A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Vi Part 15

Badur invaded the kingdom of _Mandou_[198], and killed the king by treachery. He then imprisoned all the kings sons, and distributed the wives and daughters of the deceased king among his officers.

_Salahedin_, one of the princ.i.p.al officers of that kingdom fled to _Raosinga_, a place almost impregnable by nature and art, but was inveigled into the power of Badur and forced to turn Mahometan. Badur then besieged the mountain fort of Raosinga, and commanded the women belonging to Salahedin to come out; but they sent word that they would not do so unless along with Salahedin, who was accordingly sent into the fort for that purpose. His women, about 500 in number, exclaimed against his becoming a Mahometan, saying they would rather be all burnt alive than delivered to the enemy. Whereupon Salahedin, with 120 men who guarded his _zenana_, slew them all upon a pile of wood, where they were burnt with all his riches. After this Badur went against Chitore with an army of 100,000 horse, an innumerable infantry, and 600 cannon, and besieged Chitore for two months, at the end of which it surrendered. By this conquest Badur was in possession of three considerable kingdoms.

[Footnote 198: Probably Malwa.--E.]

At this time Tristan de Ga, as formerly mentioned, was at the court of Badur on an emba.s.sy from Nuno de Cuna to treat of peace, but which negociation was delayed by sundry accidents, and in particular by the death of the Great Mogul, of whom Badur was in great fear. Through covetousness Badur discontinued the pay of many of those leaders who had served him with great fidelity in his late conquests, on which account 4000 men of note deserted from him to the Mogul. One of his officers named Mujate Khan endeavoured to convince him of the dangerous effects this conduct might have upon his affairs; in reward for which Badur sent him on some frivolous pretence to Diu, and at the same time sent secret orders to Melek Tocam to put him to death; but Tocam disdained to execute the tyrannical order, and advised the faithful Mujate Khan to save himself by flight. Instead of following this advice, Mujate returned to Badur and prostrated himself at his feet, delivering up his scymeter with these words, "If I have deserved death from you, I here present you the traitor and the instrument of his punishment. Kill me, therefore, that I may have the honour of dying by your hand: Yet the faithful services of my grandfather, father, and self, have merited a better reward." Badur, struck with his fidelity and attachment, received him again to favour; but turned his rage against Melek Tocam for revealing the secret orders with which he had been entrusted, and sent Mustapha Rume Khan to Diu to put him to death. Malek Tocam got notice of this at a country house in which he occasionally resided, whence he fled from Rume Khan. After this Badur came to Diu which he reduced, having arrived there at the same time with Nuno de Cuna, when the interview between the governor and him was proposed; but which Badur only intended as a feint to ward off the danger which he apprehended from the padishah of the Moguls; meaning, if he could patch up an agreement with that sovereign, to break with the Portuguese. But the Mogul recalled his amba.s.sadors and commenced war upon Bader, of which hereafter.

Those whom we name Moguls call themselves _Zagetai_, in the same manner as the Spaniards call themselves Goths. Zagetai is the name of the province which they inhabited in Great Tartary near Turkestan, and the n.o.bles do not permit themselves to be called Moguls. According to the Persians, the Moguls are descended of Magog the grandson of Noah, from whom they received the wors.h.i.+p of the _one_ only G.o.d. Wandering through many provinces, this nation established themselves in _Mogalia_ or _Mongolia_, otherwise _Mogostan_, called Paropamissus by Ptolemy. At this time they extend farther, and border upon the kingdom of _Horacam_ or _Chora.s.san_, called _Aria_, or _Here_ by that ancient geographer.

From the extreme north, the Moguls extend to the river _Geum_ or _Jihon_, which runs through _Bohara_ or _Bucharia_, the ancient _Bactria_, so named from its capital, the celebrated seat of learning from the time of _Zoroaster_, and where _Avicenna_ acquired the knowledge which made him so famous. _Bucharia_, or _Bactria_ borders upon _Quiximir_ or _Cashmire_ and Mount _Caucasus_, which divides India from the provinces of Tartary in the north. This kingdom of the Moguls now reaches to the mountainous regions of _Parveti_ and _Bagous_ which they call _Angou_ [199]. As in this dominion there ace great mountains, so there are likewise very large and fruitful plains, watered by five rivers which compose the Indus. These are the _Bet, Satinague, Chanao, Rave_, and _Rea_[200]. The cities of this country are numerous and, the men courageous.

[Footnote 199: De Faria becomes here unintelligible, unless he here means the range of mountains which bound Hindostan, particularly on the north-west, including Cashmir and Cabul; which seems probable as immediately followed in the text by the _Punjab_, or country on the _five rivers_ composing the Indus.--E.]

[Footnote 200: These rivers are so strangely perverted in their orthography as hardly to be recognisable, and some of them not at all.

The true _Punjab_ or five rivers is entirely on the east of the Indus, Sinde or Nilab. Its five rivers are the Behut or Hydaspes, Chunab or Acesinas, Rauvee or Hydraotes, Setlege or Hesudrus, and a tributary stream of the last named the Hyphasis by the ancients. These two last are the Beyah and Setlege of the moderns. The Kameh and Comul run into the Indus to the west of the Punjab--E.]

