A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Vii Part 23

_Narrative._

Upon an incorporation granted to the company of Barbary merchants resident in London, I Henry Roberts, one of her majesties sworn esquires of her person, was appointed messenger and agent from her highness unto Mulley Hamet Sheriffe, emperor of Morocco and king of Fez and Sus. And, having received my commission, instructions, and her majesties letters, I departed from London, the 14th August 1585, in a tall s.h.i.+p called the Ascension, in company with the Minion and Hopewell. We arrived in safety at the port of Azaffi in Barbary on the 14th of September following. The alcaide of the town, who is the kings chief officer there, or as it were mayor of the place, received me with all civility and honour, according to the custom of the country, and lodged me in the best house in the town. From thence I dispatched a messenger, which in their language is called a _trottero_, to inform the emperor of my arrival; who immediately sent a party of soldiers for my guard and safe conduct, with horses for myself, and mules for my baggage and that of my company or suite.

Accompanied by Richard Evans, Edward Salcot, and other English merchants resident in the country, and with my escort and baggage, I came to the river _Tenisist_, within four miles of the city of Morocco, and pitched my tents among a grove of olive trees on the banks of that river, where I was met by all the English merchants by themselves, and the French, Flemish, and various other Christians, who waited my arrival. After we had dined, and when the heat of the day was over, we set out about 4 o'clock in the afternoon for the city, where I was lodged by order of the emperor in a fair house in the _Judaria_ or jewry, the quarter in which the Jews have their abode, being the best built and quietest part of the city.

After I had rested there three days, I was introduced into the kings presence, to whom I delivered my message and her majesties letters, and was received with much civility. During three years in which I remained there as her majesties agent and _ligier_, or resident, I had favourable audiences from time to time; as, whenever I had any business, I was either admitted to his majesty himself or to his viceroy, the alcaide Breme Saphiana, a very wise and discreet person, and the princ.i.p.al officer of the court. For various good and sufficient reasons, I forbear to put down in writing the particulars of my service.

After obtaining leave, and receiving an honourable reward from the emperor, I departed from his court at Morocco the 18th of August 1588, to a garden belonging to him called Shersbonare, where he promised I should only stay one day for his letters. Yet on one pretence or another, I was detained there till the 14th of September, always at the kings charges, having 40 or 50 shot attending upon me as my guard. At length I was conducted from thence, with every thing requisite for my accommodation, to the port of Santa Cruz, six days journey from Morocco, where our s.h.i.+ps ordinarily take in their lading, and where I arrived on the 21st of that month.

I remained at Santa Cruz 43 days. At length, on the 2d November, I embarked in company with one Marshok, a Reis or captain, a gentleman sent along with me by the emperor on an emba.s.sy to her majesty. After much foul weather at sea, we landed on new-years day 1589, at St Ives in Cornwal, whence we proceeded together by land to London. We were met without the city by 40 or 50 of the princ.i.p.al Barbary merchants all on horseback, who accompanied us by torch light into the city on Sunday the 12th January 1589, the amba.s.sador and myself being together in a coach.

_Edict of the Emperor of Morocco in favour of the English, obtained by Henry Roberts_.

In the name of the most merciful G.o.d, &c. The servant of the Supreme G.o.d, the conqueror in his cause, the successor appointed by G.o.d, emperor of the Moors, son of the emperor of the Moors, the Shariffe, the Haceny, whose honour and estate may G.o.d long increase and advance. This our imperial commandment is delivered into the hands of the English merchants who reside under the protection of our high court, that all men who see these presents may understand that our high councils will defend them, by the aid of G.o.d, from all that may injure or oppress them in any way or manner in which they shall be wronged; and that which way soever they may travel, no man shall take them captives in these our kingdoms, ports, or other places belonging to us; and that no one shall injure or hinder them, by laying violent hands upon them, or shall give occasion that they be aggrieved in any manner of way. And we charge and command all the officers of our ports, havens, and fortresses, and all who bear authority of any sort in our dominions, and likewise all our subjects generally of all ranks and conditions, that they shall in no way molest, offend, wrong, or injure them. And this our commandment shall remain inviolable, being registered on the middle day of the month Rabel of the year 996.

