A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Viii Part 7

[Footnote 71: There is no such cl.u.s.ter of islands in the indicated lat.i.tude and situation; but off the S.W. coast of Sumatra, between the line and lat. 2 N. are several islands of some size, considerably distant from each other and from Sumatra.--E.]

The 28th we anch.o.r.ed near a small island, where we sent our boat ash.o.r.e for fresh water; but finding none, the people brought off some cocoa-nuts, saying that the island was quite full of cocoa palms, which had very few nuts upon them. We saw three or four persons on this island, but they went away and would not come near us: It was supposed these people were left here to gather cocoa-nuts, to have them ready when others should come to carry them away. The 26th of the same month, July 1605, we came to anchor within a league of a large island called _Bata_,[72] in lat. 20' S. We here set up a shallop or bark, and named her the _Bat_. This island has no inhabitants, but abounds in woods and streams of water, as also with fish, monkies, and a kind of bird, said to be the _bat_ of the country, of which I killed one as large as a hare. In shape it resembled a squirrel; only that from its sides there hung down great flaps of skin; which, when he leapt from tree to tree, he could spread out like a pair of wings, as though to fly with them.[73] They are very nimble, and leap from bough to bough, often holding only by their tails. As our shallop was built in _the kingdom of these beasts_, we called her therefore _the Bat_.

[Footnote 72: _Pulo Botoa_ is about as much north of the line as _Bata_ is said in the text to be south. But the island at which they stopt may have been _Pulo Mintaon_, about 40 minutes in length from S. to N. and the north end of which reaches to the equator.--E.]

[Footnote 73: There are a considerable number of animals of this description, known to naturalists by the general name of flying squirrels, sciuri volantes, or _Petauri_. The species mentioned in the text may have been the sciurus petaurista of Linnaeus, the taguan, flying-cat, flying-hare, or Indian flying-squirrel of various authors.

It is much larger than any others of this genus, being eighteen inches long from nose to rump. Two varieties are mentioned in authors; one of a bright chesnut colour; and the other black on the upper parts of the body, and h.o.a.ry underneath.--E.]

While walking along the sh.o.r.e on the 29th, I noticed a _roader_, or small vessel, riding at anchor under a small island about four leagues off, which made me very glad, hoping it might be our pinnace which we lost sight of in a great storm near the Cape of Good Hope, and made haste on board with the news to our general, who sent me with Captain John Davis next morning to endeavour to find her. On coming to the place, we found three barks riding under the small isle, the people of which made signs for us to come to them, informing us they had hens for sale. Some of them understood Portuguese, so we told them we would go back to our s.h.i.+p for money, not being then provided; but in reality we durst not go on board them, not being strong enough in case of treachery. We went back next morning better furnished, thinking to have made some purchases; but they had weighed anchor and gone away, seeming to have been afraid of us.

The 4th August we weighed anchor and stood for Priaman, and on the 9th the general manned the shallop, and sent us along the coast to see if we could find any _roaders_, [coasters.] Spying a sail we gave chase, and finding they could not get away, the people came to anchor and forsook their bark, going all ash.o.r.e to an island in a small boat, where we could not follow them. Going on board the bark, in which not a man remained, we found it loaded with cocoanuts, cocoa-oil, and fine mats.

Seeing it was such mean stuff, and knowing our general would not have liked us to take her, we came away, not taking any thing worth speaking of. The 10th and 11th we stood close along the sh.o.r.e of Sumatra, where we espied eight _praws_ riding at anchor over against a place called _Ticoo_. Being in great hope of finding our pinnace, the Tiger's Whelp, among them, we stood on; and although she was not there, they put us in good hope, by telling us there was an English s.h.i.+p at Priaman, not above six leagues from this town of Ticoo. Then standing out to sea to rejoin our admiral, we got soon on board, and told the news to our general. We had not sailed a league farther, when our s.h.i.+p grounded on a rock of white coral: But, G.o.d be praised, having a strong breeze, we got her soon off again without any hurt. On approaching the road of Priaman, we had the great satisfaction to see our pinnace there, which we had lost sight of so long before in the storm at the Cape of Good Hope. The captain and master of the pinnace came to meet us in their skiff, half a league from the road, and on coming aboard, our general welcomed them, with a peal of cannon. After many discourses, recounting what had happened to each during our separation, we came to anchor in the road of Priaman in good ground and five fathoms water.

