A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ix Part 8

spent the whole of this day in firing against one of the s.h.i.+ps that was aground, and received many shots from the enemy, one of which killed Richard Barker the boatswain.

[Footnote 81: Nathaniel Salmon of Leigh was master of the Hosiander.--_Purch._]

Night coming on, we anch.o.r.ed some six miles from the Portuguese s.h.i.+ps; and at nine p.m. they sent a frigate down towards us, which came driving right _athwart halse_ of the Hosiander, and being discovered by their good watch, was speedily saluted by shot. The first shot made them hoist sail, the second went through their sails, and, they immediately made off.[82] Their intention certainly was to have set our s.h.i.+ps on fire, if they had found us off our guard.[83]

[Footnote 82: This frigate was sunk by the shot, as I was a.s.sured by Mr Salmon the actor, and eighty of her men were taken up drowned.--_Purch._]

[Footnote 83: On this occasion the Portuguese had four great galleons and some twenty-six frigates, or armed barks. In these fights they lost all their _quondam_ credit, and 160 men, or as others say 500; and the English settled trade at Surat in spite of all their efforts.--_Purch._]

We remained at anchor all the first December, the Portuguese not coming to us nor we to them; though they might easily have come to us without danger from the sands, but not so we to them. This day I called a council, and it was concluded to go down to the south, that we might have a broader channel, hoping that the galleons would follow us. We accordingly went down some six or seven leagues on the 2d, but they did not follow us; wherefore on the 3d we stood up again, and anch.o.r.ed fairly in sight of them. We weighed again on the morning of the 4th, and stood away before them, they following: But in the afternoon they gave us over, and hauled in with the land, and at night we directed our course for Diu. At night of the 5th, we anch.o.r.ed in fourteen fathoms near the sh.o.r.e, four or five leagues eastwards of Diu.

The 9th we came to _Madafaldebar_[84] which is ten or eleven leagues E.

by N. from Diu, the coast between being very fair, and having no unseen dangers. The depth near Diu is fifteen or sixteen fathoms, halfway to _Madafaldebar_ twelve fathoms, then ten and nine, but not less; and in nine fathoms we anch.o.r.ed in a fine sandy bay, on the west side of which is a river coming from a considerable distance inland. This place is some five or six miles west from the isles of _Mortie_[85] The 15th we set sail to explore the bay of _Mohar_,[86] having been reported by some of the people who had belonged to the Ascension to be a good place for wintering in, or waiting the return of the monsoon for sailing to the southwards. We accordingly anch.o.r.ed that night in the bay, which is nine or ten leagues E.N.E. from Madafaldebar, finding the coast and navigation perfectly good, with ten fathoms all the way, and no danger but what is seen. I sent my boat ash.o.r.e, and got twenty excellent sheep for three s.h.i.+llings each, the best we had seen in the whole voyage. We found the ruins of a great town at this place, but very few inhabitants.

[Footnote 84: From the indications in the text, this must be _Jaffrabat_ on the coast of Guzerat, about thirty-one miles E. by N. from Diu. The name used in the text must be taken from the native language, while that of modern geography is the Persian, Mogul, or Arabic name of the place.--E.]

[Footnote 85: Called _Searbett_ in Arrowsmith's excellent map of Hindostan, eight miles E.N.E. from Jaffrabat.--E.]

[Footnote 86: Called on the margin of the Pilgrims, _Moha, Mona_, or _Mea_; and which from the context appears to be a bay immediately west from _Wagnagur_.--E.]

There happened to be an army encamped in the neighbourhood of this place, and on the 17th, the general sent four men to me, requesting a conference. I landed on the 21st, and had much conversation with the general, who greatly desired to have two pieces of ordnance from us, making many fair promises of favour to our nation, and even presented me with a horse and furniture and two Agra girdles or sashes; but I refused him, having none to spare, and needing all we had for our defence. I presented him in return with two vests of stammel cloth, two firelocks, two bottles of brandy, and a knife.