The Moguls are of the Mahometan religion, using the Turkish and Persian languages. They are of fair complexions, and well made, but have, small eyes like the Tartars and Chinese. Their n.o.bility wear rich and gay clothes, fas.h.i.+oned like those of the Persians, and have long beards.

Their military dress is very costly, their arms being splendidly gilt and highly polished, and they are singularly expert in the use of the bow. In battle they are brave and well disciplined and use artillery.

Their padishah is treated with wonderful majesty, seldom making his appearance in public, and has a guard of 2000 horse, which is changed quarterly. Both Moguls and Patans endeavoured to conquer India; but by treachery and the event of war, the Patans and the kingdom of Delhi were reduced by the Moguls at the time when Baber, the great-grandson of the great Tamerlane was their padishah.

At the period to which we have now proceeded in our history of the Portuguese in India, _Omaum_ or _Humayun_, the son of Baber, was padishah of the Moguls, and declared war against Badur king of Guzerat; who immediately sent an army of 20,000 horse and a vast mult.i.tude of foot to ravage the frontiers of the enemy. Ingrat.i.tude never escapes unpunished, as was exemplified on this occasion. _Crementii_ queen of _Chitore_, who had formerly saved the life of Badur, and who in return had deprived her of the kingdom of Chitore, was required by him to send her son with all the men he could raise to a.s.sist him in the war against Humayun. The queen required he would restore her other son, whom he kept as an hostage, that she might not be deprived of both, and in the mean time raised all the forces she was able. Not aware of her intentions, Badur sent her son to Chitore, on which she immediately put herself under the protection of Humayun. Badur immediately drew together an army of 100,000 horse, 415,000 foot, 1000 cannon, 600 armed elephants, and 6000 carriages, with which he besieged Chitore, and battered its walls with great fury. While engaged in this siege, he received information that the army he had sent to ravage the country of the Moguls had been defeated with the loss of 20,000 men. He at length got possession of Chitore by policy more than force, after losing 15,000 men during the siege; but the queen made her escape with all her family and wealth. He repaired the fortifications of Chitore, in which he left _Minao Husseyn_ with a garrison of 12,000 men. He then marched to meet the army of the Moguls, which was advancing through _Mandou_ or _Malwa_ in order to relieve Chitore. On learning that Chitore had fallen, and that Badur was intrenched with his army at Dozor, Humayun marched to that place and took up a position with so much judgment that the army of Badur was reduced to extremity for provisions. Being unable to extricate his army from this state of difficulty, Badur fled with all speed to _Mandou_, or _Mundu_ near the Nerbuddah on the southern frontier of Malwa, accompanied by Mustapha Rumi Khan and a few Portuguese. His prodigious army was utterly destroyed or dispersed, and his camp plundered by the Moguls; he even escaping with difficulty from the pursuit of 10,000 Mogul horse.

Badur fortified himself in _Mundu_, giving the command of his remaining force to Rumi Khan, who soon deserted to Humayun. The family and wealth of Rumi Khan were at this time in the fortress of _Champaneer_, and both Badur and Rumi Khan strove which of them should first be able to secure that place, in which Badur had deposited one of his three tres, which only in copper money was worth 30 millions[201], besides pearls, precious stones, and other valuables. Badur got possession of Champaneer, whence he immediately sent all the treasure, and the family of Rumi Khan, under a strong escort to Diu; while he wasted the country and destroyed all the artillery, that it might not fall into the hands of Humayun, and even did the same at _Cambaya_ his own capital. Seeing his women and riches in the hands of Badur, Rumi Khan obtained five hundred horse from his new master, with which he pursued Badur so expeditiously that he entered one of the gates of _Cambaya_ as Badur was going out at the other. Finding himself so closely pursued, Badur left the women and riches by the way, in hopes of stopping the pursuit, which had the desired effect, as Rumi Khan immediately returned with them to Champaneer, and Badur got safe to Diu, leaving his entire kingdom to Humayun.

[Footnote 201: No intimation is given by De Faria of the denomination of money here alluded to.--E.]

In this state of adversity, Badur at length consented to the erection of a fort at Diu by the Portuguese. He had formerly given up Ba.s.seen to them, to secure their friends.h.i.+p during his contest with Humayun, and was now in hopes by their a.s.sistance to recover his dominions. Still however his pride prompted him to temporize, and he sent an amba.s.sador to request a.s.sistance from the Turks to recover his territories. Hearing that Humayun had taken Champaneer he gave himself up to despair and resolved upon going to Mecca, to wait the answer of the grand Turk; but his mother and friends dissuaded him, advising him to allow the Portuguese to erect the fort at Diu, as by their aid his affairs might be restored. He immediately sent notice to that effect to Martin Alfonso de Sousa, then at Chaul, who communicated the event to Nuno de Cuna, and went immediately to Diu at the request of Badur, arriving on the 21st of September 1536. A league offensive and defensive was immediately entered into between Badur and the Portuguese, in which the former treaty was confirmed, except that the emporium of trade was to be transferred from Ba.s.seen to Diu: The fort was to be built where and in what manner should be judged best by the governor-general; and in the mean time a bulwark or castle upon the sea, commanding the entrance of the port was to be delivered up. There were many other articles, and among these that the Portuguese were not to meddle with the kings revenues at Diu and other places. The governor general on receiving notice of this treaty, came immediately to Diu, where he was honourably received by Badur.

