A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ix Part 4

[Footnote 40: We here resume the narrative of Captain Saris. Purch.

Pilgr. I. 378. The observations of Mr c.o.c.kes, contained in the three preceding sub-sections, break off abruptly in the Pilgrims, as above.--E.]

At my return ash.o.r.e, old _Foyne Same_ came to visit me at the English house, and told me that the piece of _Poldavy_, and the sash I gave him, were consumed when his house was burnt down. This was in effect begging to have two others, which I promised to give him. I likewise got him to send some of his people aboard, along with John j.a.pan, our jureba.s.so, to intimate to our men that if any of them went ash.o.r.e to fight, he had given strict orders to have them cut in pieces. This I did in hopes of restraining them in future from any more drunken combats. Towards night, Juan Comas, a Spaniard, came from Nangasaki, bringing two letters from Domingo Francisco, one for me, and the other for Mr c.o.c.kes, together with three baskets of sugar as a present to me, and a pot of conserves, with many no less sugared words of compliment in his letters, saying how sorry he was that our seven fugitives had gone away during his absence, excusing himself and the Jesuits, who he pretended had no hand in the matter, and pretending they had never spoken against us, calling us heretics. He said our men had gone from Nangasaki, three of them in a Chinese or j.a.panese _soma_ for Manilla, and four in a Portuguese vessel.

Yet I esteem all these as vain words to excuse themselves, and throw the blame on others; for the Spaniards and Portuguese mutually hate each other and the j.a.panese, as these last do them.

The 11th I visited _n.o.besane_, who used me kindly, and would have had me dine with him next day, but I excused myself on account of the press of business in which I was engaged, and the short time I had to stay. I met old king Foyne at his house, who requested to have two pieces of English salt beef, and two of pork, sodden by our cook, with turnips, radishes, and onions, which I sent him. The 12th, the governors of the two kings came to visit me at our factory, whence they went aboard the Clove, accompanied by Mr c.o.c.kes, to signify to our crew that they should beware of coming ash.o.r.e to fight and shed blood; as, by the law of j.a.pan, those who went out to fight and drew weapons for that purpose, were adjudged to death, and all who saw them were obliged to kill both offenders, on pain of ruining themselves and all their kindred if they neglected putting the combatants to death.

The 14th I sent Mr c.o.c.kes and our jureba.s.so to wait upon the kings, to entreat they would provide me twelve j.a.panese seamen who were fit for labour, to a.s.sist me in navigating the s.h.i.+p to England, to whom I was willing to give such wages as their highnesses might deem reasonable.

The kings were then occupied in other affairs, so that my messengers spoke with their secretaries, who said they needed not to trouble the kings on that business, as they would provide me twelve fit persons; but that there were several vagrant people about the town who would be willing enough to go, yet were very unfit for my purpose, as they would only consume victuals, and of whom the Dutch made use without making any request on the matter, and it was not known what had become of these men or of the s.h.i.+p; but, as the matter was now referred to them, they would look out for such as were fit for our purpose.

The 18th, Foyne sent me word he would visit me, and meant to bring the dancing girls of the country along with him, which he did soon after, accompanied by three courtezans, and two or three men, who all danced and made music after their fas.h.i.+on, though harsh to our ears. The 19th, the Chinese captain, and George Duras, a Portuguese, came to visit me, requesting me to send to _Semidono_ to procure pardon for two poor fellows who were like to lose their lives for bidding a poor knave flee who had stolen a bit of lead not worth three halfpence; and though the malefactor was taken and executed, these men were in danger of the same punishment, had I not sent Mr c.o.c.kes to _Semidono_ with my ring, to desire their pardon for my sake, which he engaged to procure, and did in effect.