The 22d, we saw the four galleons coming towards us, and at nine p.m.

they anch.o.r.ed within shot of where we lay. At sun-rise next morning we weighed and bore down upon them, and continued to fight them till between ten and eleven a.m. when they all four weighed and stood away before the wind. We followed them two or three hours, but they sailed much better large than we, so that we again came to anchor, and they likewise anch.o.r.ed about two leagues from us. In this days fight, I expended 133 great shot, and about 700 small. At sunrise of the 24th we again weighed and bore down upon the galleons, and began to fight them at eight a.m. continuing till noon, having this day expended 250 great shot, and 1000 small. By this time both sides were weary, and we all stood to sea, steering S. by E. The galleons followed us till two or three p.m. when they put about and come to anchor. I now took account of our warlike ammunition, and found more than half our shot expended, the store of the Hosiander being in a similar situation. We had now discharged against the enemy 625 great shot, and 3000 small.

Being about four or five leagues from the land, we met with a sand, on which there was only two or two 1/2 fathoms, laying S.S.E. or thereabout from _Mosa_. I went over it in nine fathoms, at which time the two high hills over _Gogo_ were nearly N. from us. Upon this sand the Ascension was cast away. Between the main and this sand, the channel is nine and ten fathoms, and the shoaling is rather fast. We continued steering S.

with the tide of ebb, and anch.o.r.ed in eight fathoms, finding the tide to set E.N.E. and W.S.W. by the compa.s.s. At midnight of the 24th we weighed, standing S.S.E. and at two p.m. of the 25th we anch.o.r.ed in seventeen fathoms at high water, full in sight of Damaun, which bore E.S.E. In the afternoon of the 26th we anch.o.r.ed off the bar of Surat.

The 27th we went to Swally road, when Thomas Kerridge and Edward Christian came aboard.

On the 6th of January, 1613, the _Firmaun_ from the Great Mogul, in confirmation of peace and settlement of a factory for trade, came to Swally as a private letter; wherefore I refused to receive it, lest it might be a counterfeit, requiring that the chief men of Surat should come down and deliver it to me, with the proper ceremonials.

Accordingly, on the 11th, the sabandar, his father-in-law Medigoffar, and several others, came to Swally, and delivered the Firmaun to me in form, making great professions of respect for our nation in the name of their king. The 14th we landed all our cloth, with 310 elephants teeth, and all our quicksilver. This day likewise the Portuguese galleons came within three or four miles of us. The 16th, I landed Anthony Starkey, with orders to travel over land for England, carrying letters to give notice of our good success.[87]

[Footnote 87: Mr Starkey and his Indian companion or guide were poisoned on the way by two friars.--Purch.]

The 17th, having received all my goods from Surat, I set sail at night, leaving these coasts. The 18th we pa.s.sed the four galleons, which all weighed and followed us for two or three hours; but we finally separated without exchanging shots. The 19th, when abreast of Ba.s.seen, we stopt three Malabar barks, which had nothing in them, and from one of which we took a boat. The 20th at night we were abreast of Chaul, both town and castle being full in sight. In the afternoon of the 21st we were abreast of Dabul, where we boarded three junks belonging to Calicut, laden with cocoanuts. The 22d in the morning, the Hosiander sent her boat aboard two junks, and at noon we were at the rocks, which are ten or eleven leagues N. of Goa, and six or eight miles from the main. Two or three of these rocks are higher than the hull of a large s.h.i.+p. At six p.m. we were abreast of Goa, which is easily known by the island at the month of the river, on which island there is a castle. All the way from Damann to Goa, the coast trends nearly N. and S. with a slight inclination to N.W.

and S.E. the whole being very fair and without danger, having fair shoaling and sixteen or seventeen fathoms some three or four leagues off sh.o.r.e, with good-anchorage every where.

