A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ii Part 27

[13] Probably Rock Point, forming the western boundary of Algoa or Zwartkops bay, in long. 27 E. bring the rocky extreme promontory of the Krakakamma ridge.--E.

[14] It is infinitely difficult to guess the course of these early voyages, without lat.i.tudes or longitudes, and only estimated distances by dead reckoning in uncertain leagues; but the Rio del Infante of this voyage and that of Diaz, is probably that now called Great-fish river, in the Zuureveld of Graaff Reynet, in long. 28 20' E? which, however, is twenty-six Portuguese leagues, or thirty geographical leagues from Rocky Point, instead of the fifteen leagues of the text.--E.

[15] The sixty leagues in the text are inexplicable on any rational supposition, as they seem to have again made the Rocks de la Cruz, or rather Rocky Point, said just before to be only fifteen leagues from Infante river, to which they were then bound.--E.

[16] The Portuguese s.h.i.+ps appear to have been now on the coast of Natal, or the land of the Caffres, certainly a more civilized people than the Hottentots of the cape. But the circ.u.mstance of Alonzo understanding their language is quite inexplicable: as he could hardly have been lower on the western coast than Minz, or perhaps Congo. Yet, as a belt of Caffres are said to cross the continent of Africa, to the north of the Hottentots, it is barely possible that some Caffre slaves may have reached the western coast.--E.

[17] This grain was probably what is now well known under the name of millet.--E.

[18] According to Barros, _Aguada da boa Paz_.--Clarke.

[19] Gibb's Orosius, I. 50.

[20] The text here ought probably to be thus amended, "He and his brother, _with_ Nicholas Coelle," &c.--E.

[21] These probably swam off to the s.h.i.+ps.--E.

[22] De Faria alleges that the people of this river were not so black as the other Africans, and wore habits of different kinds of stuffs, both cotton and silk, of various colours, and that they understood Arabic; and adds, that they informed De Gama there were white people to the eastwards, who sailed in s.h.i.+ps like those of the Portuguese. Osorius likewise says, that one of the natives spoke Arabic very imperfectly, and that De Gama left two of his convicts at this place, which he called San Rafael.--Clarke.

[23] There is no circ.u.mstance in the text from which the situation of this river can even be conjectured. Clarke, p.440, alleges that it was Soffala; and yet, in a note in his preceding page, says, "That De Gama seems to have pa.s.sed Cape Corientes during the night, and to have kept so far from land, on account of a strong current setting on sh.o.r.e, as not to have noticed Sofala." In the notes on the Lusiad, this river of Good Signs is ascertained to have been one of the mouths of the Zambeze, or Cuama River, which divides Mocaranga from the coast of Mozambique; the different mouths of which run into the sea between the lat.i.tudes of 19 and 18 S.--E.

[24] They were evidently afflicted with the scurvy; and accordingly De Barros refers the disease to its proper cause, "Having been for so long a time confined to the use of salt fish and corrupted biscuit.-- Clarke."

[25] Addition to the narrative of Castaneda, from De Barros.--Clarke.

[26] This obscure expression seems to mean that De Gama wished them to precede the s.h.i.+ps, and point out the way into the harbour.--E.

[27] This expression has probably been misunderstood by the original translator. It appears that these Moors of Mozambique spoke Arabic, here called the language of Algarve, and finding themselves understood and answered by the strangers, mistook the Portuguese for Moors.--E.

[28] Mozambique is in lat. 15 35' S. and in 41 of E. Long--E.

[29] The observations here inserted, and marked with inverted commas, are made by the Editor of the present collection. They are much too long for insertion in the form of a note, and appeared of too much importance to be omitted; being chiefly from Clarke, I. 447.--E.

[30] For the materials of this addition to the text of Castaneda, we are chiefly indebted to the Progress of Maritime Discovery, p. 447, 458.

--E.

[31] His name, as given by Osorius, was _Zacocia_, and De Barros adds, that he wore richly embroidered clothes, and had his sword ornamented with diamonds.--Clarke.

[32] This is probably the same person named Fernan Alvares on a former occasion.--E.

[33] It is added by De Barros, that three _Abexijs_, or Abyssinians, from the territory of _Preste Joano_, came on board the fleet, along with the Moors who brought provisions; and, seeing the image of the angel Gabriel painted on the s.h.i.+p of that name, and being accustomed to such representations of angels in their own country, they made their adorations to this holy picture.--Clarke.

[34] Mr Clarke, Progr. of Marit. Disc. I. 464, strangely misrepresents this story; saying, "that _the pilot_ of Paulo de la Gama had deserted to the Moors, though a Christian."--E.

[35] According to De Burros, after the inhabitants abandoned the town, the zeque sent De Gama a pilot to navigate Coello's s.h.i.+p, from whom De Gama learnt that Calicut was a months voyage from Mozambique.--Clarke, I. 464.

