A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Viii Part 8

[Footnote 83: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. Vol. I. pa.s.sim.]

In the year 1617, King James I. of England and VI. of Scotland, granted letters patent under the great seal of Scotland, dated at Kinnard, 24th May, 1617, to Sir James Cunningham of Glengarnock, appointing him, his heirs and a.s.signs, to be governors, rulers, and directors of a _Scottish East India Company_, and authorizing him "to trade to and from the East Indies, and the countries or parts of Asia, Africa, and America, beyond the Cape of _Bona Sperantia_, to the straits of Magellan, and to the Levant Sea and territories under the government of the Great Turk, and to and from the countries of Greenland, and all other countries and islands in the north, north-west, and north-east seas, and other parts of America and Muscovy." Which patent, and all the rights and privileges annexed to it, was subsequently, for a valuable consideration, a.s.signed by Sir James Cunningham to the London East India Company.[84]

[Footnote 84: Ann. &c. I. 192.--_Note_.]

It is quite unnecessary to extend this introductory view of the rise of the India Company any farther, as our limits could not possibly admit any satisfactory deduction of its history, any farther than is contained in the following series of the _Early Voyages_, for which we are almost entirely indebted to the Collection of Purchas. By this _first_ English East India Company, with a capital or joint stock of about 70,000l. at least for the _first_ voyage, were laid the stable foundations of that immense superstructure of trade and dominion now held by the present company. Their first joint stock did not exceed the average of 325l. or 330l. for each individual of 216 members, whose names are recorded in the copy of the charter in _Purchas his Pilgrims_, already referred to.

Yet _one_ of these was disfranchised on the 6th July, 1661, not six months after the establishment of the company, probably for not paying up his subscription, as the charter grants power to disfranchise any one who does not bring in his promised adventure.

The East India Company of Holland, the elder sister of that of England, now a nonent.i.ty, though once the most extensive and most flouris.h.i.+ng commercial establishment that ever existed, long ago published, or permitted to be published, a very extensive series of voyages of commerce and discovery, called _Voyages which contributed to establish the East India Company of the United Netherlands_. It were, perhaps, worthy of the _Royal Merchants_ who const.i.tute the _English East India Company_, now the unrivalled possessors of the entire trade and sovereignty of all India and its innumerable islands, to publish or patronize a similar monument of its early exertions, difficulties, and ultimate success.--E.

SECTION I.

_First Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1601, under the Command of Captain James Lancaster_.[85]

INTRODUCTION.

From the historiographer of the company[86] we learn, that the period of this voyage being estimated for twenty months, the charges of provisions were calculated at 6,600 4:10: and the investment, exclusive of bullion, at 4,545; consisting of iron and tin, wrought and unwrought, lead, 80 pieces of broad cloth of all colours, 80 pieces of Devons.h.i.+re kersies, and 100 pieces of Norwich stuffs, with smaller articles, intended as presents for the officers at the ports where it was meant to open their trade. Captain John Davis, who appears to have gone as chief pilot, was to have 100 as wages for the voyage, with 200 on credit for an adventure; and, as an incitement to activity and zeal, if the profit of the voyage yielded _two for one_, he was to receive a gratuity of 500; if _three for one_, 1000; if _four for one_, 1500; and if _five for one_, 2000.[87] Thirty-six factors or supercargoes were directed to be employed for the voyage: _Three_ of the _first_ cla.s.s, who seem to have been denominated _cape merchants_, were to have each 100 for equipment, and 200 for an adventure; _four_ factors of the _second_ cla.s.s at 50 each for equipment, and 100 for an adventure; _four_ of the _third_ cla.s.s, with 30 each for equipment, and 50 for adventure; and _four_ of the _fourth_ cla.s.s, with 20 each for equipment, and 40 for adventure.[88] They were to give security for their fidelity, and to abstain from _private trade_; the _first_ cla.s.s under penalties of 500 the second of 500 marks, the _third_ at 200 and the _fourth_ of 100 each.[89] These only exhaust fifteen of the thirty-six, and we are unable to account for the remaining twenty-one ordered to be nominated.

[Footnote 85: Purch. Pilgr. I. 147. Astl. I. 262.]

[Footnote 86: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 129.]

[Footnote 87: Id. I. 130.]

[Footnote 88: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 131.]

[Footnote 89: Id. I. 133.]