The date of this letter agrees with the 20th of March 1587, which I, Abdel Rahman el Catun, interpreter for his majesty, have translated out of Arabic into Spanish, word for word as contained therein.[306]

[Footnote 306: Besides this, Hakluyt gives copies in Spanish and English of a letter from Mulley Hamet to the Earl of Leicester, and of a letter from Queen Elizabeth to Mulley Hamet, both of which are merely complimentary, or relate to unexplained circ.u.mstances respecting one John Herman an English rebel, whose punishment is required from the emperor of Morocco. He had probably contraveened the exclusive privileges of the Barbary company, by trading in Morocco.--E.]

SECTION XV.

_Voyage to Benin beyond Guinea in 1588, by James Welsh_[307].

This and the subsequent voyage to Benin were fitted out by Messrs Bird and Newton, merchants of London, in which a s.h.i.+p of 100 tons called the Richard of Arundel and a pinnace were employed, under the chief command of James Welsh, who wrote the account of both voyages--_Astley_.

[Footnote 307: Hakluyt, II. 613. Astley, I. 199.]

It seems not improbable that these voyages were intended as an evasion of an exclusive privilege granted in May 1588 by Queen Elizabeth, for trade to the rivers Senegal and Gambia, called Senega and Gambra in Hakluyt. The boundaries of this exclusive trade are described as beginning at the northermost part of the river Senegal, and from and within that river all along the coast of Guinea into the southermost part of the river Gambia, and within that river also; and the reason a.s.signed for this exclusive grant is, that the patentees had already made one voyage to these parts, and that the enterprizing a new trade must be attended with considerable hazard and expence. The patentees were several merchants of Exeter and other parts of Devons.h.i.+re, and one merchant of London, who had been instigated by certain Portuguese resident in England to engage in that trade, and the privilege is extended to ten years.[308]--E.

[Footnote 308: See the patent at large in Hakluyt, II. 610. London edition, 1810.]

On the 12th October 1588, weighing anchor from Ratcliff we dropped down to Blackwall, whence we sailed next day; but owing to contrary winds we did not reach Plymouth till the 25th October, where we had to remain for want of a fair wind to the 14th of December, when we set sail and pa.s.sed the Lizard that night. Thursday the 2d January 1589, we had sight of the land near Rio del Oro, making our lat. 22 47' N. The 3d we saw Cape Barbas, distant 5 leagues S.E. The 4th in the morning we had sight of the stars called the _Croziers_. The 7th we had sight of Cape Verd, making our lat. 14 43' at 4 leagues off sh.o.r.e. Friday 17th Cape Mount bore from us N.N.E., when we sounded and had 50 fathoms water with a black ouse, and at 2 P.M. it bore N.N.W. 8 leagues distant, when Cape Misurado bore E. by S. Here the current sets E.S.E. along sh.o.r.e, and at midnight we had 26 fathoms on black ouse. The 18th in the morning we were athwart a land much resembling Cabo Verde, about 9 leagues beyond Cape Misurado. It is a saddle-backed hill, and there are four or five one after the other; and 7 leagues farther south we saw a row of saddle-backed hills, all the land from Cape Misurado having many mountains. The 19th we were off Rio de Sestos, and the 20th Cape Baixos was N. by W. 4 leagues distant. In the afternoon a canoe came off with three negroes from a place they called Tabanoo. Towards evening we were athwart an island, and saw many small islands or rocks to the southward, the current setting from the south. We sounded and had 35 fathoms. The 21st we had a flat hill bearing N.N.E. being 4 leagues from sh.o.r.e; and at 2 P.M. we spoke a French s.h.i.+p riding near a place called _Ratere_, there being another place hard bye called Crua[309]. The Frenchman carried a letter from us on sh.o.r.e for Mr Newton; and as we lay to while writing the letter, the current set us a good s.p.a.ce along sh.o.r.e to the S.S.E. The 25th we were in the bight of a bay to the west of Cape Three-points, the current setting E.N.E. The 31st January we were off the middle part of Cape Three-points at 7 in the morning, the current setting to the E. Sat.u.r.day 1st February we were off a round foreland, which I considered to be the easternmost part of Cape Three-points, within which foreland was a great bay and an island in the bay.