A Jew and an Armenian were immediately sent off to carry intelligence of this event to Portugal [202]. At this time there was a person named Diego Botello residing at Diu who was in disgrace with the king of Portugal, on account of it being reported that he intended to go over to the French in hopes of high promotion, as he was very conversant in the affairs of India. Knowing how earnestly King _Joam_ had desired the establishment of a fort at Diu, he resolved upon endeavouring to be the first messenger of this news. For this purpose, having procured a copy of the treaty and a draught of the intended fort, he embarked in a small vessel, only sixteen feet and a half long, nine feet broad, and four feet and a half deep, manned by his own slaves, with three Portuguese and two others, giving out that he was going to Cambaya. But when out at sea, he informed his companions that he meant in this frail bark to traverse the prodigious extent of ocean between India and Portugal, and prevailed upon those along with him to concur in his design. Being reduced to unspeakable miseries, the slaves, who were the only mariners on board, entered into a conspiracy to kill him, and even killed one of his servants, but were all slain. Being now without seaman or pilot, he held on his course and arrived at Lisbon to the astonishment of every one. Botello was restored to the royal favour for this wonderful action, but received no other reward, and the bark was immediately destroyed, that it might not be known so small a vessel was capable of performing so great a voyage.

[Footnote 202: Though not so expressed in the text, these messengers were probably sent over land.--E.]

Nuno de Cuna lost no time in erecting the fort at Diu, the command of which was given to Emanuel de Sousa with 900 Portuguese troops, the ramparts being furnished with sixty pieces of great cannon. Badur soon found the benefit of his alliance with the Portuguese, as Nizam-al-Mulk at the instigation of Nuno made peace with and aided him against Humayun; and a Portuguese force under Vasco Perez recovered for him a considerable place towards the Indus named _Varivene_[203]. Garcia de Sa and Antonio Galvam defended Ba.s.seen against the Moguls, who were constrained to retreat from that place; and Mirza Mahmoud, nephew to Badur, recovered many places on the frontiers from the Moguls. Being thus prosperous, solely by the a.s.sistance of the Portuguese, 500 of whom served in his army under the command of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Badur repented of having allowed them to build a fort at Diu, and even began to build a wall or fortification between the fort and the city, under pretence of separating the Portuguese from the natives, to prevent differences by too free communication. But after several strong remonstrances this was desisted from.

[Footnote 203: Perhaps Warwama on the Gulf of Cutch.--E.]

In the year 1537, Badur became still more intent upon removing the Portuguese from Diu, for which purpose he again sent to procure a.s.sistance from the Turks, and in the mean time used his utmost endeavours to take the fort and to destroy Nuno de Cuna, whom he invited to Diu with that view. Though apprized of the treacherous designs of Badur, De Cuna omitted to avail himself of an opportunity of securing him while on a visit on board his s.h.i.+p, deferring it to a future opportunity in a proposed conference in the fort. While Badur was going on sh.o.r.e in his _katur_ or barge, Emanuel de Sousa the commandant of the fort of Diu followed him in a barge and went on board the royal katur to give the invitation from the governor-general. At this time another Portuguese barge coming up hastily, Badur became suspicious of some evil intention, and ordered his officers to kill De Sousa. One Diega de Mosquita who had aided Badur in the late war and had acquired a perfect knowledge of the language, understood what was said by Badur, whom he immediately attacked and wounded, but De Sousa was slain by his attendants. Upon this a b.l.o.o.d.y affray took place between the Portuguese and the attendants on Badur, in which seven of the latter were slain.

Several other boats belonging to both parties came up, and Badur attempted to escape in his barge to the city, but was stopped by a cannon-shot which killed three of his rowers; on which he endeavoured to escape by swimming, but being in danger of drowning he called out, discovering who he was. Tristan de Payva reached out an oar for him to take hold of, that he might get on board the boat; but a soldier struck him on the face with a halberd, and then others, till he was slain. His body sunk, and neither it nor the body of De Sousa could afterwards be found for interment.

Most of the citizens of Diu were witness to this scene from the walls, and when the intelligence of the kings death reached the city, the inhabitants began to abandon it in such haste and confusion that many were trampled to death in the throng, being afraid that the Portuguese would plunder them. The governor-general soon restored confidence by a public proclamation, and the inhabitants returned quietly to their houses. He even entered the town unarmed, to rea.s.sure the inhabitants and to restrain the avarice of his people, so that no disorder was committed. De Sousa being slain, as before mentioned, De Cuna gave the command of the fortress of Diu to his brother-in-law Antonio de Sylveira Menezes, and his gallant conduct afterwards shewed that he was worthy of the station. The queen-mother had retired to _Navanaguer_[204], and Nuno sent a message of condolence for the death of her son, endeavouring to demonstrate that it had been occasioned by his own fault; but she refused to receive or listen to the message. The treasure found in the palace of Diu in gold and silver was of small value, not exceeding 200,000 _pardaos_[205], but the quant.i.ty of ammunition was exceedingly great. The number of bra.s.s cannon was prodigious, those of iron not being deemed worthy of account. Among the bra.s.s ordnance were three _basilisks_ of prodigious size, one of which was sent by De Cuna as a curiosity to Lisbon, which was placed in the castle of St Julian at the mouth of the Tagus, where it is known by the name of the _Gun of Diu_.

