The Travels of Marco Polo Volume I Part 80

[7] _Continuatio Ann. Admutensium_, in Pertz, Scriptores, IX. 580.

[8] E.g. ii. 42.

[9] _St. Martin, Mem. sur l'Armenie_, II. 77.

[10] ["The Keraits," says Mr. Rockhill (_Rubruck_, 111, note), "lived on the Orkhon and the Tula, south-east of Lake Baikal; Abulfaraj relates their conversion to Christianity in 1007 by the Nestorian Bishop of Merv. Ras.h.i.+deddin, however, says their conversion took place in the time of Chingis Khan. (_D'Ohsson_, I. 48; _Chabot, Mar Jabalaha, III._ 14.) D'Avezac (536) identifies, with some plausibility, I think, the Keraits with the _Ki-le_ (or _T'ieh-le_) of the early Chinese annals.

The name K'i-le was applied in the 3rd century A.D. to _all_ the Turkish tribes, such as the _Hui-hu_ (Uigurs), _Kieh-Ku_ (Kirghiz) Alans, etc., and they are said to be the same as the _Kao-ch'e_, from whom descended the _Cangle_ of Rubruck. (_T'ang shu_, Bk. 217, i.; _Ma Tuan-lin_, Bk. 344, 9, Bk. 347, 4.) As to the Merkits, or Merkites, they were a nomadic people of Turkish stock, with a possible infusion of Mongol blood. They are called by Mohammedan writers Uduyut, and were divided into four tribes. They lived on the Lower Selinga and its feeders. (_D'Ohsson_, i. 54; _Howorth, History_, I., pt. i. 22, 698.)"--H. C.]

[11] [_Onan Kerule_ is "the country watered by the Orkhon and Kerulun Rivers, i.e. the country to the south and south-east of Lake Baikal.

The headquarters (_ya-chang_) of the princ.i.p.al chief of the Uigurs in the eighth century was 500 _li_ (about 165 miles) south-west of the confluence of the Wen-Kun ho (Orkhon) and the Tu-lo ho (Tura). Its ruins, sometimes, but wrongly, confounded with those of the Mongol city of Karakorum, some 20 miles from it, built in 1235 by OG.o.dai, are now known by the name of Kara Balgasun, 'Black City.'" [See p. 228.]

The name _Onankerule_ seems to be taken from the form _Onan-ou- Keloran_, which occurs in Mohammedan writers. (_Quatremere_, 115 et seq.; see also _T'ang shu_, Bk. 43b; _Rockhill_, _Rubruck_, 116, note.)--H. C.]

[12] Vambery makes _Ong_ an Uighur word, signifying "right." [Palladius (l.c. 23) says: "The consonance of the names of w.a.n.g-Khan and w.a.n.g-Ku (Ung-Khan and Ongu--Ongot of Ras.h.i.+duddin, a Turkish Tribe) led to the confusion regarding the tribes and persons, which at M. Polo's time seems to have been general among the Europeans in China; M. Polo and Johannes de Monte Corvino transfer the t.i.tle of Prester John from w.a.n.g-Khan, already perished at that time, to the distinguished family of w.a.n.g-Ku."--H. C.]

CHAPTER XLVII.

OF CHINGHIS, AND HOW HE BECAME THE FIRST KAAN OF THE TARTARS.

Now it came to pa.s.s in the year of Christ's Incarnation 1187 that the Tartars made them a King whose name was CHINGHIS KAAN.[NOTE 1] He was a man of great worth, and of great ability (eloquence), and valour. And as soon as the news that he had been chosen King was spread abroad through those countries, all the Tartars in the world came to him and owned him for their Lord. And right well did he maintain the Sovereignty they had given him. What shall I say? The Tartars gathered to him in astonis.h.i.+ng mult.i.tude, and when he saw such numbers he made a great furniture of spears and arrows and such other arms as they used, and set about the conquest of all those regions till he had conquered eight provinces. When he conquered a province he did no harm to the people or their property, but merely established some of his own men in the country along with a proportion of theirs, whilst he led the remainder to the conquest of other provinces. And when those whom he had conquered became aware how well and safely he protected them against all others, and how they suffered no ill at his hands, and saw what a n.o.ble prince he was, then they joined him heart and soul and became his devoted followers. And when he had thus gathered such a mult.i.tude that they seemed to cover the earth, he began to think of conquering a great part of the world. Now in the year of Christ 1200 he sent an emba.s.sy to Prester John, and desired to have his daughter to wife. But when Prester John heard that Chinghis Kaan demanded his daughter in marriage he waxed very wroth, and said to the Envoys, "What impudence is this, to ask my daughter to wife! Wist he not well that he was my liegeman and serf? Get ye back to him and tell him that I had liever set my daughter in the fire than give her in marriage to him, and that he deserves death at my hand, rebel and traitor that he is!" So he bade the Envoys begone at once, and never come into his presence again.