[Footnote 309: Krou Sestra, nearly in lat. 5 N.]

The 2nd February we were off the castle of Mina; and when the third gla.s.s of the watch was run out, we spied under our larboard quarter one of their boats with some negroes and one Portuguese, who would not come on board. Over the castle upon some high rocks, we saw what we thought to be two watch houses, which were very white. At this time our course was E.N.E. The 4th in the morning we were athwart a great hill, behind which within the land were other high rugged hills, which I reckoned were little short of _Monte Redondo_, at which time I reckoned we were 20 leagues E.N.E. from the castle of Mina; and at 11 o'clock A.M. I saw two hills within the land, 7 leagues by estimation beyond the former hills. At this place there is a bay, having another hill at its east extremity, beyond which the land is very low. We went this day E. N E.

and E. by N. 22 leagues, and then E. along sh.o.r.e. The 6th we were short of Villa Longa, and there we met a Portuguese caravel. The 7th, being a fair temperate day, we rode all day before Villa Longa, whence we sailed on the 8th, and 10 leagues from thence we anch.o.r.ed again, and remained all night in 10 fathoms water. The 9th we sailed again, all along the sh.o.r.e being clothed with thick woods, and in the afternoon we were athwart a river[310], to the eastward of which a little way was a great high bushy tree which seemed to have no leaves. The 10th we sailed E.

and E. by S. 14 leagues along sh.o.r.e, the whole coast being so thick of woods that in my judgment a person would have much difficulty in pa.s.sing through them. Towards night we anch.o.r.ed in 7 fathoms. The 11th we sailed E. by S. and 3 leagues from sh.o.r.e we had only 5 fathoms water, all the wood along sh.o.r.e being as even as if it had been clipt by gardeners sheers. After running 2 leagues, we saw a high tuft of trees on a brow of land like the head of a porpoise. A league farther on we had a very low head land full of trees; and a great way from the land we had very shallow water, on which we hauled off to seaward to get deeper water, and then anch.o.r.ed in 5 fathoms, athwart the mouth of the river _Jayo_.

The 12th we sent the pinnace and the boat to land with the merchants, and they did not return till next morning. The shallowest part of this river is toward the west, where there is only 4-1/2 fathoms, and it is very broad.

[Footnote 310: Rio de Lagoa--_Hakluyt_.--Probably that now called Lagos, in long. 2 40' E. from Greenwich, in the Bight of Benin.--E.]

Thursday the 13th we set sail going S.S.E. along sh.o.r.e, the trees being wonderfully even, the east sh.o.r.e being higher than the west sh.o.r.e[311].

After sailing 18 leagues we had sight of a great river, called Rio de Benin, off which we anch.o.r.ed in 3-1/2 fathoms, the sea being here very shallow two leagues from the main[312]. The 15th we sent the pinnace and boat with the merchants into the river; and as we rode in shallow water, we made sail with the starboard tacks aboard till we came to 5 fathoms water, where we anch.o.r.ed having the current to the westwards. The west part of the land was high-browed, much like the head of a Gurnard, and the eastermost land was lower, having three tufts of trees like stacks of corn. Next day we only saw two of these trees, having removed more to the eastwards. We rode here from the 14th of February till the 14th of April, having the wind always at S.W.

[Footnote 311: This is only to be understood as implying that the sh.o.r.e was now higher in the eastern part of the voyage along the coast, than formerly to the west on the coast of Mina; the east sh.o.r.e and the west sh.o.r.e referring to the bight or bay of Benin.--E.]

[Footnote 312: It is probable that the two rivers mentioned in the text under the names of Rio de Lagoa and Rio de Benin, are those now called the Lagos creek and the great river Formosa, both in the negro kingdom of Benin.--E.]