Among the papers belonging to Badur and his treasurer _Abd' el Cader_ letters were found from _Saf_ Khan, communicating the progress he had made in his negociations for bringing the Turks upon the Portuguese, and copies of others from the sheikhs of _Aden_ and _Xael_ to the same purpose. Having collected these and other testimonies of the treachery of the late king, Nuno caused _Khojah Zofar_, a man of great reputation among the citizens both Mahometans and Gentiles, to convene a meeting of the princ.i.p.al people, merchants, and _cazis_, or teachers of the Mahometan law, to whom these letters and testimonials were produced, in justification of the conduct of the Portuguese, and in proof of the treacherous intentions of the late king. All the Moors and Pagans acknowledged themselves satisfied by these doc.u.ments, and accordingly gave certificates to that effect in the Arabic and Persian languages, which were signed by Khojah Zofar and all the leading people among the Mahometans and Hindoos, which were communicated to the kings of the Deccan, Narsinga, and Ormuz, and to all the sheikhs along the coast of Arabia as far as Aden.

[Footnote 204: Probably Noanagur on the east side of the Gulf of Cutch.--E.]

[Footnote 205: At 3s. 9d. each, worth L. 37,500 sterling.--E.]

For the greater security and satisfaction of the people, Nuno gave orders that the Mahometans should enjoy the free exercise of their religion, and that the laws and regulations established by Badur for the government of the city and its dependencies should continue to be executed, even continuing all the salaries and pensions granted by the late king. Among these was a Moor of Bengal who, by _authentic_ information was 320 years old[206]. This man had two sons, one ninety and the other only twelve years of age. He appeared to be only about sixty, and it was said that his beard and teeth had fallen and been renewed four or five times. He was rather under the middle size, and neither fat nor lean. He pretended that before he was an hundred years old, while herding cattle on the banks of a river, there appeared a man to him clothed in a gray habit and girt with a cord, having wounds on his hands and feet, who requested to be carried by him across the river on his shoulders; which having done, this person said that as a reward for his charity, he should retain all his faculties till he saw him again. Going accordingly into one of the Portuguese churches in India, this old man exclaimed on seeing the image of St Francis, This is he whom I carried across the river so many years ago.

[Footnote 206: Perhaps an error of the press for 120.--E.]

Mir Mahomet Zaman, a descendant of the ancient kings of Guzerat, on learning the death of Badur, went to condole with the queen-mother at _Novanaguer_; but she, fearing he came to rob her, refused to see him and even endeavoured to remove to another place. Offended at her suspicions, Mahomet Zaman lay in wait for her with 2000 horse, and robbed her of all her riches, amounting to above two millions of gold.

He then raised above 5000 horse, with which he seized Novanaguer, and had himself proclaimed king of Guzerat. He then sent a messenger to Nuno de Cuna, giving an account of the posture of his affairs and of his t.i.tle to the crown, desiring his a.s.sistance, in requital for which he offered to cede to the Portuguese all the coast from Mangalore to Beth[207], including the towns of Daman and Ba.s.seen with the royal country house of Novanaguer, and other advantages. Nuno accepted these offers, caused him to be proclaimed king in the mosque of Diu, and urged him to raise forces and disperse the other pretenders. Fearing that this advice was only given to deceive, Zaman procrastinated and took no effectual steps to secure the crown to which he aspired, of which misconduct he soon experienced the evil consequences; as the princ.i.p.al people of Guzerat set Mahomet Khan, a nephew of the deceased Badur on the Musnud, and made preparations to subdue Zaman. As Nuno was under the necessity of leaving Diu early in 1538 to attend to the other affairs of his extensive government, the Guzerat n.o.bles in the interest of Mahomet raised sixty thousand men, with which they marched against Zaman; and having corrupted most of his officers, he was obliged to flee to Delhi, where he was honourably received by the padishah of the Moguls, from whom he received the kingdom of Bengal. The successful party in Guzerat called Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu to account for the death of Badur, and being satisfied on that head proposed a treaty of peace; but as they peremptorily refused to accede to the condition conceded by Zaman, the negociations were broken off.

[Footnote 207: This account if the matter is inexplicable. Mangalore is on the coast of Malabar far to the south of Guzerat, Beth is not to be found in any map of India in these parts, and Novanaguer or Noanagur is at the other extremity of Guzerat on the Gulf of Cutch.--E.]

The most inveterate enemies of the Portuguese in India were the Moors upon the coast between Chaul and Cape Comorin, a s.p.a.ce of about 200 leagues, who had flocked thither in great numbers allured by the vast and profitable trade in that part of India. About this time there lived in Cochin a rich and powerful Moor named Pate Marcar, who being irritated against the Portuguese for taking some of his vessels went to reside in Calicut to have an opportunity of being revenged upon them by the a.s.sistance of the zamorin, who furnished him with above 50 s.h.i.+ps, 2000 men, and 400 pieces of cannon. With these he went to the a.s.sistance of Madune Pandar who had revolted against his brother the king of Ceylon who was the ally of the Portuguese. At Coulam Marcar attacked a large Portuguese s.h.i.+p which was loading pepper, but was beat off after killing the captain. In another port farther south he took a s.h.i.+p belonging to the Portuguese and killed all her crew. Beyond Cape Comorin he destroyed a town inhabited by native Christians. On hearing of these depredations, Martin Alfonso went in 19 row-boats from Cochin in pursuit of Marcar, whom he found in a creek where he offered him battle; but as Marcar declined this, and Alfonso did not think his force sufficient to attack him in that situation, he returned to Cochin for a reinforcement.