The 14th August, the general sent me on sh.o.r.e with a present to the governor and others, to enquire the price of pepper, to buy fresh provisions, and to know if our people might land in safety. But on coming on sh.o.r.e, the governor durst not speak with us in private, on account of wars then subsisting among them, owing to which they were jealous of each other. The cause of these wars was this: The old King of Acheen had two sons, the elder of whom he kept with himself intending him as his successor, and made the younger King of Pedier; upon which the elder made his father a prisoner, pretending that he was too old to govern any longer, and afterwards made war on his younger brother.

Seeing that little good could be done here, and having refreshed with fresh provisions, we weighed anchor on the 21st, and stood for Bantam.

That same day we took two praws, in which there was nothing but a little rice. In one of these praws two of our men were sore wounded. Thinking that all the people had leapt overboard, they boarded the praw; but two of the natives had hidden themselves behind the sail, and as soon as the two foremost of our men had entered, they came suddenly from their concealment, wounded our men very severely, and then leapt into the water, where they swam like water spaniels. Taking such things as we liked from the praws, we left them without any farther harm.

We took a fis.h.i.+ng boat on the 23d, and let her go again, as she had nothing of value; only that one of her men was shot through the thigh, as they resisted us at the first. The 25th we descried a sail, and sent our shallop, long-boat, and skiff to see what she was, as neither our s.h.i.+p nor pinnace was able to fetch her, being becalmed. On coming up with her we desired her to strike, but she would not, so we fought with her from three in the afternoon till ten at night, by which time our pinnace came up, when she struck her sails and yielded. We made her fast to our pinnace, and towed her with us all night. In the morning our general sent for them to know what they were, and sent three of us on board to see what she was loaden with. They told our general they were of Bantam; for which reason, as not knowing what injury he might do to the English merchants who had a factory at Bantam, and learning from us that their loading was salt, rice, and china dishes, he sent them again on board their bark, not suffering the value of a penny to be taken from them. They stood on for Priaman, and we for Bantam. This bark was of the burden of about forty tons.

We met a small s.h.i.+p of Guzerat or Cambaya, on the 2d September, of about eighty tons, which we took and carried into the road of Sillibar, in lat.

4 S. into which road many praws continually come for refreshments, as they may here have wood, water, rice, buffaloes, goats, hens, plantains, and fresh fish, but all very dear. Having dispatched our business, we weighed anchor on the 28th September, and stood for Bantam. The 23d October, we came to anchor in the road of Marrah in the strait of Sunda, where we took in fresh water. In this place there is great plenty of buffaloes, goats, hens, ducks, and many other good things for refreshment; and the people do not esteem money so much in payment, as white and painted calicoes, and such like stuffs. If well used, these people will use you well; but they must be sharply looked after for stealing, as they think all well got that is stolen from a stranger.

We weighed anchor on the 28th of October from before Marrah, and stood for Bantam; which is in lat. 6' 40' S. We came this day within three leagues of Bantam, and anch.o.r.ed for the night. Here we expected to have met the English fleet, but it had sailed for England three weeks before our arrival. Yet those who had been left as factors of our nation came on board us, being glad to see any of their countrymen in so distant a foreign land. They told our general, that the Hollanders belonging to the s.h.i.+ps in the road, had made very slanderous reports of us to the King of Bantam, to the following purport: "That we were all thieves and lawless persons, who came there only to deceive and cheat them, or to use violence, as time and opportunity might serve; adding, that we durst not come into the road among them, but kept two or three leagues from thence for fear of them." When our general heard this report, he was so much moved to anger, that he immediately weighed anchor, sending word to the Hollanders that he was coming to ride close by them, and bade the proudest of them all that durst be so bold as to put out a piece of ordnance against him: Adding, if they dared either to brave or disgrace him or his countrymen, he would either sink them or sink by their sides.

