A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume I Part 15

The dukes a.s.sembled in the great tent, and consulted together, as we thought, about the election of the emperor. The rest of the people were collected all round the wooden walls, and at a considerable distance; and in this manner they continued till almost noon. Then they began to drink mares milk, or cosmos, and continued to drink amazing quant.i.ties till evening. We were invited among them, and they treated us with ale, as we did not drink cosmos. They intended this as a great honour, but they made us drink so much, in comparison with our ordinary diet, as we were not able to endure; but on making them understand that it was hurtful to us, they desisted from insisting on our compliance. On the outside of the door stood Jeroslaus, duke of Susdal in Russia, a great many dukes of the Kithayans and Solangi, the two sons of the king of Georgia, the envoy of the caliph of Bagdat, himself a sultan, and more than ten other Saracen sultans. We were informed by the agents, that there were above four thousand messengers present, partly from those who paid tribute or sent presents, and from other sultans and dukes who came to make their submission, or who had been sent for, and from the various governors of countries and places under their authority. All these were placed on the outside of the wooden wall of the great tent, and were supplied with drink; and they almost all gave to us and the duke Jeroslaus the place of honour, when in their company.

[1] This term probably signifies the manufacture of Baldach or Bagdat, and may refer to silken stuffs damasced, or woven with gold flowers.--E.

[2] Taking the mark of gold at 84 oz. and valuing the ounce at 4 17s, 6d, the sum of 20 marks amounts to L. 780 Sterling.--E.

SECTION XXVII.

_Of the Exaltation of Cuyne as Emperor._

We remained in this place, called Syra Orda, about four weeks. In our opinion the election was made here, though it was not published, because always when Cuyne came out of the tent he was greeted with a noise of music, and was saluted with beautiful rods tipt with scarlet wool, which was not done to any of the other dukes. Leaving this place, we all rode three or four miles to a fine plain, near a river among the mountains, where we found another tent erected, called the Golden Orda, in which Cuyne was to have been installed in the imperial seat on the festival of the a.s.sumption, 15th August; but on account of a vast fall of hail, formerly mentioned, the ceremony was deferred. This tent was erected upon pillars, covered over with plates of gold, and other beams were fixed to the pillars by gold nails. The whole was superbly covered over with Baldakin, having other cloth on the outside. We remained here till the feast of St Bartholomew, 24th August; on which day an immense mult.i.tude convened, standing with their faces to the south. Certain persons, at about a stone's throw distance from the rest, were continually employed in making prayers and genuflexions, always proceeding slowly to the south. We did not know whether they were making incantations, or whether they bowed their knees to G.o.d or otherwise, and we therefore made no genuflexions. When this ceremony had continued a long while, the whole company returned to the tent, and Cuyne was placed upon the imperial throne. On which all the dukes knelt before him, and the same was done by all the people, except by us, who were not his subjects.

SECTION XXVIII.

_Of the Age and Demeanour of Cuyne, and of his Seal._

When exalted to the imperial dignity, Cuyne seemed to be about forty or forty-five years old. He was of middle stature, exceedingly prudent, politic, serious, and grave in his demeanour, and was hardly ever seen to laugh or to behave lightly in any respect, as was reported to us by certain Christians who were continually about him. These Christians of his family a.s.sured us likewise, that he would certainly become a Christian, because he always kept some Christian priests about his person, and had at all times a chapel of Christians established near his great tent, in which the clergy sang their devotions publickly and openly, and struck the regular hours on bells, according to the custom of the Greek church, whatever number of Tartars or others might be in the presence; while no other of the Tartar dukes did any thing like this.

It is the custom of this emperor never to converse himself with any stranger, however high his rank, but always to hear, as it were, and to answer through an intermediate person: Whoever proposes any matter to his consideration, or listens to his reply, however great his quality, must remain on his knees the whole time; and no one must presume to speak on any subject after the determination of the emperor is expressed. For the dispatch of affairs, both public and private, he has agents, secretaries, scribes, and officers of all kinds, excepting pleaders; as every thing is concluded according to his will and pleasure, without strife or judicial noise: and the other princes of the Tartars act exactly in the same manner.

While we remained at his court, the emperor and all his princes erected a standard of defiance against the church of G.o.d, the Roman empire, and all the Christian kingdoms and nations of the west, unless they should become obedient to his commands. Their avowed intention is to subdue the whole earth under their authority, as they were commanded by Zingis-khan, and they have only abstained from this intention of late, on account of the death of Occaday-khan, the emperor's father, who was poisoned. Of all the nations under heaven, they are in some fear of the Christians only, and on this account they are now preparing to make war on us. In all his letters their emperor styles himself the Power of G.o.d and the Emperor of Mankind; and the seal of the present emperor is thus inscribed:

G.o.d IN HEAVEN; AND CUYNE-KHAN ON EARTH, THE POWER OF G.o.d: THE SEAL OF THE EMPEROR OF ALL MEN.

SECTION XXIX.