Setting out again with 28 row-boats and 400 men, Alfonso found Marcar careening his vessels at a port or creek beyond Cape Comorin named _Beadala_, where he gave the Moors a total defeat though they had gathered a force of 7000 men to resist him. Alfonso took 23 barks, 400 cannon, 1500 firelocks, and many prisoners, and set free a considerable number of Portuguese slaves, having lost 30 men in the action, chiefly through the mistake of a signal. After this great victory, Alfonso went over to Columbo in Ceylon, the king of which place was besieged by his rebellious brother Madune Pandar, who at first believed the Portuguese fleet to be that of Marcar coming to his a.s.sistance; but hearing of the destruction of his ally, he raised the siege and made peace.

It is proper that we should give some account of the rich and fertile kingdom of Bengal on the bay of that name, which receives the waters of the famous river Ganges by two princ.i.p.al mouths and many subordinate creeks. This river has its source in the mountains of Great Tartary, whence it runs southwards near 600 leagues, dividing India into two parts _infra et extra Gangem_, or on this side and the other side of the Ganges. On the great eastern mouth of the Ganges stands the city of _Chatigam_ or _Chittagong_, and on the western mouth the city of _Satigam_[208]. On the east of the Ganges, which runs through the middle of Bengal, _Caor, Camatii, Sirote, Codovascam, Cou,_ and _Tipora_ were subject to that kingdom, but the two last uniting together had thrown off the yoke. On the west of the river, the country of _Cospetir_, whose plain is overflowed annually by the Ganges as the land of Egypt by the Nile, had been conquered by the Patans. According to the Pagans, G.o.d hath granted to the kingdom of Bengal an infinite mult.i.tude of infantry, to Orixa abundance of elephants, to Bisnagar a people well skilled in using the sword and buckler, to Delhi a prodigious number of towns, and to _Cou_ innumerable horses. The kingdom of Bengal, reaching between the lat.i.tudes of 22 and 26 30' N. is well watered and exceedingly fertile, producing abundance of fruit, with sugar and long pepper, great quant.i.ties of cotton, which the inhabitants manufacture with much skill, and has great abundance of cattle and poultry. The natives are heathens of a pusillanimous character, yet false and treacherous; for it ally the case that cowardice and treachery go together.

[Footnote 208: It is impossible even to guess what place is meant in the text by Satigam, unless it may have some reference to the river Sagar.--E.]

The king is universal heir to all his subjects. The capital city, named _Gowro_, on the banks of the Ganges, is three leagues in length. It contains 1,200,000 families, and is well fortified. The streets are long, wide, and straight, with rows of trees to shelter the people from the sun, and are sometimes so thronged with pa.s.sengers that many are trodden to death.

About fifty years before the discovery of India by the Portuguese, an Arabian merchant who dwelt in Gowro became very rich and powerful, and having defeated the king of Orixa in a great battle grew so much in favour with the king of Bengal that he was made captain of his guards.

But, ungrateful to his benefactor, he killed the king and usurped the kingdom, leaving it as an inheritance to the Moors who have since possessed this rich and fertile kingdom. The succession to this kingdom proceeds upon no rule of hereditary descent; but is often acquired by slaves who kill their masters, and whosoever acquires the government, were it only for three days, is looked upon as established by Providence and Divine right. Hence during a period of forty years this kingdom had been ruled by 13 successive princes. At the time when Martin Alfonso Melo de Jusarte was prisoner in Bengal, Mahomet Shah was king and held his court in Gowro with such state that there were 10,000 women in his Zenana, yet was he in continual apprehension of being deposed. Martin and the other Portuguese prisoners did signal service to Mahomet in his wars with the Patans; and Martin and his followers obtained their liberty through the means of one _Khojah Sabadim_, a rich Moor, who engaged to procure liberty for the Portuguese to build a fort at Chittagong, if Nuno de Cuna would carry him to Ormuz. Nano being eager to acquire an establishment in Bengal, granted all that was asked, and sent Martin Alfonso with 200 men in five vessels to Bengal, and to secure the friends.h.i.+p of the king sent him a magnificent present.

Thirteen men who carried the present to Gowro, and thirty others who accompanied Martin Alfonso to an entertainment at Chittagong were made prisoners. On learning this event, Nuno sent Antonio de Silva with 350 men in nine vessels, to treat for the liberation of Martin Alfonso and prisoners, by the a.s.sistance of Khojah Sabadim, to whose suggestions the former unfortunate expedition was owing; and to secure the fidelity of Sabadim, a s.h.i.+p belonging to him with a rich cargo was detained in pledge. From Chittagong, Silva sent a messenger to Gowro with a letter and a present; but as the answer was long in coming, Silva judged that the king had detained his messenger along with the rest, on which he rashly destroyed Chittagong and some other places; for which proceeding the king confined the prisoners more rigidly than before. But his necessities obliged him soon after to change his severity into kindness.