The Envoys, on receiving this reply, departed straightway, and made haste to their master, and related all that Prester John had ordered them to say, keeping nothing back.[NOTE 2]

NOTE 1.--Temujin was born in the year 1155, according to all the Persian historians, who are probably to be relied on; the Chinese put the event in 1162. 1187 does not appear to be a date of special importance in his history. His inauguration as sovereign under the name of Chinghiz Kaan was in 1202 according to the Persian authorities, in 1206 according to the Chinese.

In a preceding note (p. 236) we have quoted a pa.s.sage in which Rubruquis calls Chinghiz "a certain blacksmith." This mistaken notion seems to have originated in the resemblance of his name _Temujin_ to the Turki _Temurji_, a blacksmith; but it was common throughout Asia in the Middle Ages, and the story is to be found not only in Rubruquis, but in the books of Hayton, the Armenian prince, and of Ibn Batuta, the Moor. That cranky Orientalist, Dr. Isaac Jacob Schmidt, positively reviles William Rubruquis, one of the most truthful and delightful of travellers, and certainly not inferior to his critic in mother-wit, for adopting this story, and rebukes Timkowski--not for adopting it, but for merely telling us the very interesting fact that the story was still, in 1820, current in Mongolia. (_Schmidt's San. Setz._ 376, and _Timkowski_, I. 147.)

NOTE 2.--Several historians, among others Abulfaraj, represent Chinghiz as having married a daughter of Aung Khan; and this is current among some of the mediaeval European writers, such as Vincent of Beauvais. It is also adopted by Petis de la Croix in his history of Chinghiz, apparently from a comparatively late Turkish historian; and both D'Herbelot and St. Martin state the same; but there seems to be no foundation for it in the best authorities: either Persian or Chinese. (See _Abulfaragius_, p. 285; _Speculum Historiale_, Bk. XXIX. ch. lxix.; _Hist. of Genghiz Can_, p. 29; and _Golden Horde_, pp. 61-62.) But there is a real story at the basis of Polo's, which seems to be this: About 1202, when Aung Khan and Chinghiz were still acting in professed alliance, a double union was proposed between Aung Khan's daughter Jaur Bigi and Chinghiz's son Juji, and between Chinghiz's daughter Kijin Bigi and Togrul's grandson Kush Buka.

From certain circ.u.mstances this union fell through, and this was one of the circ.u.mstances which opened the breach between the two chiefs. There were, however, several marriages between the families. (_Erdmann_, 283; others are quoted under ch. lix., note 2.)

CHAPTER XLVIII.

HOW CHINGHIS MUSTERED HIS PEOPLE TO MARCH AGAINST PRESTER JOHN.

When Chinghis Kaan heard the brutal message that Prester John had sent him, such rage seized him that his heart came nigh to bursting within him, for he was a man of a very lofty spirit. At last he spoke, and that so loud that all who were present could hear him: "Never more might he be prince if he took not revenge for the brutal message of Prester John, and such revenge that insult never in this world was so dearly paid for. And before long Prester John should know whether he were his serf or no!"

So then he mustered all his forces, and levied such a host as never before was seen or heard of, sending word to Prester John to be on his defence.

And when Prester John had sure tidings that Chinghis was really coming against him with such a mult.i.tude, he still professed to treat it as a jest and a trifle, for, quoth he, "these be no soldiers." Natheless he marshalled his forces and mustered his people, and made great preparations, in order that if Chinghis did come, he might take him and put him to death. In fact he marshalled such an host of many different nations that it was a world's wonder.

And so both sides gat them ready to battle. And why should I make a long story of it? Chinghis Kaan with all his host arrived at a vast and beautiful plain which was called Tanduc, belonging to Prester John, and there he pitched his camp; and so great was the mult.i.tude of his people that it was impossible to number them. And when he got tidings that Prester John was coming, he rejoiced greatly, for the place afforded a fine and ample battle-ground, so he was right glad to tarry for him there, and greatly longed for his arrival.