The 24th we saw a fleet of sixty or eighty frigates or barks bound to the southwards, being in lat. 13 00' 30". The high land by the sea now left us, and the sh.o.r.e became very low, yet with fair shoaling of sixteen and seventeen fathoms some three or four leagues off. In the afternoon we went into a bay, where all the before-mentioned frigates were at anchor, together with three or four gallies. We brought out a s.h.i.+p with us, whence all the Portuguese fled in their boats, and as two frigates lay close aboard of her, they had carried away every thing valuable. Next day we examined our prize, and found nothing in her except rice and coa.r.s.e sugar, with which we amply supplied both s.h.i.+ps; and having taken out her masts, and what firing she could afford, we scuttled and sunk her, taking out likewise all her people, being twenty or twenty-five Moors. The 26th we met a boat belonging to the Maldives laden with cocoa-nuts and bound for Cananor, into which I put all the people of the prize, except eight, whom I kept to a.s.sist in labour, one of them being a pilot for this coast.

The 27th we were a little past Calicut, abreast of Paniany, our lat. at noon being 10 30' N. In the morning of the 28th, we saw Cochin, which is known by the towers and castle, being in lat 9 40' N. or thereby.

All the way from Goa to Cochin we never had above twenty fathoms, though, sometimes four or five leagues from the land; and when only three, four, or six miles off, the depths were from ten to twelve fathoms. From lat 11 30' N. to Cochin, the land was all very low by the water side; but up the country it was very high all along. Four or five leagues to the north of Cochin, there is a high land within the country, somewhat like a table mountain, yet rounded on the top, having long high mountains to the north of this hill. All this day, the 28th, we sailed within six or eight miles of the land, in nine, ten, and twelve fathoms.

We anch.o.r.ed on the 30th in fifteen fathoms, about twenty-six leagues to the north of Cape Comorin right over against a little village, whence presently came off six or eight canoes with water and all kinds of provisions; the name of this place is _Beringar_, which our mariners usually call Bring-John, being in the kingdom of Travancor. The 1st February, the king sent me a message, offering to load my s.h.i.+p with pepper and cinnamon, if I would remain and trade with him. The 5th we were abreast of Cape Comorin, where we had a fresh gale of wind at E. by N. which split our fore-top-sail and main bonnet, yet a canoe with eight men came off to us three or four leagues from the land. We were here troubled with calms and great heat, and many of our men fell sick, of which number I was one. On the 8th we were forced back to the roads of _Beringar_. This place has good refreshments for s.h.i.+ps, and the people are very harmless, and not friends to the Portuguese. From this place to Cape Comorin, all the inhabitants of the sea coast are Christians, and have a Portuguese priest or friar residing among them. It is to be remarked, that the whole coast, even from Damaun to Cape Comorin, is free from danger, and there is fair shoaling all the way from Cochin to that cape, having sixteen, eighteen, and twenty fathoms close to the land, and no ground five or six leagues off, after you come within twenty-five or thirty leagues of the Cape. The variation at Damaun was 16 30'; halfway to the Cape about 15, and 14 at the cape, the lat.i.tude of which is 7 30' N. [_exactly_ 7 57'].

In the afternoon we were fair off the Cape, and found much wind at E.S.E. giving small hope of being able to go eastwards till the end of the monsoon, which our Indians reported would be about the end of April.

So I bore up, and came to anchor, four or five leagues within the Cape, in twenty fathoms close by two rocks. About two miles right off these two rocks is a sunken rock, which is very dangerous, especially if sailing in twenty fathoms, but by keeping in twenty-four fathoms all danger is avoided. We remained here nine days, when we again made sail.

In the morning of the 28th we had sight of Ceylon, some eight or nine leagues E.S.E. being in lat. 7 N. At 4 p.m. we were close in with that island, in thirteen, fifteen, and sixteen fathoms. The 1st of March, at 6 p.m. we were abreast of Columbo, the lat. of which is about 6 30' N.

[7 2']; having twenty-four and twenty-five fathoms three leagues off.