_Xerchan_, or _s.h.i.+r Khan_, a general of note among the Moguls, being in disgrace with the padisbah or Great Mogul, fled from Delhi to Bengal accompanied by his brother Hedele Khan, and both of them rose to eminent rank in the service of Mahomet. Being now at the head of a large army, s.h.i.+r Khan resolved to avenge upon Mahomet the murder of the former infant king of Bengal; for which purpose he revolted with his army to Humayun the Mogul padishah, and turned his arms against Mahomet. In his distress, Mahomet consulted with Martin Alfonso how best to oppose the arms of s.h.i.+r Khan. By his advice, some vessels commanded by Portuguese were stationed in the Ganges at a pa.s.s near the fort of _Gori_ where the Ganges enters Bengal. These effectually barred the pa.s.sage of s.h.i.+r Khan in that direction; but having discovered another ford, he advanced to Gowro, which he invested with 40,000 horse, 200,000 foot, and 1500 elephants. s.h.i.+r Khan likewise brought a fleet of 300 boats down the river, to a place where Mahomet had 800 boats to oppose the enemy. At this place Duarte de Brito did signal service in the sight of King Mahomet, and among other things, accompanied by eight other Portuguese, he took an elephant that was swimming across the river. The city of Gowro being reduced to distress by the besiegers, Mahomet bought a peace, and s.h.i.+r Khan drew off with his army. Being now as he thought in safety, Mahomet allowed Martin Alfonso to depart with the other Portuguese, only retaining five as hostages for the a.s.sistance he had been promised by Nuno.

s.h.i.+r Khan returned soon afterwards to Gowro, which he took by a.s.sault, obliging the king, who was wounded in the a.s.sault, to abandon the city.

Mahomet died of his wounds on his way to ask a.s.sistance from Humayun.

s.h.i.+r Khan drew off from Gowro, where he acquired treasure to the amount of 60 millions in gold. Humayun brought the dead body of King Mahomet to Gowro, where he appointed his own brother-in-law Mir Mahomet Zaman to the vacant kingdom, who had been lately driven from Guzerat. But on the return of Humayun towards Delhi, s.h.i.+r Khan returned to Gowro and drove out Mahomet Zaman. Humayun then marched against s.h.i.+r Khan with 100,000 horse and 150,000 foot, with above 200,000 followers. The two armies met on the banks of the Ganges near the city of Kanoje when s.h.i.+r Khan gained so complete a victory that Humayun made his escape with only 25 attendants, and never stopt till he arrived at Lah.o.r.e. s.h.i.+r Khan treated the women belonging to Humaynn with great respect, and restored them to the padishah. Finding himself too weak for the conquest of Bengal, Humayun determined upon endeavouring to reduce Guzerat; but abandoned in his distress by his own Omrahs, he went into Persia, where the Sophi supplied him with an army of 12,000 horse, to which he was enabled to add 10,000 volunteers. With these allies, added to the troops that continued to adhere to him, he invested Candahar, where his brother Astarii Mirza had proclaimed himself king of Mogostan. The city was taken and given up to the Persians. In the mean time s.h.i.+r Khan made himself formidable in Bengal, having an army of 400,000 horse. He took the city of Calijor belonging to the Rajputs, meaning to plunder a vast treasure contained in the temple at that place; but pointing a cannon to kill an elephant belonging to the temple, the piece burst and killed himself.

The present formerly mentioned, which was sent by the king of Guzerat to the Grand Turk to obtain his a.s.sistance, was delivered at Constantinople, where at the same time arrived news of the kings death.

But the great value of the present demonstrated the vast riches of India, and made the Turkish emperor desirous of acquiring a footing in that country, whence he thought the Portuguese might be easily expelled, and their possessions reduced under his dominion. In this enterprise he was greatly encouraged by a Portuguese renegado at Constantinople, who a.s.serted that the Turkish power might easily supplant that of the Portuguese in India. For this purpose, the Turkish emperor ordered a fleet to be fitted out at Suez, the command of which was given to the eunuch Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo. Solyman was a Greek janizary born in the Morea, of an ugly countenance, short of stature, and had so large a belly that he was more like a beast than a man, not being able to rise up without the aid of four men. At this time he was eighty years of age, and he obtained this command more by dint of his wealth than merit, as he offered to be at the entire charge of the expedition. To enable him to perform this, he put many rich men to death and seized their wealth. Among others he strangled Mir Daud, king or _bey_ of the Thebaid, and seized his treasure. It might be said therefore that this fleet was equipped rather by the dead than the living. It consisted of 70 sail, most of them being large gallies, well stored with cannon, ammunition, and provisions; on board of which he embarked 7000 soldiers, part Turkish janizaries and part Mamelukes; besides a great number of choice sailors and galley-slaves, many of the latter being taken from the Venetian gallies then at Alexandria, which were seized in consequence of a war breaking out between the Turks and the republic of Venice.

