The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume V Part 24

Thus the French and Spanish s.h.i.+ps at Cadiz amount to thirty of the line. This fleet, combined with that of Brest, and with the Active, the Guerrier and the Caesar, gone to convoy merchantmen to a certain lat.i.tude, and to a s.h.i.+p of one hundred and ten guns, from Rochfort, and all commanded by the Count d'Estaing, would give a good account of the English.

_Petersburg, 23d of June._ "The squadron equipped at Cronstadt, having received its last orders, sailed from thence the 19th of this month.

As the service to which it is destined will not permit it to return before winter in the ports of this empire, the Court has sent to its Ministers in Holland, England, France, Spain, Portugal, Sweden and Denmark, orders to request of those respective powers, that there may be granted to this squadron a free entry into their ports, and all the succor of which they may have occasion, in case they should be obliged to put in there by any accident," &c.

_Copenhagen, 4th of July._ "The arrival of the fleet of fifteen Russian s.h.i.+ps of the line in our port, is soon to be followed by the departure of the Danish fleet. The Justice, of seventyfour guns, the last of the vessels that we have armed to form it, will go tomorrow into the Road; and the day after, the Vice Admiral de Schindel will hoist his flag on board of her. We shall then have in service eight s.h.i.+ps of the line, two of fifty guns, and six frigates, to wit, the Justice, and the Princess Sophia Frederick, commandant Krieger, of seventyfour; the Jutland, and the Prince Frederick, Commandants de Kaas and Lous, of seventy; the Droit d'Indigenat and the Wagrie, Captains Gormar and Bille, of sixtyfour; the Dannebrog and the Holstein, Captains Ellebracht and U. C. Kaas, of sixty; the Mars and the Greenland, Captains Lutken and Knudsen, of fifty; the Bornholm and the Riel, Captains Schaning and Tender, of thirtysix; the Moen, Captain Budde, of thirtyfour; the Cronberg, Captain Ziervogel, of thirtytwo; the Alsen, Captain Count de Reventlau, of twentyfour, and the Christian, Captain Stockflelk, of twenty guns. Of these, nevertheless, the Holstein sailed the 30th for Guinea; the Bornholm, the Moen, and the Christian, are in the islands of America, and the Greenland serves as a guard s.h.i.+p in the Road of Helsingore."

Whatever may be the part that either powers will take in regard to the project of an armed neutrality, the three Crowns of the North appear uniform in their measures for the protection of the commerce of their subjects, and these measures have already the effect, that their s.h.i.+ps, particularly the Swedish and Danish, are already sought for freight in the Baltic, in preference to all others, while on the other side there arrives no neutral vessels from the North Sea, in the Sound, which does not make the most bitter complaints concerning the ill treatment received from English privateers. A Dutch s.h.i.+p has had nineteen of them on board of him since his departure from the coast of France, and a Russian s.h.i.+p has been robbed of all his victuals by these pirates, who had left him nothing but Gruau-Water, and eighteen pounds of bread, upon which eight men were to subsist during three weeks.

_Hague, 17th of July._ "Affairs between our Republic and the Court of London are still in the same state of indecision. We learn, that the latter has answered, by the Viscount Stormont to the different Memoirs presented during some weeks, by the Envoy, the Count de Welderen, in which, he insisted upon the stipulations of the treaty of 1674. 'That in answer to these Memorials, and to all those, which could be presented of the same nature, he, Lord Stormont, observed that the Count de Welderen insisted upon that, which at this time no longer existed; that it would be superfluous to repeat what had pa.s.sed upon this subject, that he should confine himself, therefore, to remind him of the order, which the King had given in his Council, on the 17th of last April, and of which he had had the honor to give him official information.'"