In the Annals of the Company,[90] we are told that the funds provided for this first voyage amounted to 68,373, of which 39,771 were expended in the purchase and equipment of the s.h.i.+ps, 28,742 being embarked in bullion, and 6,860 in goods. But the aggregate of these sums amounts to 77,373; so that the historiographer appears to have fallen into some error, either in the particulars or the sum total. We are not informed of the particular success of this first voyage; only that the conjunct profits of it and of the second amounted to 95 per cent. upon the capitals employed in both, clear of all charges.[91]

[Footnote 90: Id. I.146.]

[Footnote 91: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 153.]

We may state here from the Annals of the Company, that the profits of the _third_ and _fifth_ voyage combined amounted to 234 per cent. Of the _fourth_ voyage to a total loss, as one of the vessels was wrecked in India on the outward-bound voyage, and the other on the coast of France in her return. The profits of the _sixth_ voyage were 121 13:4: per cent. Of the _seventh_ 218 per cent. Of the _eighth_ 211 per cent.

Of the _ninth_ 160 per cent. The average profits of the _tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages were reduced to 87-1/2 per cent.

Captain James Lancaster, afterwards Sir James, who was general in this voyage, was a member of the company; and is the same person who went to India in 1591, along with Captain Raymond. Captain John Davis, who had been in India with the Dutch, was pilot-major and second in command of the Dragon, or admiral s.h.i.+p. It does not appear who was the author of the following narrative; but, from several pa.s.sages, he seems to have sailed in the Dragon.[92]--E.

[Footnote 92: Astl. I. 262., a and b.]

-- 1. _Preparation for the Voyage, and its Incidents till the Departure of the Fleet from Saldanha Bay_.

Having collected a joint stock of _seventy thousand pounds_, to be employed in s.h.i.+ps and merchandize in the prosecution of their privileged trade to the East Indies, by means of which they were to bring spices and other commodities into this realm, the company bought and fitted out four large s.h.i.+ps for their first adventure. These were the Dragon[93] of 600 tons, and 202 men, admiral, in which Mr James Lancaster was placed as general;[94] the Hector of 300 tons, and 108 men, commanded by Mr John Middleton, vice-admiral; the Ascension of 260 tons, and 82 men, Captain William Brand;[95] and the Susan,[96] commanded by Mr John Hayward, with 84 men:[97] Besides these commanders, each s.h.i.+p carried three merchants or factors, to succeed each other in rotation in case of any of them dying. These s.h.i.+ps were furnished with victuals and stores for twenty months, and were provided with merchandize and Spanish money to the value of _twenty-seven thousand pounds_; all the rest of the stock being expended in the purchase of the s.h.i.+ps, with their necessary stores and equipment, and in money advanced to the mariners[98] and sailors who went upon the voyage. To these was added, as a victualler, the _Guest_ of 130 tons.[99]

[Footnote 93: This s.h.i.+p, originally called the Malice Scourge, was purchased from the Earl of c.u.mberland for 3,700l.--Ann. of the H.E.I.

Co. I. 128.]

[Footnote 94: In these early voyages the chief commander is usually styled _general_, and the s.h.i.+p in which he sailed the _admiral_.--E.]

[Footnote 95: This person is called by Purchas _chief governor_. Perhaps the conduct of commercial affairs was confided to his care.--E.]

[Footnote 96: The burden of this s.h.i.+p was 240 tons.--Ann. I. 129.]

[Footnote 97: Besides there was a pinnace of 100 tons and 40 men.--Ann.

I. 129.]

[Footnote 98: In many of the old voyages, this distinction is made between mariners and sailors: Unless a mere pleonasm, it may indicate able and ordinary seamen; or the former may designate the officers of all kinds, and the latter the common men.--E.]

[Footnote 99: Perhaps the pinnace already mentioned.--E.]

On application to the queen, her majesty furnished the merchants with friendly letters of recommendation to several of the sovereigns in India, offering to enter into treaties of peace and amity with them, which shall be noticed in their proper places. And, as no great enterprize can be well conducted and accomplished without an absolute authority for dispensing justice, the queen granted a commission of martial law to Captain Lancaster, the general of the fleet, for the better security of his command.