Solyman, who was both a tyrant and a coward, set out from Suez on the 22d of June 1538, ordering four hundred of the soldiers to a.s.sist at the oars, and as they resisted this order as contrary to their privileges, he put two hundred of them to death. At Jiddah he endeavoured to take the sheikh, but knowing his tyrannical character, he escaped into the interior. At _Zabid_, after receiving a rich present, he put the sheikh to death. He did the same thing at Aden; and arrived at Diu about the beginning of September 1538, losing six of his vessels by the way.

When Badar king of Guzerat was killed, one _Khojah Zofar_ swam on sh.o.r.e and was well received by the Portuguese, being the only one of the kings retinue who was saved on that occasion. For some time he seemed grateful for his safety; but at length fled without any apparent reason to the new king of Guzerat, to whom he offered his services, and even endeavoured to prevail upon him to expel the Portuguese from his dominions, a.s.serting that this might be easily done with the a.s.sistance of the Turks. By his instigation, the king of Guzerat raised an army at Champaneer of 5000 horse and 10,000 foot, to which Khojah Zofar added 3000 horse and 4000 foot in his own pay. Getting notice of these preparations, Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu, used every precaution to provide against a long and dangerous siege. Khojah Zofar began the war by attacking the town of the _Rumes_[209] near Diu.

Francisco Pacheco defended himself bravely in a redoubt at the place, with only fourteen Portuguese, till relieved by Sylveira, and Zofar was forced to draw off his troops, being himself wounded. Immediately afterwards Ali Khan, general of the Guzerat army, joined Zofar with all the army, and Sylveira thought proper to evacuate all the posts beyond Diu, that he might be able to maintain the city and fort; but some vessels and guns were lost in the execution of these orders. In consequence of these losses, and because there were many concealed enemies in the city who only waited an opportunity of doing all the evil in their power to the Portuguese, Sylveira deemed it expedient to evacuate the city, giving his sole attention to the defence of the fort.

Ali Khan and Zofar immediately took possession of the city, and began to fire upon the fort with their cannon. Lope de Sousa, who guarded the wood and water belonging to the garrison, had several rencounters, in which he slew many of the enemy without any loss on his side, except being himself severely wounded.

[Footnote 209: This must have been some town or village inhabited by Turks.--E.]

Hearing that the Turkish fleet was approaching, Sylveira sent immediate notice of it to Nuno de Cuna, who prepared with great diligence to go in person to relieve Diu. Michael Vaz was sent to sea by Sylveira to look out for the enemy, and falling in with their fleet came so near on purpose to examine their force that several of their shot reached his vessel. He got off however, and carried the news to the governor of Goa.

The Turkish fleet came at length to anchor in the port of Diu, where it was formidable not only to the small Portuguese garrison in the fort, but to the Moors even who had long expected their arrival. Next day Solyman landed 600 well armed janizaries, who immediately entered the city and behaved with much insolence. Drawing near the fort, they killed six Portuguese; but 300 musqueteers attacked them from the fort and drove them away with the loss of fifty men. In consequence of a storm, Solyman was obliged to remove his fleet to _Madrefavat_, as a safer harbour, where he remained twenty days, during which time Sylveira was diligently occupied in strengthening the fortifications of the castle, planting his artillery on the ramparts, and a.s.signing every one his proper post for the ensuing siege. At the same time, the Turks a.s.sisted by Zofar commenced operations against the fort, by constructing batteries, and endeavouring to ruin the defences of a bulwark at the entrance of the harbour, which they battered with their cannon. With this view likewise, they built a wooden castle on a large bark, which, they filled with combustibles, meaning to send it against the bulwark to set it on fire. But Francisco de Gouvea, who commanded the small naval force then at Diu, went against this floating castle under night, and contrived to destroy it by fire. At this time likewise some relief was sent to the fort by Nuno de Cuna, and the garrison was much elated by the a.s.surance of his intention of coming speedily in person to raise the siege.

Returning from Madrefavat, Solyman commenced a heavy fire from his s.h.i.+ps against the sea bulwark in which Francisco de Gouvea commanded, but was so well answered both from that work and the tower of St Thomas, that one of his gallies was sunk and most of her men drowned. The greatest harm suffered at this time by the Portuguese was from the bursting of some of their own cannon, by which several men were killed. Two brothers only were slain by the fire of the Turks. Zofar now so furiously battered the bulwark in which Pacheco commanded, that it became altogether indefensible, on which seven hundred janizaries a.s.saulted it and set up their colours on its ruined walls; but the Portuguese rallied and dislodged them, killing an hundred and fifty of the enemy. The a.s.sault of this bulwark was continued a whole day, and at night the enemy were forced to retreat with much loss. Next day Pacheco deeming it impossible to resist, surrendered upon promise of life and liberty to himself and his men. Solyman did not perform the latter stipulation, but he granted their lives for the present and clothed them in Turkish habits. By one of these prisoners, Solyman sent a summons to Sylveira to surrender, but the proposal was treated with contempt. Solyman now planted his artillery against the fort, having among other cannon nine pieces of vast size which carried b.a.l.l.s of ninety pounds weight. His artillery in all exceeded 130 pieces of different sizes, and his batteries were continually guarded by 2000 Turks. This formidable train began to play against the castle on the 4th of October 1538, and continued without cessation for twenty days, doing great injury to the defences of the fort, which could hardly do any injury in return to the besiegers, neither could the garrison repair sufficiently the most dangerous breaches, though they used every possible exertion for that purpose. On the sixth day after the commencement of this violent cannonade, perceiving that the bulwark commanded by Caspar de Sousa was much damaged, the Turks endeavoured to carry it by a.s.sault, but were repulsed with much slaughter, two only of the defenders being slain.