There were five s.h.i.+ps of these Hollanders, one of which was seven or eight hundred tons, but all the rest much smaller. We went and anch.o.r.ed close beside them, but no notice was taken of our general's message; and though the Hollanders were wont to swagger and make a great stir on sh.o.r.e, they were so quiet all the time we lay there, that we hardly ever saw one of them on land.

We took leave of our countrymen, and departed from Bantam on the 2d of November, shaping our course for Patane. While on our way between the Chersonesus of Malacca and _Piedra branca_, we met with three praws, which being afraid of us, anch.o.r.ed so close to the sh.o.r.e that we could not come near them, either in our s.h.i.+p or pinnace. Our general therefore manned the shallop with eighteen of us, and sent us to request that he might have a pilot for money, to carry his s.h.i.+p to Pulo Timaon, which is about five days sail from where we met them. But, as they saw that our s.h.i.+p and pinnace were at anchor a mile from them, and could not come near, they told us flatly that none of them would go with us, and immediately weighed anchor to go away. We therefore began to fight them all three, and took one of them in less than, half an hour, all her men, to the number of seventy-three, getting ash.o.r.e. Another fought with us all night, but yielded about break of day next morning, our general having joined us in his skiff a little while before she yielded. They were laden with benzoin, storax, pepper, china dishes, and pitch. The third praw got away while we were fighting the other. Our general would not allow any thing to be taken out of them, because they belonged to Java, except two of their men to pilot us to Pulo Timaon. The people of Java are very resolute in a desperate case. Their princ.i.p.al weapons are javelins, darts, daggers, and a kind of poisoned arrows which they blow from trunks or tubes. They have likewise some arquebusses, but are by no means expert in using these; they use also targets, and most of them are Mahometans. They had been at _Palimbangan_, and were on their way back to _Grist_, a port town on the north-east coast of Java, to which place they belonged.

The 12th November we dismissed them, pursuing our course for Patane. The 26th we saw certain islands to the N.W. of us, which neither we nor our pilots knew; but, having a contrary wind for Patane, we thought it necessary to search these islands for wood and water, hoping to have a better wind by the time we had watered. The 27th we came to anchor within a mile of the sh.o.r.e, in sixteen fathoms, on good ground, on the south side of these islands. Sending our boat on sh.o.r.e, we found some of them sunken islands, having nothing above water but the trees or their roots. All these islands were a mere wilderness of woods, but in one of them we found a tolerably good watering place; otherwise it was a very uncomfortable place, having neither fruits, fowls, or any other refreshment for our men. We took these islands to be some of the broken lands which are laid down to the south-east of the island of Bantam.

Having taken in wood and water, we weighed anchor and stood for Patane, as well as a bad wind would permit; for we found the winds in these months very contrary, keeping always at N. or N.W. or N.E.

While near Pulo Laor, on the 12th December, we descried three sail, and sent our pinnace and shallop after one of them which was nearest, while we staid with the s.h.i.+p, thinking to intercept the other two; but they stood another course in the night, so that we saw them no more. In the morning we descried our pinnace and shallop about four leagues to leeward, with the other s.h.i.+p which they had taken; and as both wind and current were against them, they were unable to come up to us, so that we had to go down to them. On coming up with them, we found the prize was a junk of _Pan-Hange_,[74] of about 100 tons, laden with rice, pepper, and tin, going for Bantam in Java. Not caring for such mean luggage, our general took as much rice as was necessary for provisioning our s.h.i.+p, and two small bra.s.s guns, paying them liberally for all; and took nothing else, except one man to pilot us to Patane, who came willingly along with us, when he saw our general used them well. The other two pilots, we had taken before from the three praws, were very unskilful, wherefore our general rewarded them for the time they had been with us, and sent them back to their own country in this junk.

[Footnote 74: This should rather be, perhaps, _Pau-hang_, being the same place called by other writers Pahaung, Pahang, or Pahan, often called _Pam_ in the Portuguese accounts, and p.r.o.nounced by them Pang.--Astl. I.