The 12th we stood in with the land, and anch.o.r.ed in twenty-four fathoms, the wind being S.E. and S. I sent my boat ash.o.r.e four leagues to the north of _Punta de Galle_, and after some time a woman came to talk with one of our Indians who was in the boat. She said we could have no provisions: but by our desire she went to tell the men. Afterwards two men came to us, who flatly refused to let us have any thing, alleging that our nation had captured one of their boats; but it was the Hollanders not the English. The 14th, in the morning, the southern point of Ceylon, called _Tanadare_ [Dondra], bore E.S.E. of us, some five leagues off. This point is in lat. 5 30' [5 54' N.], and is about ten or twelve leagues E.S.E. from Punta de Galle. The 17th we were near one of the sands mentioned by Linschoten, being two leagues from the land.

We had twenty-five fathoms water, and on the land, right opposite this sand, is a high rock like a great tower. The land here trends E.N.E.[88]

[Footnote 88: Owing probably to careless abbreviation by Purchas, this solitary notice is all that is given of the voyage between Dondra-head in Ceylon and Acheen, in the north-west end of Sumatra, to which the observation in the text seems to refer.--E.]

--3. _Occurrences at Acheen, in Sumatra_.

At noon of the 12th April, 1613, we came to anchor in the road of Acheen, in twelve fathoms, but s.h.i.+ps may ride in ten or even eight fathoms; the best place in which to ride being to the eastward of the castle, and off the river mouth. I landed the merchants on the 13th; but the king did not come to town till the 15th, when he sent me his _chop_ or licence to land, which was brought by an eunuch, accompanied by the _Xabander_ and six or eight more, to whom I gave 120 _mam_. I landed along with them, and two hours afterwards the king sent me a present of some provisions, I having sent him on my landing a present of _two pieces_;[89] the custom being to make the king some small present on landing, in return for which he sends several dishes of meat.

[Footnote 89: These _pieces_, so often mentioned in the early voyages, were probably fowling-pieces, or European fire-arms.--E.]

On the 17th, the king sent an elephant, with a golden bason, for our king's letter, which I accompanied to court, attended by forty of our men, who were all admitted into the king's presence. After many compliments, the king returned me our king's letter, that I might read it to him; and accordingly the substance of it was explained in the native language, with the contents of which he was well pleased. After some time, the king told me that he would shew me some of his diversions, and accordingly caused his elephants to fight before us.

When six of them had fought for some time, he caused four buffaloes to be brought, which made a very excellent and fierce fight; such being their fierceness that sixty or eighty men could hardly part them, fastening ropes to their hind-legs to draw them asunder. After these, some ten or twelve rams were produced, which fought very bravely. When it was so dark that we could hardly see, these sports were discontinued, and the king presented me with a banquet of at least 500 dishes, and such abundance of hot drinks as might have sufficed to make an army drunk. Between nine and ten at night, he gave me leave to depart, sending two elephants to carry me home; but as they had no coverings I did not ride either of them.

On the 18th, I went again to court by appointment of the king, when we began to treat concerning the articles formerly granted by his grandfather to Mr James Lancaster; but when we came to that in which all goods were to be brought in and carried out free from customs, we broke off without concluding any thing. The 19th the amba.s.sador of Siam came to visit me, and told me, that about thirty months before, three Englishmen had waited upon his king, who gave them kind entertainment, being rejoiced at receiving letters from the king of England. He also said that his king would be much pleased if our s.h.i.+ps came to his ports, telling me what great quant.i.ties of Portugal cloth, for so he called our English cloth, would sell in his country. According to his opinion, the colours most saleable in his country are, _stammel_ and other reds, yellows, and other light, gay, and pleasing colours, such as those already in most request at Surat. He also told me, that his king had made a conquest of the whole kingdom of Pegu, as that he is now the most powerful sovereign in the east, except the emperor of China, having twenty-six tributary kings under his government and authority, and is able to equip for war 6000 elephants. Their coin is all of silver, gold being less esteemed, and of less proportional value than with us. That country produces great abundance of pepper and raw silk; and he said the Hollanders have factories at Patane, an excellent port, where they are called English. Siam likewise, according to him, is a good port, and nearer the court than Patane: Those who go to the city in which the king resides land always at the port of Siam, whence the royal residence is twenty days journey by land. I requested from the amba.s.sador to give me a letter to his sovereign, and letters also to the governors of the maritime towns in Siam, in favour of the English nation, when we should come upon these coasts, which he promised me. And, lastly, in token of friends.h.i.+p we exchanged coins; I giving him some of our English coin, and receiving from him the coins of Siam. I had often, after this first interview, friendly intercourse with this amba.s.sador.