The 20th, _Samedon_, king of _Crats_,[41] sent me word he meant to go on board our s.h.i.+p, so I went there to meet him, and he came along with both the kings of Firando, when we saluted them with five pieces of ordnance; and we afterwards fired three with bullets at a mark, at the request of Samedon, who gave me two j.a.panese pikes, having _cattans_ or _sables_ on their ends. At their departure we again saluted them with seven guns, one being shotted and fired at the mark. The 22d I sent a present to the king of _Crats_, which was delivered to him at the house of _Tomesanes_ the young king, where he was at breakfast. Samedon accepted it very kindly, sending me word by Mr c.o.c.kes that he was doubly obliged to me for his kind entertainment aboard, and for now sending him so handsome a present of such things as his country did not produce, all without any desert on his part, and the only recompence in his power was, if ever any of the English nation came into his dominions, he would give them a hearty welcome, and do them all the service in his power.

[Footnote 41: This personage must have been governor of one of the provinces, islands, or towns of j.a.pan; but no place in that eastern empire bears a name in modern geography which in the smallest degree resembles Crats.--E]

The 25th, the purser and Mr Hownsell came ash.o.r.e, and told me that Andrew Palmer, the steward, had died the night before, Thomas Warner, our surgeon, affirming that he owed his death to his own obstinacy, his wound being curable if he would have been ruled. I desired that he might be buried on an island as secretly as possible, as we were about to get some j.a.panese into our s.h.i.+p, who might be unwilling to embark if they heard of any one having died. On the 28th a j.a.panese was put to death, who some said was a thief, and others an incendiary. He was led by the executioner to the place of punishment, a person going before him carrying a board, on which the crime for which he was to be punished was written, and the same was exhibited on a paper flag carried over his head. Two pikemen followed the culprit, having the points of their pikes close to his back, ready to slay him instantly if he offered to resist.

The s.h.i.+p being ready to depart, several of the natives complained that the s.h.i.+p's company owed them money, and desired to be paid. To prevent greater inconvenience, I listened to these people, and wrote to the master to make enquiry aboard as to who were in debt, that I might satisfy their creditors, making deductions accordingly from their wages.

On the 26th I a.s.sembled my mercantile council to consult about leaving a factory here in Firando, upon these considerations. 1. The encouragement we had privately received at the Moluccas. 2. That the Dutch had already a factory here. 3. The large privileges now obtained from the emperor of j.a.pan. 4. The certain advice of English factories established at Siam and Patane. 5. The commodities remaining on hand appointed for these parts, and the expected profit which farther experience might produce.

It was therefore resolved to leave a factory here, consisting of eight Englishmen, three j.a.panese _jureba.s.sos_ or interpreters, and two servants. They were directed, against the coming of the next s.h.i.+ps, to explore and discover the coasts of Corea, _Tushmay_, other parts of j.a.pan, and of the adjoining countries, and to see what good might be done in any of them.

The 5th of December, 1613, Mr Richard c.o.c.kes, captain and _Cape_ merchant of the English factory now settled at Firando in j.a.pan, took his leave of me aboard the Clove, together with his company, being eight English and five others, as before mentioned. After their departure, we mustered the company remaining aboard, finding forty-six English, five _swarts_ or blacks, fifteen j.a.panese, and three pa.s.sengers, in all sixty-nine persons. We had lost since our arrival in j.a.pan ten Englishmen; two by sickness, one slain in a duel, and seven who deserted to the Portuguese and Spaniards, while I was absent at the court of the emperor. The English whom we left in the factory were Mr Richard c.o.c.kes, William Adams, now entertained in the service of the company at a hundred pounds a year, Tempest Peac.o.c.k, Richard Wickham, William Eaton, Walter Carwarden, Edward Saris, and William Nelson.

--12. _Voyage from j.a.pan to Bantam, and thence Home to England_.

That same day, being the 5th December, we set sail with a stiff northerly gale, steering S. by W. 1/2 a point westerly. By exact observation on sh.o.r.e, we found the island of Firando to be in lat. 33 30' N. and the variation 2 50' easterly.[42] We resolved to keep our course for Bantam along the coast of China, for which purpose we brought our starboard tacks aboard, and stood S.W. edging over for China, the wind at N.N.E. a stiff gale and fair weather. The 7th it blew very hard at N.W. and we steered S.S.W. encountering a great current which shoots out between the _island_ of Corea[43] and the main land of China, occasioning a very heavy sea. The 8th, being in lat. 29 40' N. we steered W.S.W, on purpose to make Cape _Sumbor_ on the coast of China.