310. c.]

We parted from her on the 13th, steering for Pulo Timaon, adjoining to the country of the King of Pan-Hange, [Pahan,] and were much vexed with contrary winds and adverse currents: For, from the beginning of November to the beginning of April, the sea runs always to the southwards, and from April to November back again towards the north. The wind also in these first five months is most commonly northerly, and in the other seven months southerly. All the s.h.i.+ps, therefore, of China, Patane, Johor, Pahan, and other places, going to the northward, come to Bantam, or Palimbangan, when the northern monsoon is set in, and return back again when the southern monsoon begins, as before stated, by observing which rule they have the wind and current along with them; but by following the opposite course, we found such violent contrary winds and currents, that in three weeks we did not get one league forwards. The country of Pahan is very plentiful, being full of gentry according to the fas.h.i.+on of that country, having great store of victuals, which are very cheap, and many s.h.i.+ps. It lies between Johor and Patane, stretching along the eastern coast of Malacca, and reaches to Cape _Tingeron_, which is a very high cape, and the first land made by the caraks of Macao, junks of China, or praws of Cambodia, on coming from China for Malacca, Java, Jumbe, Johor Palimbangan, Grisi, or any other parts to the southwards.

Here, as I stood for Patane, about the 27th December, I met with a j.a.panese junk, which had been pirating along the coasts of China and Cambodia. Their pilot dying, what with ignorance and foul weather, they had lost their own s.h.i.+p on certain shoals of the great island of Borneo; and not daring to land there, as the j.a.panese are not allowed to come a-sh.o.r.e in any part of India with their weapons, being a desperate people, and so daring that they are feared in all places; wherefore, by means of their boats, they had entered this junk, which belonged to Patane, and slew all the people except one old pilot. This junk was laden with rice; and having furnished her with such weapons and other things as they had saved from their sunken s.h.i.+p, they shaped their course for j.a.pan; but owing to the badness of their junk, contrary winds, and the unseasonable time of the year, they were forced to leeward, which was the cause of my unfortunately meeting them.

Having haled them and made them come to leeward, and sending my boat on board, I found their men and equipment very disproportionate for so small a junk, being only about seventy tons, yet they were ninety men, most of them in too gallant habits for sailors, and had so much equality of behaviour among them that they seemed all comrades. One among them indeed was called captain, but he seemed to be held in very little respect. I made them come to anchor, and on examining their lading, found nothing but rice, and that mostly spoilt with wet, for their vessel was leaky both in her bottom and upper works. Questioning them, I understood they were pirates, who had been making pillage on the coast of China and Cambodia, and had lost their own s.h.i.+p on the shoals of Borneo, as already related. We rode by them at anchor under a small island near the isle of Bintang for two days, giving them good usage, and not taking any thing out of them, thinking to have gathered from them the place and pa.s.sage of certain s.h.i.+ps from the coast of China, so as to have made something of our voyage: But these rogues, being desperate in minds and fortunes, and hopeless of ever being able to return to their own country in that paltry junk, had resolved among themselves either to gain my s.h.i.+p or lose their own lives.

During mutual courtesy and feastings, sometimes five or six and twenty of the princ.i.p.al persons among them came aboard my s.h.i.+p, of whom I would never allow more than six to have weapons; but there never was so many of our men on board their junk at one time. I wished Captain John Davis, in the morning, to possess himself of their weapons, putting the company before the mast, and to leave a guard over their weapons, while they searched among the rice; doubting that by searching, and perhaps finding something that might displease them, they might suddenly set upon my men and put them to the sword, as actually happened in the sequel. But, beguiled by their pretended humility, Captain Davis would not take possession of their weapons, though I sent two messages to him from my s.h.i.+p, expressly to desire him. During the whole day my men were searching among the rice, and the j.a.panese looking on. After a long search, nothing was found except a little storax and benzoin. At sun-set, seeking opportunity, and talking to their comrades who were in my s.h.i.+p, which was very near, they agreed to set upon us in both s.h.i.+ps at once, on a concerted signal. This being given, they suddenly killed and drove overboard all of my men that were in their s.h.i.+p. At the same time, those who were on board my s.h.i.+p sallied out of my cabin, with such weapons as they could find, meeting with some targets there, and other things which they used as weapons. Being then aloft on the deck, and seeing what was likely to follow, I leapt into the waste, where, with the boatswains, carpenter, and some few more, we kept them under the half-deck. At first coming from the cabin, they met Captain Davis coming out of the gun-room, whom they pulled into the cabin, and giving him six or seven mortal wounds, they pushed him before them out of the cabin. He was so sore wounded, that he died immediately on getting to the waste.