But now leave we Chinghis and his host, and let us return to Prester John and his people.

CHAPTER XLIX.

HOW PRESTER JOHN MARCHED TO MEET CHINGHIS.

Now the story goes that when Prester John became aware that Chinghis with his host was marching against him, he went forth to meet him with all his forces, and advanced until he reached the same plain of Tanduc, and pitched his camp over against that of Chinghis Kaan at a distance of 20 miles. And then both armies remained at rest for two days that they might be fresher and heartier for battle.[NOTE 1]

So when the two great hosts were pitched on the plains of Tanduc as you have heard, Chinghis Kaan one day summoned before him his astrologers, both Christians and Saracens, and desired them to let him know which of the two hosts would gain the battle, his own or Prester John's. The Saracens tried to ascertain, but were unable to give a true answer; the Christians, however, did give a true answer, and showed manifestly beforehand how the event should be. For they got a cane and split it lengthwise, and laid one half on this side and one half on that, allowing no one to touch the pieces. And one piece of cane they called _Chinghis Kaan_, and the other piece they called _Prester John_. And then they said to Chinghis: "Now mark! and you will see the event of the battle, and who shall have the best of it; for whose cane soever shall get above the other, to him shall victory be." He replied that he would fain see it, and bade them begin. Then the Christian astrologers read a Psalm out of the Psalter, and went through other incantations. And lo! whilst all were beholding, the cane that bore the name of Chinghis Kaan, without being touched by anybody, advanced to the other that bore the name of Prester John, and got on the top of it. When the Prince saw that he was greatly delighted, and seeing how in this matter he found the Christians to tell the truth, he always treated them with great respect, and held them for men of truth for ever after.[NOTE 2]

NOTE 1.--Polo in the preceding chapter has stated that this plain of Tanduc was in Prester John's country. He plainly regards it as identical with the Tanduc of which he speaks more particularly in ch. lix. as belonging to Prester John's descendants, and which must be located near the Chinese Wall. He is no doubt wrong in placing the battle there. Sanang Setzen puts the battle between the two, the only one which he mentions, "at the outflow of the Onon near Kulen Buira." The same action is placed by De Mailla's authorities at Calantschan, by P. Hyacinth at Kharakchin Schatu, by Erdmann after Ras.h.i.+d in the vicinity of Hulun Barkat and Kalanchinalt, which latter was on the borders of the Churche or Manchus.

All this points to the vicinity of Buir Nor and Hulan or Kalon Nor (though the Onon is far from these). But this was _not_ the final defeat of Aung Khan or Prester John, which took place some time later (in 1203) at a place called the Chacher Ondur (or Heights), which Gaubil places between the Tula and the Kerulun, therefore near the modern Urga. Aung Khan was wounded, and fled over the frontier of the Naiman; the officers of that tribe seized and killed him. (_Schmidt_, 87, 383; _Erdmann_, 297; _Gaubil_, p. 10.)

NOTE 2.--A Tartar divination by twigs, but different from that here employed, is older than Herodotus, who ascribes it to the Scythians. We hear of one something like the last among the Alans, and (from Tacitus) among the Germans. The words of Hosea (iv. 12), "My people ask counsel at their stocks, and their staff declareth unto them," are thus explained by Theophylactus: "They stuck up a couple of sticks, whilst murmuring certain charms and incantations; the sticks then, by the operation of devils, direct or indirect, would fall over, and the direction of their fall was noted," etc. The Chinese method of divination comes still nearer to that in the text. It is conducted by tossing in the air two symmetrical pieces of wood or bamboo of a peculiar form. It is described by Mendoza, and more particularly, with ill.u.s.trations, by Doolittle.[1]