The sea was very rough, and the wind so strong that it blew our main course out of the bolt ropes. The 9th, in lat. 28 23', we sounded and had forty-nine to forty-five fathoms on an oozy bottom. The weather was clear, yet we could not see land. The 11th we had ground in forty-nine, forty-three, thirty-eight, thirty-seven, and thirty fathoms, the water being very green, and as yet no land to be seen.

[Footnote 42: The town of Firando is in lat. 33 6' N. and even the most northern part of the island of that name only reaches to 33 17'. The town is in long. 128 42' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 43: Corea was long thought to be an island after the period of this voyage. Astl. I. 492. c.--It is now known to be an extensive peninsula, to the east of China, having the Yellow sea interposed.--E.]

The 12th, in thirty-five fathoms, and reckoning ourselves near the coast of China, we had sight of at least 300 sail of junks, of twenty and thirty tons each and upwards, two of which pa.s.sed us close to windwards, and though we used all fair means to prevail upon them to come aboard we could not succeed, and seeing they were only fis.h.i.+ng vessels we let them pa.s.s. Continuing our course we soon espied land, being two islands called the _Fishers islands_.[44] At noon our lat.i.tude was 25 59' N.

and we had ground at twenty to twenty-six fathoms. About seven p.m.

while steering along the land, we came close by a rock, which by good providence we had sight of by moonlight, as it lay right in our course.

When not above twice our s.h.i.+p's length from this rock, we had thirty fathoms water, on which we hauled off for one watch, to give the land a wide birth, and resumed our course S.W. after midnight. The wind was very strong at N.E. and continually followed as the land trended. The 13th, in lat. 24 35' N. and variation 1 30' easterly, having the wind strong at N.E. with fair weather, we steered S.W. keeping about five leagues off the islands along the coast of China. The 15th we came among many fisher boats, but had so much wind that we could not speak any of them, but they made signs to us, as we thought to keep to the westwards.

At noon our lat. was 21 40' N. and having the wind at N.N.E. a stiff gale, we steered W.N.W. northerly, to make the land, and about two hours afterwards had sight of it, although by our dead reckoning we ought still to have been fifty-six leagues from it. It is to be noted, that the islands along the coast of China are considerably more to the southward than as laid down in the charts. About three p.m. we were within about two leagues of an island called _Sancha_[45].

[Footnote 44: By the lat.i.tude indicated in the text, Captain Saris appears to have fallen in with the coast of Fo-kien, and to have pa.s.sed through between that province and the island of Formosa, without discovering the existence of that island.--E.]

[Footnote 45: Probably the island of Tchang-to-huen, to the S.W. of the bay of Canton, the situation of which agrees with the lat.i.tude in the text, and the sound of the two first syllables of which name has some affinity with that given by Saris, evidently from Spanish or Portuguese charts. At this part, of his voyage, Saris entirely misses to notice the large island of Hai-nan.--E.]

The 18th, in lat. 15 43' N. we had sight of an island called Pulo-cotan, being high land, and is about twenty leagues, according to report, from the shoal called _Plaxel_. In the morning of the 19th the coast of Cambodia was on our starboard side, about two leagues off, along which we steered S.E. by E. easterly, our lat.i.tude at noon being 13 31' N. estimating the s.h.i.+p to be then athwart _Varella_. We have hitherto found the wind always _trade_ along sh.o.r.e, having gone _large_ all the way from Firando, the wind always following us as the land trended. The 20th at noon we were in lat.i.tude 10 53', and three gla.s.ses, or an hour and half after, we had sight of a small island, which we concluded to be that at the end of the shoal called _Pulo-citi_. We found the book of _Jan Huyghens van Linschoten_ very true, for by it we have directed our course ever since we left Firando.

The 22d we had sight of _Pulo Condor_ about five leagues off, our lat.i.tude at noon being 8 20' N.