Every thing being in readiness, the fleet departed from Woolwich, in the river Thames, on the 13th of February, 1600, after the English mode of reckoning,[100] or more properly 1601. They were so long delayed in the Thames and the Downs, for want of wind, that it was Easter before they arrived at Dartmouth, where they spent five or six days, taking in bread and other provisions, appointed to be procured there. Departing thence on the 18th of April, they came to anchor in Torbay, at which place the general sent on board all the s.h.i.+ps instructions for their better keeping company when at sea, and directions as to what places they were to repair to for meeting again, in case of being separated by storms or other casualties. These were the _calms of Canary_; Saldanha bay,[101] in case they could not double the Cape of Good Hope; Cape St Roman, in Madagascar; the island of Cisne, Cerne, or Diego Rodriguez; and finally, Sumatra, their first intended place of trade.

[Footnote 100: At this time, and for long after, there was a strangely confused way of dating the years, which were considered as beginning at Lady-day, the 25th of March. Hence, what we would now reckon the year 1601, from the 1st January to the 24th March inclusive, retained the former date of 1600. The voyage actually commenced on the 13th February, 1601, according to our present mode of reckoning.--E.]

[Footnote 101: It will appear distinctly in the sequel of these voyages, that the place then named Saldanha, or Saldania bay, was what is now termed Table bay at the Cape of Good Hope.--E.]

The wind came fair on the 22d of April, when we weighed and stood out of Torbay, directing our course for the Canaries. As the wind continued fair, we had sight of _Alegranza_, or Great Island, the northermost of the Canaries, on the 5th of May, and we directed our course to pa.s.s between Fuertaventura and Gran Canaria; and coming to the south of Gran Canaria, thinking to have watered there, we fell into _the calms_, which are occasioned by the high lands being so near the sea. About three in the afternoon of the 7th of May, having the wind at N.E. we departed from Gran Canaria, shaping our course S.W. by S. and S.S.W. till we came into the lat. of 21 30' N. From the 11th to the 20th, our course was mostly S till we came to lat. 8 N. the wind being always northerly and N.E. In this lat.i.tude we found calms and contrary winds, which, at this season of the year, prevail much off this part of the coast of Guinea, alternating with many sudden gusts of wind, storms, and thunder and lightning very fearful to behold, and very dangerous to the s.h.i.+ps, unless the utmost care be taken suddenly to strike all the sails, on perceiving the wind to change even never so little. Yet such was the suddenness many times, although the masters of the s.h.i.+ps were very careful and diligent, that it could hardly be done in time.

From the 20th of May till the 21st of June, we lay mostly becalmed, or with contrary winds at south; and, standing to and again to bear up against this contrary wind, we got with much ado to 2 N. where we espied a s.h.i.+p, to which the general gave chace, commanding all the s.h.i.+ps to follow him. By two in the afternoon we got up with and took her. She was of Viana, in Portugal, and came from Lisbon, in company of two caraks and three galleons, bound for the East Indies, but had parted from them at sea. The three galleons were s.h.i.+ps of war, intended to keep the coast of India from being traded with by other nations. From this s.h.i.+p we took 146 b.u.t.ts of wine, 176 jars and 12 casks of oil, and 55 hogsheads and vats of meal,[102] which were of great service to us afterwards during our voyage. The general divided these victuals impartially among all the s.h.i.+ps, giving a due proportion to each.

[Footnote 102: Probably wheaten meal or flour.--E.]

The 31st June about midnight we crossed the line, having the wind at S.E. and lost sight of the north star; and continuing our course S.S.W.

we pa.s.sed Cape St Augustine about 26 leagues to the eastward. The 20th July, we reached the lat.i.tude of 19 40' S. the wind getting daily more and more towards the east. We here unloaded the _Guest_, which went along with us to carry such provisions as we could not stow in the other four s.h.i.+ps; after which we took out her masts, sails, yards, and all other tackle; broke up her upper works for fire-wood, and left her hull floating in the sea, following our own course southwards. We pa.s.sed the tropic of Capricorn on the 24th July, the wind N.E. by N. our course E.S.E. On account of our having been so long near the line, by reason of leaving England too late in the season by six or seven weeks, many of our men fell sick; for which reason the general sent written orders to the captain of each s.h.i.+p, either to make Saldanha bay or St Helena for refreshment.