They now pressed so fiercely upon us, while we received them on our levelled pikes, that they attempted to gather them with one hand that they might reach us with their swords, so that it was near half an hour before we could force them back into the cabin, after having killed three or four of their leaders. When we had driven them into the cabin, they continued to fight us for at least four hours, before we could finally suppress them, in which time they several times set the cabin on fire, and burnt the bedding and other furniture; and if we had not beaten down the bulkhead and p.o.o.p, by means of two demi-culverines from under the half-deck, we had never been able to prevent them from burning the s.h.i.+p. Having loaded these pieces of ordnance with bar-shot, case-shot, and musket-bullets, and discharged them close to the bulk-head, they were so annoyed and torn with shot and splinters, that at last only one was left out of two and twenty. Their legs, arms, and bodies were so lacerated as was quite wonderful to behold. Such was the desperate valour of these j.a.panese, that they never once asked quarter during the whole of this sanguinary contest, though quite hopeless of escape. One only leapt overboard, who afterwards swam back to our s.h.i.+p and asked for quarter. On coming on board, we asked him what was their purpose? To which he answered, that they meant to take our s.h.i.+p and put us all to death. He would say no more, and desired to be cut in pieces.

Next day, being the 28th December, we went to a small island to leeward; and when about five miles from the land, the general ordered the j.a.panese who had swum back to our s.h.i.+p to be hanged; but the rope broke, and he fell into the sea, but whether he perished or swam to the island I know not. Continuing our course to that island, we came to anchor there on the 30th December, and remained three days to repair our boat and to take in wood and water. At this island we found a s.h.i.+p belonging to Patane, out of which we took the captain, whom we asked whether the China s.h.i.+ps were yet come to Patane? He said they were not yet come, but were expected in two or three days. As he knew well the course of the China s.h.i.+ps, we detained him to pilot us, as we determined to wait for them. The 12th January, 1606, one of our mates from the top of the mast descried two s.h.i.+ps coming towards us, but which, on account of the wind, fell to leeward of the island. As soon as we had sight of them, we weighed anchor and made sail towards them, and came up with the larger that night. After a short engagement, we boarded and took her, and brought her to anchor.

Next morning we unladed some of her cargo, being raw silk and silk goods. They had fifty tons of their country silver, but we took little or none of it, being in good hope of meeting with the other China s.h.i.+ps.

So we allowed them to depart on the 15th January, and gave them to the value of twice as much as we had taken from them. Leaving this s.h.i.+p, we endeavoured to go back to China Bata, but could not fetch it on account of contrary wind, so that we had to go to leeward to two small islands, called Palo Sumatra by the people of Java, where we anch.o.r.ed on the 22d January. On the 24th there arose a heavy storm, during which we parted our cable, so that we were under the necessity of taking shelter in the nearest creek.

The 5th February, five homeward-bound s.h.i.+ps belonging to Holland put into the same road where we lay. Captain Warwick, who was general of these s.h.i.+ps, invited our general to dine with him, which he accepted. He told us, that our English merchants at Bantam were in great peril, and looked for nothing else but that the King of Java would a.s.sault them, because we had taken the China s.h.i.+p, by which he was deprived of his customs. For which reason Captain Warwick requested our general to desist from his courses, and to go home along with him. But our general answered, that he had not yet made out his voyage, and would not return till it should please G.o.d to send him somewhat to make up his charges.

