relating[12]; carrying with him two s.h.i.+ps more than had accompanied him to India, all laden with rich commodities, and was received by the King Don Manuel with great honour.

When the king learnt the great service which Pacheco had performed in India, he expressed his high approbation of his conduct in a public procession. The king went, in all the splendour usually shewn on _Corpus Christi_ day, from the high church to that of St Domingo, accompanied by Duarte Pacheco. After solemn service, a sermon was preached by Don Diego Ortis, bishop of Viseo; who, by the kings command, gave a rehearsal of all that had been performed by Pacheco in the war against the zamorin. On the same day, a solemn festival was held in all the churches of Portugal and Algarve. The king sent letters on the occasion to the pope and all the princes of Christendom, announcing all these notable acts and victories which had been performed in the Indies.[13]

[1] These are said to have been the largest s.h.i.+ps. .h.i.therto built in Portugal, and to have carried 1200 men; perhaps soldiers, besides their ordinary crews.--Astl. I. 57.

[2] The Turkish empire, as succeeding that of the Romans or Greeks of Constantinople, is still called _Rumi_ in the east. It will be afterwards seen, that these _Rumes_, Romans, or Turks, made some powerful efforts to drive the Portuguese from India, as greatly injurious to the Indian trade with Europe through the Red Sea and Egypt.--E.

[3] This expression is quite inexplicable, unless we may pick out very darkly that it belonged to the Calicut confederacy against the Portuguese. Yet Castaneda, or his imperfect translator Lichefild, does not inform us whether this vessel was made a prize. Lichefild seems almost always to have had a very imperfect knowledge of the language of the author, often to have mistaken his meaning or expressed it with great obscurity, and sometimes writes even a kind of jargon, by endeavouring to translate verbally without being able to catch an idea from the original.--E.

[4] According to Astley, from De Fariz only _five_ s.h.i.+ps; and indeed in the sequel, Castaneda only mentions _two_ s.h.i.+ps as employed, on the present occasion and three others that were drawn up on sh.o.r.e.--E.

[5] At the commencement of this section, Castaneda names this person Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles; in Astley, I. 58, he is called Manuel Tellez Barreto.--E.

[6] In Lichefilds translation of Castaneda, this date is made the 27th September, which is an obvious mistake.--E.

[7] By some strange blunder, Lichefild says they came to _Cananor_; but from all the circ.u.mstances in the contexts, it is obvious that the fleet came to anchor on the outside of the bar at Pandarane.--E.

[8] Arabs probably, whites in the estimation of the Portuguese as compared with the native blacks of Malabar.--E.

[9] This part of the story is very confusedly translated by Lichefild.

According to his relation, in one sense, the admiral alone returned in his boat for the caravels; while, by another part of his expressions, the whole boats returned for the admiral and the caravels.--E.

[10] According to Astley, a peace was concluded between the Portuguese and the zamorin immediately after the victory obtained by the rajah of Tanore; but this does not agree with the circ.u.mstances just related respecting the destruction of the Moorish fleet in the harbour of Pandarane, which would hardly have been done during a time of peace--E.