About four a.m. on the 25th we made the island of _Pulo Timon_, and two hours afterwards saw _Pulo Tinga_. The 28th at three p.m. we had oosy ground at twenty fathoms, having divers long islands on our starboard and sundry small islands on our larboard, forming the straits of China-bata, which we found to be truly laid down in a chart made by a Hollander called _Jan Janson Mole_, which he gave to Mr Hippon, who gave it to the company. _Pulo Bata_, one of these islands, is low land, and is full of trees or bushes at the S.W. end.

A little before noon on the 29th, we perceived the colour of the water a-head of the s.h.i.+p to change very much, by which observation we escaped an imminent danger. This shoal seemed of a triangular shape, the S.W.

end being the sharpest, and is not far from the entrance into the straits of _China-bata_. At noon our lat.i.tude was 4 6' N. At eight p.m.

we came to anchor in seven fathoms, the weather threatening to be foul in the night, the place very full of shoals, and our experience little or nothing. Before our anchor took hold, we had six 1/4, five 1/2, six, and then seven fathoms, soft sandy ground.

In the morning of the 30th we spoke the Darling, then bound for Coromandel, her company consisting of twenty-one English and nine blacks. By her we first learnt of the death of Sir Henry Middleton, the loss of the Trades-increase, and other incidents that had occurred during our voyage to j.a.pan. In the night of the 30th G.o.d mercifully delivered us from imminent danger, as we pa.s.sed under full sail close by a sunken ledge of rocks, the top of which was only just above water within a stone's throw of our s.h.i.+p; and had not the noise of the breakers awakened us, we had not cleared our s.h.i.+p. We instantly let go our anchor, being in a rapid current or tide-way, in seventeen fathoms upon oozy ground. When morning broke on the 31st we had sight of the high land of Sumatra, having an island a-stern, the ledge of rocks we had pa.s.sed on our starboard, and three small islands forming a triangle on our larboard bow. We were about eight leagues off the high land of Java, but could not then get into the straits of Sunda, as the wind was quite fallen.

The 1st January, 1614, being quite calm, was mostly spent at anchor. The 2d, having a little wind, we set sail, and about eight o'clock fell in with the Expedition, homewards bound for England, laden with pepper, by which s.h.i.+p we wrote to our friends in England. The 3d we came to anchor in the road of Bantam, end to our great grief found no lading ready for us, for which neglect I justly blamed those I had left to provide the same, while they excused themselves by alleging they did not expect us so soon back. I questioned _Kewee_, the princ.i.p.al Chinese merchant, who came to visit me on board, as to the price of pepper. He answered, that it was already known ash.o.r.e I was homewards bound, and must necessarily load pepper; and, as my merchants had not provided any before hand, I might be a.s.sured it would rise. He said the price was then at twelve dollars for ten sacks, but he could not undertake to deliver any quant.i.ty at that price. I offered him twelve dollars and a half the ten sacks, but he held up so high, that we had no hope of dealing for the present. Of the ten persons left by us in the factory when we departed for j.a.pan, we found only five alive at our return, while we only lost one man between Firando and Bantam.

I went ash.o.r.e on the 4th to visit the governor of Bantam, to whom I presented two handsome _cattans_, or j.a.panese swords, and other articles of value; and this day I bargained with _Kewee_ for 4000 sacks of pepper at thirteen dollars the ten sacks, bating in the weight 3 per cent and directed the merchants to expedite the milling thereof as much as possible. I employed the 5th in reducing the several English factories at Bantam under one government, settling them all in one house; also in regulating the expences of diet, that all might be frugally managed, to prevent extravagance in rack-houses abroad, or in hanger-on blacks at home, which had lately been the case. I directed also that there should be fewer warehouses kept in the town, and that these might be better regulated, and the goods stowed in a more orderly manner. Hitherto the multiplication of factories, having one for each voyage, had occasioned great expence, and had raised the price of pepper, as each outbid the other, for the particular account of their own several voyages, with great loss to the public.