Seeing that he could not persuade our general to give up his purpose, Captain Warwick and the Hollanders departed from us on the 3d February.

Our general now considered, if he were to continue his voyage, that it might bring the English merchants who were resident in those parts into danger; and besides, as he had only two anchors and two cables remaining, he thought it best to repair his s.h.i.+ps and return home with the poor voyage he had made. Our s.h.i.+ps being ready, and having taken in a supply of wood and water, we set sail on the 5th February, on our return to England. The 7th April, after encountering a violent storm, we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope. The 17th of the same month we came to the island of St Helena, where we watered and found refreshments, as swine and goats, which we ourselves killed, as there are many of these animals wild in that island. There are also abundance of partridges, turkies, and guinea fowls, though the island is not inhabited. Leaving St Helena on the 3d May, we crossed the line on the 14th of that month, and came to Milford Haven in Wales on the 27th June. The 9th of July, 1606, we came to anchor in the roads of Portsmouth, where all our company was dismissed, and here ended our voyage, having occupied us for full nineteen months.

CHAPTER X.

EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH TO INDIA, AFTER THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.

INTRODUCTION.

We have now to record the early voyages, fitted out from England, for trading to file East Indies, by THE GOVERNOR AND COMPANY OF MERCHANTS OF LONDON, TRADING INTO THE EAST INDIES.[75] By which stile, or legal denomination, George Earl of c.u.mberland, Sir John Hart, Sir John Spencer, and Sir Edward Mitchelburne, knights, with 212 others, whose names are all inserted in the patent, were erected into a body corporate and politic, for trading to and from all parts of the East Indies, with all Asia, Africa, and America, and all the islands, ports, havens, cities, creeks, towns, and places of the same, or any of them, beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan, for fifteen years, from and after Christmas 1600; prohibiting all other subjects of England, not free of this company, from trading to these parts without licence from the company, under forfeiture of their goods and s.h.i.+ps, half to the crown and half to the company, together with imprisonment during the loyal pleasure, and until they respectively grant bond in the sum of 1000 at the least, not again to sail or traffic into any part of the said East Indies, &c. during the continuance of this grant. With this proviso, "That, if the exclusive privilege thus granted be found unprofitable for the realm, it may be voided on two years notice: But, if found beneficial, the privilege was then to be renewed, with such alterations and modifications as might be found expedient" This exclusive grant, in the nature of a patent, was dated at Westminster on the 31st December, 1600, being the 43d year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, signed by herself, and sealed with her privy seal.

[Footnote 75: So denominated in the copy of the charter in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. p. 139--147, which we have not deemed it necessary to insert.--E.]

It is by no means intended to attempt giving in this place any history of our East India Company, the early Annals of which, from its establishment in 1600, to the union of the London and English Companies in 1708, have been lately given to the public, in three quarto volumes, by John Bruce, Esq. M.P. and F.R.S. Historiographer to the Honourable East India Company, &c. &c. &c. to which we must refer such of our readers as are desirous of investigating that vast portion of the history of our commerce. All that we propose on the present occasion, is to give a short introduction to the series of voyages contained in this chapter, all of which have been preserved by _Samuel Purchas_, in his curious work, which he quaintly denominated PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS, published in five volumes folio at London in 1625.

In the first extension of English commerce, in the sixteenth century, consequent upon the discoveries of Western Africa, America, and the maritime route to India, it seems to have been conceived that exclusive chartered companies were best fitted for its effectual prosecution. "The spirit of enterprise in distant trade, which had for a century brought large resources to Spain and Portugal, began to diffuse itself as a new principle, in the rising commerce of England, during the long and able administration of Queen Elizabeth. Hence a.s.sociations were beginning to be formed, the joint credit of which was to support experiments for extending the trade of the realm."[76]

[Footnote 76: Ann. of the Honb. East India Co, I. 206.]