I went to court on the 20th, b.u.t.t had no opportunity to speak with the king; whereupon I sent to the king's deputy, or chief minister, and complained of having been dishonoured, and of having been abused by the _shahbander_. He promised me speedy redress, and that he should inform the king without delay, which indeed he did that same day. On the day following, the king sent two officers of his court to me, to intimate that I might repair freely to his court at all times, pa.s.sing the gate without hindrance or waiting for his _criss_. He also removed the shahbander of whom I had complained, and appointed a gentleman, who had formerly been his vice-amba.s.sador to Holland, to attend upon me at all times to court, or any where else, at my pleasure. The 24th I went to court, and had access to the king, who satisfied me in all things, and promised to ratify and renew all the articles formerly agreed upon between his predecessor and Mr James Lancaster. After many compliments, he gave me leave; and presently after my return, he sent me an elephant to attend upon me, and to carry me at all times to any place I pleased.

This is a sign of the highest honour and esteem, as no person may have an elephant, or ride upon one, but those whom the king is pleased to honour with that privilege.

The 2d of May, the king invited me to his fountain to swim, and I was there accordingly along with him, the place being some five or six miles from the city; and he even sent me two elephants, one to ride upon, and the other to carry my provision. Having washed and bathed in the water, the king made me partake of a very splendid banquet, in which there was too much arrak, the whole being eaten and drank us we sat in the water; and at this entertainment all his n.o.bles and officers were present. Our banquet continued from one till towards five in the evening, when the king allowed me to depart. Half an hour afterwards, all the strangers were permitted to go away, and presently afterwards he came away himself.

On the 14th, some Portuguese came to Acheen on an emba.s.sy from the governor of Malacca to the king; and as the wind was scant, they landed three leagues to the east of Acheen road. I immediately sent the Hosiander, of which I appointed Edward Christian captain, to go in search of the bark from Malacca, which was brought to me on the 17th: But the king sent me two messengers, desiring me to release her and her people and cargo; which I refused, till I had examined the bark and her contents; saying, however, that in honour and respect for his majesty, I should then do whatever he was pleased to desire. Afterwards, I was informed by Mr Christian, that there were only four or five bales of goods in the bark, and that nothing she contained had been meddled with.

Being satisfied of this I went ash.o.r.e, and found my merchants were at the court. They returned presently, saying, that the king was greatly displeased at the capture of the Portuguese bark in his port, protesting by his G.o.d that he would make us all prisoners, if she were not released. Having notice that I was ash.o.r.e, the king presently sent for me; and, as I was on my way to the court, I met with a gentleman from the king, who desired me in his name to release the bark; but I told him I must first see and speak to the king. I was then brought into the king's presence, and, after much discourse with him, I gave him the bark and all her contents; with which he was so much pleased, that he gave me the t.i.tle of _Arancaia Puto_, signifying the _honourable white man_, requiring all his n.o.bles to call me by that name. In farther proof of his satisfaction with my conduct on this occasion, he sold me all his benzoin at my own price, being twenty _tailes_ the bahar, though then selling commonly at thirty-four and thirty-five tailes. He at the same time expressed his esteem and affection for me in the strongest terms, desiring me to ask from him whatever I thought proper. I only requested his letters of recommendation and favour for Priaman, which he most readily promised; and, at my taking leave, he both made me eat some mangoes, of which he was then eating, and gave me some home with me.