The 6th was employed in re-weighing the pepper received the day before, most of the sacks being found hard weight, and many to want a part of what was allowed by the king's beam; wherefore I sent for the weigher, whom I used kindly, entreating him to take a little more care to amend this fault, which he promised to do, and for his better encouragement I made him a present to the value of five dollars. The 16th being Sunday, I staid aboard, and about 2 p.m. we observed the whole town to be on fire. I immediately sent our skiff ash.o.r.e to a.s.sist the merchants in guarding our goods. The wind was so violent, that in a very short s.p.a.ce of time the whole town was burnt down, except the English and Dutch factories, which it pleased G.o.d of his mercy to preserve.

Being ash.o.r.e on the 20th, I procured two Chinese merchants, named _Lackmoy_ and _Lanching_, to translate the letter which the king of Firando in j.a.pan had given me to deliver to our king, James I. It was written in the Chinese character and language, which they translated into the Malay, and which in English was as follows:

_To the King of Great Britain, &c._ "Most mighty king, I cannot sufficiently express how acceptable your majesty's most loving letter, and bountiful present of many valuable things, sent me by your servant Captain John Saris, has been to me; neither the great happiness I feel in the friends.h.i.+p of your majesty, for which I render you many thanks, desiring the continuance of your majesty's love and correspondence. I am heartily glad at the safe arrival of your subjects at my small island, after so long a voyage. They shall not lack my help and furtherance to the utmost, for effecting their so worthy and laudable purposes, of discovery and commerce, referring for the entertainment they have received to the report of your servant, by whom I send to your majesty an unworthy token of my grat.i.tude; wis.h.i.+ng your majesty long life. Given from my residence of Firando, the sixth day of the tenth month. _Your majesty's loving friend, commander of this island of Firando in j.a.pan,

FOYNE SAM-MASAM."_

My interpreters could not well p.r.o.nounce his name, Lanching saying it was _Foyne Fos.h.i.+n Sam_, while Lackmoy said it was written as above. This comes to pa.s.s by reason of the Chinese characters, which, in proper names, borrow the characters of other words, of the same or nearest sound, and thereby occasion frequent mistakes.

The 22d, such houses as had escaped in the former fire of the 16th, were now burnt down; yet the English and Dutch houses escaped, for which we were thankful to G.o.d. On the 26th, a Dutch s.h.i.+p of 1000 tons arrived from Holland, called the Flus.h.i.+ng. At the island of Mayo, the company mutinied against the captain, whom they would have murdered in his cabin, had it not pleased G.o.d that a Scotsman revealed the plot when the mutineers were already armed to carry it into effect, so that they were taken between decks with their weapons in their hands. In this s.h.i.+p there were several English and Scots soldiers. She did not remain at Bantam, but sailed towards evening for Jacatra.

The 27th, our lading being fully procured, and several of our company fallen sick, I went ash.o.r.e to hasten our merchants to get us ready for sailing. The 1st February, the Darling was forced back to Bantam; and order was taken by mutual consultation for the proper care of her goods, and for her immediate departure for _Succadanea_ in the island of Borneo, and thence to Patane and Siam.

The 13th of February we got out from the straits of Sunda, in which the tide of flood sets twelve hours to the eastwards, and the ebb twelve hours to the westwards. On the 16th of May we anch.o.r.ed in the bay of Saldanha, where we found the Concord of London, being the first s.h.i.+p set out by the united company. We now found the natives of this place very treacherous, making us to understand by signs; that two of their people had been forcibly carried off. They had sore wounded one of the people belonging to the Concord; and while we were up in the land, they a.s.saulted the people who were left in charge of our skiff, carried away our grapnel, and had spoiled the boat-keepers if they had not pushed off into deep water. The 19th a Dutch s.h.i.+p arrived bound for Bantam, the master being Cornelius van Harte.

We remained here twenty-three days, where we thoroughly refreshed the s.h.i.+p's company, and took away with us alive fourteen oxen and seventy sheep, besides good store of fish and beef, which we _powdered_ there, finding it to take salt well, contrary to former reports. For ten days after leaving Saldanha, we had the wind N.W. and W.N.W. but after that we had a fine wind at S.W. so that we could hold our course N.W. On the 27th September, thanks be to G.o.d, we arrived at Plymouth; where, for the s.p.a.ce of five or six weeks, we endured more tempestuous weather, and were in greater danger of our lives, than during the whole voyage besides.