But Rubruquis would seem to have witnessed nearly the same process that Polo describes. He reprehends the conjuring practices of the Nestorian priests among the Mongols, who seem to have tried to rival the indigenous _Kams_ or Medicine-men. Visiting the Lady Kuktai, a Christian Queen of Mangu Kaan, who was ill, he says: "The Nestorians were repeating certain verses, I know not what (they said it was part of a Psalm), over two twigs which were brought into contact in the hands of two men. The monk stood by during the operation" (p. 326).[2] Petis de la Croix quotes from Thevenot's travels, a similar mode of divination as much used, before a fight, among the Barbary corsairs. Two men sit on the deck facing one another and each holding two arrows by the points, and hitching the notches of each pair of arrows into the other pair. Then the s.h.i.+p's writer reads a certain Arabic formula, and it is pretended that whilst this goes on, the two sets of arrows, _of which one represents the Turks and the other the Christians_, struggle together in spite of the resistance of the holders, and finally one rises over the other. This is perhaps the divination by arrows which is prohibited in the Koran. (_Sura_, V. v. 92.) It is related by Abulfeda that Mahomed found in the Kaaba an image of Abraham with such arrows in his hand.

P. della Valle describes the same process, conducted by a Mahomedan conjuror of Aleppo: "By his incantations he made the four points of the arrows come together without any movement of the holders, and by the way the points spontaneously placed themselves, obtained answers to interrogatories."

And Mr. Jaeschke writes from Lahaul: "There are many different ways of divination practised among the Buddhists; and that also mentioned by Marco Polo is known to our Lama, but in a slightly different way, making use of _two arrows_ instead of a cane split up, wherefore this kind is called _da-mo_, 'Arrow-divination.'" Indeed the practice is not extinct in India, for in 1833 Mr. Vigne witnessed its application to detect the robber of a government chest at Lodiana.

As regards Chinghiz's respect for the Christians there are other stories.

Abulfaragius has one about Chinghiz seeing in a dream a religious person who promised him success. He told the dream to his wife, Aung Khan's daughter, who said the description answered to that of the bishop who used to visit her father. Chinghiz then inquired for a bishop among the Uighur Christians in his camp, and they indicated Mar Denha. Chinghiz thenceforward was milder towards the Christians, and showed them many distinctions (p. 285). Vincent of Beauvais also speaks of Rabbanta, a Nestorian monk, who lived in the confidence of Chinghiz's wife, daughter of "the Christian King David or Prester John," and who used by divination to make many revelations to the Tartars. We have already said that there seems no ground for a.s.signing a daughter of Aung Khan as wife to Chinghiz.

But there was a _niece_ of the former, named Abika, among the wives of Chinghiz. And Ras.h.i.+duddin _does_ relate a dream of the Kaan's in relation to her. But it was to the effect that he was divinely commanded to give her away; and this he did next morning!

(_Rawlins. Herod._ IV. 67; _Amm. Marcell._ x.x.xI. 2; _Delvio, Disq. Magic._ 558; _Mendoza_, Hak. Soc. I. 47; _Doolittle_, 435-436; _Hist. of Genghizcan_, pp. 52-53; _Preston's al-Hariri_, p. 183; _P. della V._ II.

865-866; _Vigne_, I. 46; _D'Ohsson_, I. 418-419).

[1] [On the Chinese divining-twig, see _Dennys, Folk-lore of China_, 57.--H. C.]

[2] [With reference to this pa.s.sage from _Rubruck_, Mr. Rockhill says (195, note): "The mode of divining here referred to is apparently the same as that described by Polo. It must not however be confounded with rabdomancy, in which bundles of wands or arrows were used." Ammia.n.u.s Marcellinus (x.x.xI. 2. 350) says this mode of divination was practised by the Alans. "They have a singular way of divining: they take straight willow wands and make bundles of them, and on examining them at a certain time, with certain secret incantations, they know what is going to happen."--H. C.]

CHAPTER L.

THE BATTLE BETWEEN CHINGHIS KAAN AND PRESTER JOHN.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Death of Chinghiz Khan. (From a miniature in the _Livre des Merveilles_.)]

And after both sides had rested well those two days, they armed for the fight and engaged in desperate combat; and it was the greatest battle that ever was seen. The numbers that were slain on both sides were very great, but in the end Chinghis Kaan obtained the victory. And in the battle Prester John was slain. And from that time forward, day by day, his kingdom pa.s.sed into the hands of Chinghis Kaan till the whole was conquered.

I may tell you that Chinghis Kaan reigned six years after this battle, engaged continually in conquest, and taking many a province and city and stronghold. But at the end of those six years he went against a certain castle that was called CAAJU, and there he was shot with an arrow in the knee, so that he died of his wound. A great pity it was, for he was a valiant man and a wise.[NOTE 1]