I am thus particular in laying before Congress a state of the navies of Europe, because they show the unanimity and ardor, with which all the maritime powers are intent upon their commercial and naval interests, upon the freedom of commerce and navigation, and upon the rights of neutral nations, and to show, that America is universally considered by them as such a magazine of raw materials for manufactures, such a source of commerce, and such a nursery of seamen, and naval power, that they are determined, that no one power in Europe shall ever again monopolise it. We must, however, fight our own battles, and bear our own expenses; for the slow march of those powers, their maxims of dignity and systems of etiquette are such, that they must have their own way, and operate in their own time.

England has hints and warnings enough, but she will not take them.

These events, however, all show the wisdom of Congress, in planning the first treaty, which was first sent to the Court of Versailles, upon the principle of perfect equality and reciprocity, granting no exclusive privileges, and binding herself to no obligation not to admit any other, and all other nations to the same; principles from which it is to be presumed we shall not depart.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, July 23d, 1780.

Sir,

I have been amused some time with dark and unintelligible hints in letters from London, of some messenger sent from Lord North to Madrid.

Three weeks ago I waited on the Count de Vergennes, at Versailles, to acquaint him, that I had an intention of making a journey to Amsterdam for a few weeks, as I flattered myself I might form some acquaintances, or correspondences there, and collect some intelligence, that might be useful to the United States. His Excellency desired me to wait some time, for that in eight or ten days he believed he should have something to communicate to me. I a.s.sured him, that I would not go till I saw him again, or heard further from him. This day sevennight, his Excellency informed me, that he was ready to let me know, that a messenger from the Court of London had arrived at Madrid, that the Spanish Ministry had demanded the sentiments of the British Court concerning America. He said he was not instructed. He was told he must previously explain himself upon that subject. He determined to send an express to London for instructions.

This the Count de Vergennes said would take up two months, and consequently leave me time enough to go to Holland, but if anything should happen in the meantime, he would give me the earliest information of it.

In the Courier de l'Europe of the 14th of July, is this paragraph.

"The report runs, that a person who has been Secretary of the Marquis d'Almodavar, during his emba.s.sy from the Court of Madrid to that of London, arrived here, (London,) some weeks ago, on board the Milford, coming from Oporto, that after a stay of eight days, this frigate had orders to transport to Lisbon this person, accompanied by Mr c.u.mberland, Secretary of Lord George Germain, whose instructions imply, that if at the end of twenty days he is not called to Madrid, he is to return here immediately. As soon as this person arrived at Lisbon, he set out for Madrid, where fifteen days after, Mr c.u.mberland was invited to go, and where he is at present."

There is a body of people in England who are zealous and clamorous for peace, and the Ministry find their account in amusing and silencing them by equivocal appearances of negotiations. They have ever made it a part of their political system, to hold out to America some false hopes of reconciliation and peace, in order to slacken our nerves and r.e.t.a.r.d our preparations. They think also, that they can amuse the Courts of France and Spain, with a talk about conferences and negotiations, while they are secretly concerting measures to succor Gibraltar, and carry on their operations the next campaign. But serious thoughts of peace upon any terms that we can agree to, I am persuaded they never had; but if they ever did entertain any thoughts of negotiation, it must have been at the time of their consternation for Sir Henry Clinton, and their despair of his success.

The total and absolute suppression of the tumults in London, and the triumphant success of Clinton, beyond their most sanguine expectations, has now given them such confidence and exaltation that the people of America will dethrone Congress, and, like the Israelites of old, demand a king, that they now think of nothing but unconditional submission, or at least of delusive proffers of terms, which they know the majesty of the people in America will not agree to, in order to divide us, to make a few gentlemen apostates, and some soldiers deserters.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, July 25th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you have done me the honor to write to me on the 17th of this month. I have read it with the most serious attention, and in order to give you an answer with greater exactness, I have placed in the margin every paragraph which seemed to require observations on my part. You will there see, Sir, that I continue to be of opinion, that the time to communicate your Plenipotentiary power to Lord Germain is not yet come, and you will there find the reasons on which I ground my opinion. I have no doubt you will feel the force of them, and that they will determine you to think as I do. But if that should not be the case, I pray you, and in the name of the King request you, to communicate your letter and my answer to the United States, and to suspend until you shall receive orders from them, all measures with regard to the English Ministry. I shall on my part, transmit my observations to America, that M. de la Luzerne may communicate them to the members of Congress, and I am persuaded that that a.s.sembly will think the opinion of the Ministry of France worthy some attention, and that they will not be afraid of neglecting or betraying the interests of the United States, by adopting it as a rule of their conduct.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