The 17th February our merchants weighed their goods and put them aboard the pinnace to go into the river, on which day there came a great current out of the river setting to the westwards. The 16th March our pinnace came on board with Anthony Ingram the chief factor, bringing 94 bags of pepper and 28 elephants teeth. All his company were sick. The 19th our pinnace went again into the river, having the purser and surgeon on board; and the 25th we sent the boat up the river again. The 30th our pinnace came from Benin with the sorrowful news that Thomas Hemstead and our captain were both dead. She brought with her 159 serons or bags of pepper, besides elephants teeth. In all the time of our remaining off the river of Benin, we had fair and temperate weather when the wind was at S.W. from the sea; but when the wind blew at N. and N.E.

from the land, it then rained with thunder and lightning, and the weather was intemperately hot.

The 13th of April 1589, we began our voyage homeward, and the 27th of July we spoke a s.h.i.+p called the Port belonging to London, giving us good news of England. The 9th September we put into Cat.w.a.ter, where we remained till the 28th, owing to sickness and want of men. The 29th we sailed from Plymouth, and arrived at London on the 2d October 1589.

The commodities we carried out in this, voyage were linens and woollen cloths, iron work of sundry kinds, manillios or bracelets of copper, gla.s.s beads and coral. Those we brought home were pepper, elephants teeth, palm oil, cloth made of cotton very curiously woven, and cloth made of the bark of the palm tree. Their money consists of pretty white sh.e.l.ls, as they have no gold or silver. They have also great store of cotton. Their bread is made of certain roots called _Inamia_, as large as a mans arm, which when well boiled is very pleasant and light of digestion. On banian or fish days, our men preferred eating these roots with oil and vinegar to the best stock-fish[313]. There are great quant.i.ties of palm trees, out of which the negroes procure abundance of a very pleasant white wine, of which we could purchase two gallons for 20 sh.e.l.ls. The negroes have plenty of soap, which has the flavour of violets. They make very pretty mats and baskets, also spoons of ivory very curiously wrought with figures of birds and beasts.

[Footnote 313: It is obvious that the banian or meager days, still continued in the British navy, are a remnant of the meager days of the Roman catholic times, when it was deemed a mortal sin to eat flesh.

Stock-fish are, however now abandoned, having been found to promote scurvy.--E.]

Upon this coast we had the most terrible thunder and lightning, which used to make the deck tremble under our feet, such as I never heard the like in any other part of the world. Before we became accustomed to it, we were much alarmed, but G.o.d be thanked we had no harm. The natives are very gentle and courteous; both men and women going naked till they are married, after which they wear a garment reaching from the middle down to the knees. Honey was so plentiful, that they used to sell our people earthen pots of comb full of honey, the size of two gallons for 100 sh.e.l.ls. They brought us also great store of oranges and plantains, which last is a fruit which grows on a tree, and resembles our cuc.u.mbers, but is very pleasant eating. It pleased G.o.d of his merciful goodness to give me the knowledge of a means of preserving water fresh with little cost, which served us six months at sea; and when we came to Plymouth it was much wondered at by the princ.i.p.al men of the town, who said there was not sweeter water in all Plymouth[314]. Thus G.o.d provides for his creatures, unto whom be praise, now and _for ever more_, amen.

[Footnote 314: This preservative is wrought by casting a handful of bay-salt into a hogshead of water, as the author told me.--_Hakluyt_.

The Thames water soon putrifies on board s.h.i.+ps in long voyages; but afterwards throws down a sediment and becomes perfectly sweet pleasant and wholesome; insomuch that it is often bought from s.h.i.+ps which have been to India and back. Putrid water at sea is purified or rendered comparatively sweet by forcing streams of air through it by what is called an air pump. Water may be preserved sweet on long voyages, or restored when putrid, by means of pounded charcoal.--E.]

SECTION XVI.

_Supplement to the foregoing Voyage, in a Letter from Anthony Ingram the chief Factor, written from Plymouth to the Owners, dated 9th September, the day of arriving at Plymouth_[315].