Every day there were a.s.saults by the besiegers or sallies by the garrison. In one of these Gonzalo Falcam lost his head; and Juan de Fonseca being disabled by a severe wound of his right arm continued to wield his lance with his left as if he had received no hurt. A youth of only nineteen years old, named Joam Gallego, pursued a Moor into the sea and slew him, and afterwards walked back deliberately to the fort through showers of b.a.l.l.s and bullets. Many singular acts of valour were performed during this memorable siege.

At length many brave officers and men of the besiegers were slain, powder began to wax short and provisions shorter. The relief expected from Non Garcia Noronha, now come out as viceroy of India, was long in making its appearance. The remaining garrison was much weakened by a swelling in their gums, accompanied by their teeth becoming so loose that they were unable to eat what little food remained in the stores.

Yet the brave garrison continued to fight in defence of their post, as if even misery and famine were unable to conquer them. Even the women in the fort exerted themselves like heroines. Donna Isabella de Vega, the wife of Manuel de Vasconcelles, had been urged by her husband to go to her father Francisco Ferram at Goa, lest the fort might be taken and she might fall into the hands of the Turks; but she refused to leave him.

During the distress of the garrison, as many of the men were obliged to work in repairing the works, this bold-spirited lady called together all the women who were in the fort, and exhorted them to undertake this labour, as by that means all the men would be enabled to stand to their arms. The women consented to this proposal, and continued for the remainder of the siege to perform this duty. She was even outdone by Ann Fernandez, the wife of a physician, who used to visit the most dangerous posts by night, and even appeared at the a.s.sault to encourage the soldiers. Her son happening to be slain in one of the attacks, she immediately drew away his body, and returned to the place of danger, and when the fight ended she went and buried her son.

Perceiving that the Turks were undermining the bulwark which he commanded, Gasper de Sousa made a sally with seventy men to prevent that work and made a great slaughter of the enemy. When retreating he missed two of his men and returned to rescue them; but being surrounded by the enemy they cut the tendons of his hams, after which he fought upon his knees till he was overpowered and slain. The mine was countermined; but the continual labour to which the besieged were subjected became insupportable, and they were utterly unable to repair the many breaches in their works. At this conjuncture, four vessels arrived from the viceroy Don Garcia, and landed only a reinforcement of twenty men.

Solyman was much concerned at this relief though small, and was astonished the fort should hold out against so many a.s.saults, more especially as Zofar had a.s.sured him he might carry it in two. At the beginning of the siege the garrison consisted of six hundred men, many of whom were slain and several of the cannon belonging to the fort had burst; yet Solyman began to lose confidence, and looked anxiously to the sea, fearful of the Portuguese fleet which he had learnt was coming against him. This induced him to press the siege more vigorously, especially against the sea bulwark where Antonio de Sousa commanded, which was furiously attacked by fifty barks, two of which were sunk by the Portuguese cannon. The Turks made several attempts to scale this bulwark, in all of which they were repulsed with great slaughter, yet returned repeatedly to the charge with similar bad fortune. Sousa sent off his wounded men from the rampart to have their wounds dressed. Among these was a person named Fernando Ponteado, who waiting his turn heard the noise of a fresh a.s.sault, and forgetting the dressing ran immediately to his post where he received a fresh wound. Going back to get dressed, a third a.s.sault recalled him before the surgeon had time to attend to his wants, and he was a third time wounded, and at length returned to get all his three wounds dressed at once.

By this time, out of the original garrison of 600 men, only 250 remained that were able to stand to their arms. Solyman was almost in despair of success, yet resolved to make a desperate effort to carry the place. In hopes of putting Sylveira off his guard, and to take the place by surprise, he sent twelve of his gallies to sea, as if he meant to raise the siege; but Sylveira was not to be lulled into security, and continued to exert the utmost vigilance to provide against every danger.

One night some noise was heard at the foot of the sea-wall of the castle, where it appeared that the enemy were applying great numbers of scaling ladders. Every effort was made to oppose them during the darkness of the night, and when morning broke, the place was seen beset all round by at least 14,000 men. The cannon of the fort was immediately directed against the a.s.sailants, and the garrison mounted the walls in every part, but chiefly near the governors house where the defences were weakest, but where Sylveira had placed such people as he could most rely upon. Being repulsed from thence with great slaughter, the enemy made an attempt on an adjoining bulwark, where Gouvea commanded, and poured in prodigious showers of bullets and arrows. Fourteen gallies came up against this bulwark, which they battered with their cannon; but Gouvea obliged them to draw off, having sunk two of the gallies and killed many of their crews. At length 200 Turks forced their way into the bulwark and planted their colours on its rampart. Scarcely thirty Portuguese remained to oppose them, yet they charged the enemy with great fury, who were so thick that every shot told, and they were driven out with much loss. Fresh men succeeded and regained the bulwark, on which they planted four standards. Many Portuguese who were wounded and burnt by the fireworks of the enemy ran and dipped themselves in jars of salt water, where seeking ease they perished in dreadful torment.