--13. _Intelligence concerning Yedzo, or Jesso, received from a j.a.panese at Jedo, who had been twice there_.[46]

Yedzo, or Jesso, is an island to the N.W. of j.a.pan, from which it is ten leagues distant. The natives are of white complexions, and well-conditioned, but have their bodies covered all over with hair like monkies. Their weapons are bows and poisoned arrows. The inhabitants of the south extremity of this country understand the use of weights and measures; but those who inhabit the inland country, at the distance of thirty days journey, are ignorant of these things. They have much silver and gold-dust, in which they make payment to the j.a.panese for rice and other commodities; rice and cotton-cloth being of ready sale among them, as likewise iron and lead, which are carried there from j.a.pan. Food and cloathing are the most vendible commodities among the natives of that country, and sell to such advantage, that rice often yields a profit of four for one.

[Footnote 46: This article is appended to the Voyage of Saris, in the Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 384.--E.]

The town where the j.a.panese have their chief residence and mart in Yetizo is called _Matchma_,[47] in which there are 500 households or families of j.a.panese. They have likewise a fort here, called _Matchma-donna_. This town is the princ.i.p.al mart of Yedzo, to which the natives resort to buy and sell, especially in September, when they make provision against winter. In March they bring down salmon and dried fish of sundry kinds, with other wares, for which the j.a.panese barter in preference even to silver. The j.a.panese have no other settled residence or place of trade except this at Matchma [48]. Farther northward in Yedzo there are people of a low stature like dwarfs.[49] The other natives of Yedzo are of good stature like the j.a.panese, and have no other cloathing but what is brought them from j.a.pan. There is a violent current in the straits between Yedzo and j.a.pan, which comes from the sea of Corea, and sets E.N.E. The winds there are for the most part like those usual in j.a.pan; the northerly winds beginning in September, and ending in March, when the southerly winds begin to blow.

[Footnote 47: In modern maps, the southern peninsula of Yesso, or Yedso, is named _Matsaki_, apparently the same name with that in the text.--E.]

[Footnote 48: In our more modern maps, there are four other towns or residences on the western coast of the peninsula of Matsaki, named Jemasina, Sirekosawa, Famomoli, and Aria.--E.]

[Footnote 49: The island of Kubito-sima, off the western coast of Yedzo, is called likewise in our maps, the Isle of Pigmies.--E.]

--14. _Note of Commodities vendible in j.a.pan_.[50]

Broad-cloths of all sorts, as black, yellow, and red, which cost in Holland eight or nine gilders the Flemish ell, two ells and three quarters, are worth in j.a.pan, three, four, to five hundred.[51] Cloth of a high wool is not in request, but such as is low shorn is most vendible. Fine _bayes_ of the before-mentioned colours are saleable, if well cottoned, but not such as those of Portugal. Sayes, _rashes_, single and double bouratts, silk grograms, Turkey grograms; camblets, _Divo Gekepert, Weersetynen, Caniaut, Gewart twijne_;[52] velvets, musk, sold weight for weight of silver; India cloths of all sorts are in request; satins, taffetas, damasks, Holland linen from fifteen to twenty stivers the Flemish ell, but not higher priced; diaper, damasks, and so much the better if wrought with figures or branches; thread of all colours; carpets, for tables; gilded leather, painted with figures and flowers, but the smallest are in best demand; painted pictures, the j.a.panese delighting in lascivious representations, and stories of wars by sea or land, the larger the better worth, sell for one, two, or three hundred. Quick-silver, the hundred cattees sell from three to four hundred.

[Footnote 50: This forms a part of the Appendix to the Voyage of Saris, Purch. Pilg. I. 394; where it is joined to the end of observations by the same author on the trade of Bantam, formerly inserted in this Collection under their proper date.--E.]