_Of the Admission of the Papal and other Envoys to the Emperor._

We were called into the presence of the emperor, in the same place where he had been inaugurated; and Chingay, his chief secretary, having written down our names, and the names of those who sent us, and the name of the duke of Solangi and others, he read over all these names in a loud voice to the emperor and the a.s.sembled dukes. Then everyone of us bowed the knee four times before him, and having warned us to beware of touching the threshold, we were carefully searched lest we might have any concealed weapons; after which, we entered within the precinct of the imperial tent at the east gate; not even the Tartar dukes dare presume to enter at the west gate, which is reserved for the emperor alone; yet the lower people do not pay much regard to this ceremonious injunction. At this time, likewise, all the other envoys now at the imperial residence were presented, but very few of them were admitted within the tent. On this occasion, infinite quant.i.ties of rich gifts of all kinds were presented to the emperor, by the various envoys and messengers, in samites, purple robes, baldakins, silken girdles wrought with gold, rich furs, and other things innumerable. Among these there was a splendid umbrella, or small canopy, to be carried over the head of the emperor, all covered over with gems. The governor of one of the provinces brought a great number of camels, having housings of baldakin, and carrying richly ornamented saddles, on which were placed certain machines, within each of which a man might sit. Many horses and mules likewise were presented to him, richly caparisoned and armed, some with leather, and some with iron. We were likewise questioned as to what gifts we had to offer, but we were unable to present any thing, as almost our whole substance was already consumed. At a considerable distance from the court, there stood in sight on a hill, above five hundred carts all filled with gold and silver and silken garments. All these things were divided between the emperor and his dukes, and the dukes divided their portions among their followers, each according to his pleasure.

SECTION x.x.x.

_Of the Separation between the Emperor and his Mother, and of the Death of Jeroslaus Duke of Russia._

Leaving this place we came to another, where a wonderfully grand tent, all of red cloth, was pitched, the gift of the Cathayans. At this place likewise, we were introduced into the presence; and always on these occasions we were offered beer and wine to drink, and boiled flesh to eat when we were inclined. In this tent there was a lofty gallery made of boards, on which the imperial throne was placed, most exquisitely carved in ivory, and richly decorated with gold and precious stones; and, if we rightly remember, there were several steps by which to ascend the throne.

This throne was round above. There were benches all around, where the ladies sat on the left hand, upon stools, and no one sat aloft on the right hand, but the dukes sat below on benches, in the middle of the tent. Others sat behind them, and every day there came great numbers of ladies to the court. These three tents which we have mentioned, were of wonderful magnitude; and the wives of the emperor had other tents, sufficiently large and beautiful, made of white felt. At this place, the emperor took leave of his mother, who went to one part of the land, and he to another, to distribute justice. About this time, a concubine belonging to the emperor was detected, who had poisoned his father, at the time when the Tartar army was in Hungary, and owing to which incident, they had been ordered to return. She, and a considerable number of her accomplices, were tried and put to death. Soon afterwards, Jeroslaus, the great duke of Soldal[1] in Russia, being invited, as if to do him honour, by the emperor's mother, to receive meat and drink from her hand, grew sick immediately after returning to his lodging, and died in seven days illness, his whole body becoming strangely of a blue colour; and it was currently reported that he had been poisoned, that the Tartars might freely and totally possess his land.

[1] Called Susdal in a former pa.s.sage.--E.

SECTION x.x.xI.

_How the Friars, in the presence of the Emperor, interchanged Letters_

Soon afterwards, the emperor sent us to his mother, as he intended to set up a flag of defiance against all the nations of the west, as has been mentioned before; and he was desirous to keep this circ.u.mstance from our knowledge. Having remained some days with his mother, we returned to his court, where we continued a whole month, in such extreme distress for victuals and drink, that we could hardly keep ourselves alive; for the provisions allowed us for four days, were scarcely sufficient to serve us for one day, neither could we go to purchase at the public market, as it was too far from us. But G.o.d sent to our aid a Russian goldsmith, named Cosmas, who was considerably favoured by the emperor, and who procured us some food. This man shewed us the imperial throne and seal, both of which he had been employed to make.

After some time, the emperor sent for us, and intimated, by Chingay, his secretary, that we should write down our messages and affairs, and deliver them to him, which we did accordingly. Many days afterwards, we were again called to the presence, and were asked if there were any persons about the Pope who understood the Russian, Arabic, or Tartarian languages. To this we answered that we were ignorant of these languages, and though there were Saracens in our land, they inhabited at a great distance from our lord the Pope; and we proposed, that when they had written in the Tartar language, they might explain the meaning to us, which we would carefully write down in our language, and would then deliver both the originals and the translation to his holiness. On this they went from us to the emperor. We were again called upon at Martinmas, when Kadac, the chief minister of the empire, with Chingay and Bala, and several scribes, came to us and explained the emperor's letter, word for word; and when we had written it in Latin, they made us interpret every sentence to them, to see if we had any way erred. And when both letters were written, they made us read them over twice more, lest any thing were mistaken: Saying, "Take heed that every thing be well understood, as great inconvenience might arise from wrong conception." They gave us likewise a copy of the emperor's letters in Arabic, in case any one might be found who could explain them in our country.