[36] If Sunday, as above, were the first of April, the Friday following must have been the 6th.--E.

[37] The text is here obscure; but it would appear that only some of the men belonging to these two boats remained on board, and the rest returned to the coast. Not that the Moorish pilots from Mozambique were here dismissed, as the text of Lichefild's translation seems to insinuate.--E.

[38] Motta, in the Portuguese East Indian Pilot, places this town in lat.

3 50'S. He says the entrance is much incommoded with shoals, and so narrow in some places as not to exceed the length of a s.h.i.+p. This city is said to have once stood on a peninsula, converted into an island by cutting a ca.n.a.l across the isthmus.--Clarke, I. 469.

[39] This may be understood that part of the inhabitants were unmixed Arabs, comparatively whites; while others were of a mixed race between these and the original natives, perhaps likewise partly East Indian Mahometans, of a similar origin.--E.

[40] This is surely an oversight in Castaneda or his translator, for _one_ year.--E.

[41] It is difficult to ascertain what place in India is here meant.

Cranganore comes nearer in sound, but is rather nearer Melinda than Calicut; Mangalore is rather more distant. The former a degree to the south of Calicut, the latter not quite two to the north; all three on the Malabar coast. On a former occasion, Castaneda says these merchants were of Cambaya or Guzerat, above eleven degrees north of Calicut.--E.

[42] This seems to be the same office with that named Kadhi, or Khazi, by the Turks and Persians, which is rather the t.i.tle of a judge than of a priest, which is named Moulah.--E.

[43] It is probable that this pa.s.sage should be thus understood, "The king sent him a pilot, who was an idolater from Guzerate, &c."--E.

[44] The addition to, or observations on the text, inserted in this place within inverted commas, are from Clarke, I. 486, 487.--E.

[45] In Lichefild's translation this date is made the 22d; but the Friday after Sunday the 21st, must have been the 26th of the month.--E.

[46] The difference of longitude between Melinda and Calicut is thirty- four degrees, which at 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, gives only 575 Portuguese leagues, or 680 geographical leagues of twenty to the degree. Thus miserably erroneous are the estimated distances in old navigators, who could only compute by the dead reckoning, or the log.

--E.

[47] The course from Melinda to Calicut is about E. N. E. the former being about three degrees to the S. and the latter almost eleven degrees to the N. of the line.--E.

[48] This vague account of the extent of Malabar is erroneous or corrupt, as sixty-one Portuguese leagues would barely reach from Cape Comorin to Calicut. The extreme length of the western maritime vale of India, from Cambay to Cape Comorin, exceeds 250 Portuguese leagues.--E.

[49] The proper name of this prince who is said to have thus divided the kingdom of Malabar, was Shermanoo-Permaloo.--Clarke, I. 395.

[50] This must be erroneous, as the Mahometans reckon from the year of the Hegira, or flight of Mahomet from Mecca, which commences in 622 of the Christian era.--E.

[51] This story seems an Arabian tale, perhaps partly founded upon some real revolution in the government of Malabar. But it would much exceed the bounds of a note to enter upon disquisitions relative to Indian history.--E.

[52] Laker is a kind of gum that proceedeth of the ant. This marginal note, in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, indicates the animal origin of lac, which has been elucidated of late by Dr Roxburgh.--E.

[53] From the sequel in the narrative of Castaneda, this Colastrian rajah seems to have been the sovereign of Cananor.--E.

[54] This word paG.o.da, applied by the Portuguese, to denote an Indian, temple, is said to be derived from a Malabar or Indian word, _Pagabadi_, signifying any idol.--Astley, I. 51.

[55] This is described by Castaneda as a coin equal in value to three crowns.

[56] By De Faria, this man is named Monzayde.--Astl. I. 30.

[57] The t.i.tle of kutwal is of Arabic origin, and properly signifies the governor of a fort or castle, but the office may be different in different places. In some instances, the kutwal seems to have been the deputy-governor, sheriff, or judge of a town.--Astl. I. 30.

[58] Such are the expressions used by Lichefild; but I suspect the sense here ought to have been, That the kutwal required De Gama to land immediately, that he might go to Calicut, on purpose to be presented to the zamorin.--E.

[59] In Astley, I. 81. this place is named Kapokats.--E.

[60] Kafr is an Arabic word, signifying an infidel or unbeliever; and is applied by the Mahometans to all who do not believe the doctrines of Mahomet, and especially to all who wors.h.i.+p images, including the Roman Catholics. The priests mentioned in the text were obviously bramins.

The origin of the term here used by mistake, was obviously from the interpretation of Bontaybo, the friendly Moor; and explains the mistake of De Gama in believing the Malabars to have been Christians.