Wors.h.i.+pful Sirs! The account of our whole proceedings in this voyage would require more time than I have, and a person in better health than I am at present, so that I trust you will pardon me till I get to London.

[Footnote 315: Hakluyt, II. 616. Astley, I. 202.]

Departing from London in December 1588, we arrived at our destined port of Benin on the 14th of February following, where we found not water enough to carry our s.h.i.+p over the bar, so that we left her without in the road. We put the chiefest of our merchandise into the pinnace and s.h.i.+ps boat, in which we went up the river to a place called _Goto_[316], where we arrived on the 20th, that place being the nearest to Benin to which we could go by water. From thence we sent negro messengers to certify the king of our arrival, and the object of our coming. These messengers returned on the 22d with a n.o.bleman to conduct us to the city of Benin, and with 200 negroes to carry our merchandise. On the 23d we delivered our commodities to the kings factor, and the 25th we came to the great city of Benin, where we were well entertained. The 26th we went to court to confer with the king, but by reason of a solemn festival then holding we could not see him; yet we spoke with his _veador_, or chief man who deals with the Christians, who a.s.sured us that we should have every thing according to our desires, both in regard to pepper and elephants teeth.

[Footnote 316: Goto or Gato is a negro town on the northern branch of the Rio Formoso, about 45 miles in a straight line from the mouth of the river, and about 85 miles short of the town of Benin. This branch or creek is probably the river of Benin of the text.--E.]

We were admitted into the kings presence on the 1st of March, who gave us like friendly a.s.surances respecting our trade; and next day we went again to court, when the _veador_ shewed us a basket of green pepper and another of dry in the stalks. We desired to have it plucked from the stalks and made clean, which he said would require some time to get done, but should be executed to our satisfaction, and that by next year it should be all in readiness for us, as we had now come unexpectedly to their country, to which no Christians had traded for pepper in the reign of the present king. Next day they sent us 12 baskets full, and continued to send more daily till the 9th March, by which time we had made up 64 serons of pepper and 28 elephants teeth. By this time, as our const.i.tutions were unused to the climate of Benin, all of us were seized with fevers; upon which the captain sent me down to Goto with the goods we had collected. On my arrival there, I found all the men belonging to our pinnace sick, so that they were unable to convey the pinnace and goods to the s.h.i.+p; but fortunately the boat came up to Goto from the s.h.i.+p within two hours after my arrival, to see what we were about, so that I put the goods into the boat and went down to the s.h.i.+p: But by the time I had got on board several of our men died, among whom were Mr Benson, the copper, and the carpenter, with three or four more, and I was in so weak a state as to be unable to return to Benin. I therefore sent up Samuel Dunne and the surgeon, that he might let blood of them if it were thought adviseable; but on their arrival they found the captain and your son William Bird both dead, and Thomas Hempstead was so very weak that he died two days after.

In this sorrowful state of affairs they returned with all speed to the s.h.i.+p, with such pepper and elephants teeth as they had got, as will appear by the cargo. At their coming away; the _veador_ told them he would use all possible expedition to procure them more goods if they would remain longer; but the sickness so increased among us, that by the time our men came back we had so many sick and dead, that we looked to lose our s.h.i.+p, lives, country, and all. We were so reduced that it was with much difficulty we were able to heave our anchors; but by G.o.ds blessing we got them up and put to sea, leaving our pinnace behind, on the 13th of April. After which our men began to recover and gather strength. Sailing between the Cape de Verd islands and the Main, we came to the Azores on the 25th of July; and here our men began again to fall sick, and several died, among whom was Samuel Dunn, those who remained alive being in a sad state. In the midst of our distress, it pleased G.o.d that we should meet your s.h.i.+p the _Barke Burre_ on this side the North Cape, which not only kept company with us, but sent us six fresh men on board, without whose a.s.sistance we must have been in a sad condition. By this providential aid we are now arrived at Plymouth, this 9th September; and, for want of better health at this present. I must refer you for farther particulars till my arrival in London.--Yours to command,

ANTHONY INGRAM.

SECTION XVII.

_Second Voyage of James Welsh to Benin, in 1590_[317].