SECTION x.x.xII.

_The Papal Envoys receive a Licence to depart._

These Tartar ministers informed us, that the emperor proposed to send envoys along with us; and it seemed to us, that they wished we should ask this from the emperor, and one of the princ.i.p.al among them advised us to make that request. But this did not appear at all convenient, and we answered, that it did not become us to make any such pet.i.tion; but if it were the pleasure of the emperor to send envoys, we should use our utmost endeavour, with G.o.d's a.s.sistance, to conduct them in safety. We were averse from this measure, for the following reasons: Lest, seeing the wars and dissensions which subsisted among the Christians, they should be the more encouraged to make war upon us: We were afraid that the messengers were meant to act as spies, to examine the approaches to our land: We dreaded that they might be slain by the way: for when the servants which attended us, by desire of the cardinal legate of Germany, were on their return to him, they were well nigh stoned to death by the Germans, and forced to put off that hateful dress: And it is the custom of the Tartars, never to make peace with those who have slain their messengers, till they have taken a severe revenge. Fourthly, we feared their messengers might be taken from us by main force. And lastly, because no good could arise from them, as they were to have no other commission or authority, except merely to deliver the letter of the emperor to the pope and princes of Christendom, which letter we already had.

The third day after this, being the feast of St Brice, 13th November, we received our pa.s.sport, and a letter sealed with the emperor's own seal; and going to the emperor's mother, she gave each of us a gown made of fox-skins, having the hair outwards, and a linen robe; from every one of which our Tartar attendants stole a yard, and from those that were given to our servants, they stole a full half. We were perfectly aware of this knavery, but did not think it convenient to take any notice.

SECTION x.x.xIII.

_The return of the Papal Envoys to Europe_.

At length we took our departure, and travelled the whole winter through the desert, often sleeping all night on the snow, unless when we cleared a piece of ground with our feet, and frequently in the morning we found ourselves entirely covered by the snow, which had drifted over us during the night. On Ascension day, we arrived at the court of Baatu, of whom we inquired what message we should deliver in his name to the Pope? To this he answered, that he had no message to give us in charge, but only that we should carefully deliver what we had received from the emperor. Having received additional pa.s.sports from him, we continued our journey, and arrived at the station of Montij on the Sabbath after the Whitson week, where our companions and servants, who had been kept so long from us, were returned at our desire. From thence we travelled to the station of Corrensa, who again required presents from us, but we now had none to give.

He however appointed two Comanians, of the lowest order of the Tartar subjects, to accompany us to Kiow in Russia; but our Tartar guide did not quit us till we were beyond the Tartar bounds; after which the Comanians, who had been ordered by Corrensa to attend us, brought us in six days from the last guard of the Tartars, to the city of Kiow, where we arrived fifteen days before the festival of John the Baptist, 9th June 1248. On receiving notice of our approach, the whole inhabitants of Kiow came out joyfully to receive us, congratulating us as men returned from death to life; and we were received in a similar manner in our whole progress through Russia, Poland, and Bohemia. Daniel, and his brother Wasilico, feasted us splendidly, and detained us, contrary to our desire, for eight days. In the meantime, they and their bishops and n.o.bles, having consulted on those matters, which we had propounded to them, when on our journey towards the Tartars, made an unanimous declaration, that they would henceforwards hold the Pope as their special lord and holy father, and would adhere to the Roman church as their lady and mistress, confirming all things which they had previously sent on this subject, by their own abbot, to the Pope before our return; and in ratification of all this, they sent envoys and letters along with us to the Pope[1].

[1] In Section XIX. of this journey, Wasilico, or Wasiley, is mentioned as duke of Russia; but who must only have been duke of some subordinate province. This submission of Russia, or of his particular dukedom, produced no fruit to the Romish see, as the Russian empire still remains what are called Greek schismatics.--E

CHAP. IX.

_Travels of William de Rubruquis into Tartary, about the year_ 1253_.[1]

INTRODUCTION.

These travels were undertaken by order of Louis IX. of France, usually called St Louis. In the original, or at least in the printed copies which have come down to our times, Rubruquis is said to have commenced his journey in the year 1253; but this date is attended with some difficulties, as we are certain that king Louis was a prisoner from 1249 to 1254. It is possible, indeed, that he may have dispatched this mission while a prisoner; yet it is more probable, that the date may have been vitiated in transcription. The real name of this early traveller, who was a friar of the minorite order, is said to have been Van Ruysbroek[2], from a village of that name near Brussels, Latinized, or Frenchified rather, into De Rubruquis. By Hakluyt he is named Rubruk. The version here offered to the public, is a translation from the Latin copy in Hakluyt, as addressed by the adventurous traveller to his royal master, after his return from traversing the whole extent of Tartary; the English translation, by that early and meritorious collector, being far too antiquated for modern readers.

[1] Hakluyt, I. 80. for the Latin, and I.101. for the English. See likewise Harris, I. 556.

[2] Pinkerton, Mod. Geogr. II. xvi.