On the 27th, _Malim Cairy_ came to Acheen, by whom I received letters from our merchants at Surat, as also a copy of the _firmaun_, sent them from Agra, bearing date the 25th January, in the seventh year of the then reigning Great Mogul, by which everything was confirmed that had been agreed upon between the governor of Ahmedabad and me. The 17th of June, a Dutch merchant came to Acheen from Masulipatam, who had been eight months on his way, from whom we learnt the death of Mr Anthony Hippon at Patane, and of Mr Brown, master of the Globe, who died at Masulipatam, where our people had met with evil usage. The 24th I received of the king his present for the king of England, consisting of a _criss_ or dagger, a _hasega_, four pieces of fine Calicut lawn, and eight camphire dishes.[90]

[Footnote 90: In the translation of the letter accompanying these presents, to be noticed hereafter, they are thus described:--"A criss wrought with gold, the hilt being of beaten gold, with a ring of stones; an a.s.sagaya of Swa.s.se, half gold half copper; eight porcelain dishes small and great, _of camfire one piece of souring stuff_; three pieces of callico lawns."--The pa.s.sage in Italics is inexplicable, either in the words of the letter, or in the description in the text.--E.]

The 3d of July, the fleet of armed vessels belonging to Acheen arrived, being only twenty days from the coast of Johor, at which place they had captured the factory of the Hollanders, making prize of all their goods, and had brought away some twenty or twenty-four Dutchmen as prisoners.

The 7th, I received the king's letter for Priaman, together with a _chop_ or licence for my departure; and on the 12th, taking my leave of Acheen, I embarked. In the morning of the 13th I set sail. It is to be noted, that, from the 12th April to the middle of June, we had much rain here at Acheen, seldom two fair days following, and accompanied, by much wind in sudden gusts. From the 15th June to the 12th July, we had violent gales of wind, always at S.W. or W.S.W. or W.

--4. _Trade at Tecoo and Pa.s.saman, with the Voyage to Bantam, and thence Home to England_.

Leaving Acheen, as said before, on the 13th July, 1613, we came in sight of _Priaman_ on the 3d of August, it being then nine or ten leagues off, N.E. by E. and clearly known by two great high hills, making a great _swamp_ or saddle between them. We saw also the high land of _Tecoo_, which is not more than half the height of that of Priaman, and rises somewhat flat. At the same time likewise we saw the high land of _Pa.s.saman_, some seven or eight leagues north of Tecoo, mid-way between Tecoo and Priaman, which mountain is very high, and resembles Aetna in Sicily.[91] In the afternoon of the 7th we came to Tecoo, and anch.o.r.ed to the eastward of the three islands in seven fathoms, the southmost isle bearing W.S.W. the middle isle W.N.W. and the northern isle N. 1/2 E. our anchorage being a mile from them.

[Footnote 91: Perhaps this observed similarity with Aetna is meant to indicate that this hill also is a volcano.--E.]

I sent ash.o.r.e my merchants on the 19th, and landed myself in the afternoon. Next day, by advice of our council, the Hosiander was sent to Priaman, with the letter of the king of Acheen. She sailed from Tecoo on the 12th, and came back on the 18th, when she was dispatched to Bantam.

The 25th there came a junk from Bantam, the owners of which were Chinese. They confirmed to me the reported death of Sir Henry Middleton, with the loss of most of the men belonging to the Trades-increase, in consequence of her main-mast breaking, while heaving her down for careening her bottom. She was now returned from Pulo-Pannian to Bantam, and they said that three hundred Chinese had died while employed at work upon her.

The 28th a boat I had sent to Pa.s.saman returned, having been well entertained at that place, and brought with them the _Scrivano_ to deal with me, with whom accordingly I concluded a bargain. The 29th, the governor of Tecoo sent for me to come ash.o.r.e, when I went to wait upon him. He was in council, with all the chiefs of the district, and, after a long discussion, we agreed on the following price of pepper. In the first place, we were to pay eighteen dollars the bahar; then there was 8d. the bahar for lastage or weighing, 30d. for _canikens_, and 35 d.

for _seilars_: Besides all which they bargained for presents to sixteen chiefs or great men. On the 30th, Henry Long came from Pa.s.saman, and informed me that Mr Oliver had fallen sick, and that several others of our men had died there; upon which I sent my pinnace to bring back Mr Oliver and all others who survived, and to discontinue our factory at that place.