In the reign of Edward VI. a company was projected with this view; which obtained a charter in 1553, from Philip and Mary, under the name of _Merchant Adventurers for the Discovery of Lands, Countries, Isles, &c.

not before known to the English_. This company, of which Sebastian Cabot was governor, in the last year of Queen Mary, had extended its trade through Russia into Persia, to obtain raw silks, &c. In the course of their proceedings, the agents of this company met with merchants from India and China, from whom they acquired a knowledge of the productions of these countries, and of the profits which might be derived from extending the trade of England to these distant regions.[77] In 1581, Queen Elizabeth gave an exclusive charter to the Levant or Turkey Company, for trading to the dominions of the Grand Signior or Emperor of Turkey. In the prosecution of this trade, of which some account has been given in our preceding chapter, the factors, or travelling merchants, having penetrated from Aleppo to Bagdat and Basora, attempted to open an overland trade to the East Indies, and even penetrated to Agra, Lah.o.r.e, Bengal, Malacca, and other parts of the East, whence they brought information to England of the riches that might be acquired by a direct trade by sea to the East Indies.[78] The circ.u.mnavigations of Sir Francis Drake in 1577-1580, and of Mr Thomas Cavendish, or Candish, in 1586, of which voyages accounts will be found in a future division of this work, who brought back great wealth to England, obtained by making prizes of the Spanish vessels, contributed to spread the idea among the merchants of England, that great profits and national advantages might be derived from a direct trade to India by sea.[79]

[Footnote 77: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 107.]

[Footnote 78: Ann. of the Hon. E. India Co. I. 108.]

[Footnote 79: Id. ib.]

In consequence of these views, a memorial was presented to the lords of council in 1589, requesting a royal licence for three s.h.i.+ps and three pinnaces to proceed for India, which gave rise to the expedition of Captain Raymond, in 1591, already related. In 1599, an a.s.sociation of London Adventurers entered into a contract for embarking, what was then considered as a _large joint stock_, for the equipment of a voyage to the East Indies. The fund subscribed amounted to 30,133: 6: 8, divided into 101 shares or adventures, the subscriptions of individuals varying from 100 to 3000.[80] This project, however, seems to have merged into the East India Company, at the close of the next year 1600, as already mentioned.

[Footnote 80: Id. III.--From the peculiar amount of this capital sum, the subscriptions were most probably in marks, of 13s 4d. each.--E.]

On the 30th September, 1600, a draft of the patent, already said to have been subsequently sealed on the last day of that year, was read before the _seventeen committees_, such being then the denomination of what are now called _directors_; and being approved of, was ordered to be submitted to the consideration of the Queen and Privy Council. "In this early stage of the business, the lord-treasurer applied to the _Court of Committees_ or Directors, recommending Sir Edward Mitchelburne to be employed in the voyage; and thus, before the Society of Adventurers had been const.i.tuted an East India Company, that influence had its commencement, which will be found, in the sequel, to have been equally adverse to the prosperity of their trade and to the probity of the directors."[81] Yet, though still pet.i.tioners for their charter, the directors had the firmness to resist this influence, and resolved _Not to employ any gentleman in any place of charge_, requesting to be permitted to _sort_ their business with men of _their own quality_, lest the suspicion of employing _gentlemen_ might drive a great number of the adventurers to withdraw their contributions.[82]

[Footnote 81: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I.128.]

[Footnote 82: Id. ib.]

In the commencement of its operations, the East India Company proceeded upon rather an anomalous plan for a great commercial company. Instead of an extensive joint stock for a consecutive series of operations, a new voluntary subscription was entered into among its members for each successive adventure. That of the _first_ voyage was about 70,000. The _second_ voyage was fitted out by a new subscription of 60,450. The _third_ was 53,500. The _fourth_ 33,000. The _fifth_ was a branch or extension of the third, by the same subscribers, on an additional call or subscription of 13,700. The subscription for the _sixth_ was 82,000. The _seventh_ 71,581. The _eighth_ 76,375. The _ninth_ only 7,200.

In 1612, the trade began to be carried on upon a broader basis by a joint stock, when 429,000 was subscribed, which was apportioned to the _tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages. In 1618, a new _joint stock_ was formed by subscription, amounting to 1,600,000.[83]