The 1st August we were in 30 S. at which time we got the wind at S.W.

to our great comfort, for by this time many of our men were sick of the scurvy; insomuch, that in all our s.h.i.+ps, except the admiral, they were hardly able to manage the sails. This wind held fair till we were within 250 leagues of the Cape of Good Hope, and then came clean contrary at E.

continuing so for fifteen or sixteen days, to the great discomfort of our men; for now the few that had continued sound began also to fall sick, so that in some of the s.h.i.+ps the merchants had to take their turn at the helm, and to go into the tops to hand the top-sails along with the common mariners. But G.o.d, shewing us mercy in our distress, sent us again a fair wind, so that we got to Saldanha bay on the 9th September, when the general, before the other s.h.i.+ps bore in and came to anchor, sent his boats to help the other s.h.i.+ps. The state of the other three s.h.i.+ps was such that they were hardly able to let go their anchors. The general went on board them all with a number of men, and hoisted out their boats for them, which they were not able to do of themselves.

The reason of the men in the admiral being in such better health than in the other three s.h.i.+ps was this: He brought with him to sea several bottles of lemon juice, of which he gave to each man, as long as it would last, three spoonfuls every morning fasting, not suffering them to eat any thing afterwards till noon. This juice worketh much the better if the person keeps a spare diet, wholly refraining from salt meat; which salt meat, and being long at sea, are the only causes of breeding this disease. By this means the general cured many of his men and preserved the rest; so that, though his s.h.i.+p had double the number of men of any of the rest, he had not so many sick, nor did he lose so many men, as any of the rest.

After getting all the s.h.i.+ps to anchor, and hoisting out their boats, the general went immediately aland, to seek refreshments for our sick and weak men. He presently met with some of the natives, to whom he gave various trifles, as knives, pieces of old iron, and the like; making signs for them to bring him down sheep and oxen. For he spoke to them in the cattle's language, which was not changed at the confusion of Babel; using _mouth_ for oxen, and _baa_ for sheep, imitating their cries; which language the people understood very well without any interpreter.

Having sent the natives away, well contented with the kind usage and presents he had given them, orders were given for so many men from every s.h.i.+p to bring sails ash.o.r.e, to make tents for the sick; and also to throw up fortifications for defence, lest by any chance the natives might take offence and offer violence. He at the same time prescribed regulations for buying and selling with the natives; directing, when they should come down with cattle, that only five or six men selected for the purpose should go to deal with them, and that the rest, which should never be under thirty muskets and pikes, should keep at the distance of at least eight or ten score yards, always drawn up in order and readiness, with their muskets in the rests, whatever might befal.

This order was so strictly enforced, that no man was permitted to go forward to speak with the natives, except with special leave. I attribute our continuing in such amity and friends.h.i.+p with the natives to these precautions, for the Hollanders had lately five or six of their men slain by the treachery of these natives.

The third day after our arrival in Saldanha bay, the natives brought down beeves and sheep, which we bought for pieces of old iron hoops; as two pieces of eight inches each for an ox, and one piece for a sheep, with which the natives seemed perfectly satisfied. In ten or twelve days, we bought 1000 sheep and 42 oxen, and might have had more if we would. After this they discontinued bringing any more cattle, but the people often came down to us afterwards; and when we made signs for more sheep, they would point to those we had already, which the general kept grazing on the hills near our tents; which, as we judged, was the reason why they did not bring us more, as they thought we meant to inhabit there. But, G.o.d be thanked, we were now well provided, and could very well pa.s.s without farther purchases. The oxen were as large as ours in England, and very fat; and the sheep were many of them bigger than ours, of excellent flesh, sweet and fat, and to our liking much better than our English mutton, but having coa.r.s.e hairy wool.

The people of this place are all of a tawny colour, of reasonable stature, swift of foot, and much given to pick and steal. Their language is entirely uttered through their throats, and they _cluck_ with their tongues in so strange a manner, that, in seven weeks which we remained here, the sharpest wit among us could not learn one word of their language, yet the natives soon understood every sigh we made them. While we staid at this bay, we had such royal refres.h.i.+ng that all our men recovered their health and strength, except four or five. Including these, and before we came in, we lost out of all our s.h.i.+ps 105 men; yet, on leaving this bay,[103] we reckoned ourselves stronger manned than when we left England, our men were now so well inured to the southern climates and to the sea.

[Footnote 103: In a marginal note, Purchas gives the lat. of Saldanha bay as 34 S. The place then called Saldanha bay was certainly Table bay, the entrance to which is in 33 50' S. So that Purchas is here sufficiently, accurate.--E.]

-- 2. _Continuation of the Voyage, from Saldanha Bay to the Nicobar and Sombrero Islands._