The 21st October, the Hosiander returned from Bantam, bringing me letters from the English merchants at that place; saying that they had 17,000 bags of pepper ready, all of which I might have, or any part of it I thought proper, if I chose to come for it, at thirteen dollars the _timbane_. On this, and several other considerations, I held a mercantile council, in which it was agreed that the Hosiander should be left at _Tecoo_ for the sale of our Surat goods, all of which were accordingly put on board her for that purpose, and I departed in the Dragon for Bantam from the road of Tecoo on the 30th October. I remained in this road of Tecoo eleven weeks, in which time I bought 115 or 120 tons of pepper, and buried twenty-five of our men. All of these either died, or contracted their mortal illnesses at Pa.s.saman, not at Tecoo; and surely, if we had not attempted to trade at Pa.s.saman, all, or at least most of these, might have now been living. Wherefore, I earnestly advise all of our nation to avoid sending any of their s.h.i.+ps or men to Pa.s.saman, for the air there is so contagious, and the water so unwholesome, that it is impossible for our people to live at that place.

I set sail from Tecoo on the 30th October, and arrived in the road of Bantam on the 11th November, where I anch.o.r.ed in a quarter less four fathoms, [3-3/4 fathoms.] Next day I convened our English merchants on board my s.h.i.+p, and agreed on the price of pepper at thirteen dollars the _bahar_, which is 600 pounds of our weight. Having concluded my business at this place, I set sail for Saldanha bay; where I bought for a small quant.i.ty of copper, worth perhaps between three and four pounds, 494 sheep, 4 beeves, and 9 calves. We sailed again from that place on the 4th March, 1614; and on the day of our departure, the natives brought us more live-stock than we knew how to dispose of; but we brought away alive, eighty sheep, two beeves, and one calf.

The 24th of March we saw St Helena, eight or nine leagues to the W.N.W.

its lat.i.tude, by my estimation, being 16 S. and its long, from the Cape of Good Hope, 22 W. At three p.m. we anch.o.r.ed in the road of that island, right over-against the Chappel. While at St Helena, finding the road from the Chappel [church valley], to where the lemon-trees grow, a most wicked way, insomuch that it was a complete day's work to go and come, I sent my boats to the westward, in hopes of finding a nearer and easier way to bring down hogs and goats. In this search, my people found a fair valley; some three or four miles to the S.W. which leads directly to the lemon-trees, and is the largest and finest valley in the island, after that at the Chappel, and is either the next, or the next save one, from the valley of the Chappel. At this valley, which is some three or four miles from that of the Chappel, and is from it the fourth valley or swamp one way, and from the point to the westward the second, so that it cannot be missed, it is much better and easier for getting provisions or water, and the water is better and clearer. The road or anchorage is all of one even ground and depth, so that it is much better riding here than at any other part of the island; and from this place, a person may go up to the lemon-trees and back again in three hours. We here got some thirty hogs and pigs, and twelve or fourteen hundred lemons; but if we had laid ourselves out for the purpose, I dare say we might have got 200 hogs, besides many goats.

Continuing our voyage home, we got sight of the Lizard point on the 4th June, 1614, our estimated longitude from the Cape of Good Hope being then 27 20', besides two degrees carried by the currents; so that the difference of longitude, between the Cape and the Lizard, is 29 20', or very nearly. Though we had then only left the Cape of Good Hope three months before, and were only two months and nine days from St Helena, more than half our company was now laid up by the scurvy, of which two had died. Yet we had plenty of victuals, as beef, bread, wine, rice, oil, vinegar, and sugar, as much as every one chose. All our men have taken their sickness since we fell in with Flores and Corvo; since which we have had very cold weather, especially in two great storms, one from the N. and N.N.E. and the other at N.W. so that it seemeth the sudden coming out of long heat into the cold is a great cause of scurvy. All the way from the Cape of Good Hope to the Azores, I had not one man sick.