_Observations on Mr Adams's Letter of July 17th, 1780._

Translation.

I. The reasons, which determined the Count de Vergennes to give Mr Adams that advice are so plain, that they must appear at first view.

1st. To be solicitous about a Treaty of Commerce, before peace is established, is like being busy about furnis.h.i.+ng a house, before the foundation is laid.

2d. In the situation in which America stands at present with regard to England, to announce to that power that they have forgotten her system of tyranny, her cruelties, and her perfidy, is discovering too great a degree of weakness, or at least too much good nature, and inviting her to believe, that the Americans have an irresistible predilection for her, and to fortify her in the opinion she entertains, that the American patriots will submit through weariness, or the preponderating influence of the tories.

3d. To propose a Treaty of Commerce, which must be founded on confidence, and on a union equivalent to an alliance, at a time when the war is raging in all its fury, when the Court of London is wis.h.i.+ng to ruin or to subjugate America, what is it but to give credit to the opinion, which all Europe entertains, conformable to the a.s.sertions of the English Ministers, that the United States incline towards a defection, and that they will be faithful to their engagements with France, only till such time as Great Britain shall furnish a pretext for breaking them.

II. A person may be furnished eventually with plenipotentiary powers, without being under the necessity of publis.h.i.+ng them, until circ.u.mstances permit him to use them. This happens every day. Mr Adams is charged with three distinct commissions. 1. To take a share in the future negotiations for peace. 2. To conclude a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. 3. To represent the United States at the Court of London. It requires no great effort of genius to show, that these three objects cannot be accomplished at the same moment of time, nor that the two last cannot serve as an introduction to the first. It is necessary first of all to obtain from England an acknowledgment of the Independence of America, and that acknowledgment must serve as a foundation for a treaty of peace. Until this is obtained, Mr Adams cannot talk of a treaty of commerce. To propose one while the Court of London is flattering itself with the hopes of subduing America, and while with that view it is making the most strenuous efforts, would in the view of that Court be to propose what was chimerical, and would be taking a step which it would hold in derision.

The case would be the same, were one at this time to talk of a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States appointed to reside at the Court of his Britannic Majesty. The only powers, therefore, which circ.u.mstances permit Mr Adams to announce, are those which authorise him to take a part in the negotiations for peace. The two other powers can be of no avail until the conclusion of that peace, so that it would be at least useless to produce them at present; and consequently Mr Adams will not act inconsistent with the design and nature of his appointment by concealing them from the Court of London.

Although the Count de Vergennes is unacquainted with the instructions of Mr Adams, yet he is persuaded that they are conformable to the foregoing reflections, and that they do not direct him to make an immediate communication of his powers relative to a treaty of commerce, any more than they order him to make a separate peace with Great Britain. This opinion is founded on that which the King's Ministry entertain of the wisdom, prudence and fidelity of Congress.

III. It is to be observed, that the English Ministry would consider that communication as ridiculous; so that it is deceiving one's self to suppose, that it will engage them to enter into any conference, or so say anything more than what is contained in the resolutions of Parliament, namely, that they will listen to the Americans and receive them into favor, when they return to their former allegiance. It can answer no good purpose to draw from them such an answer, nor can the United States want such an answer, to inform them of the present sentiments of the Court of London, and much less to prepare with councils and arms to resist them. It is astonis.h.i.+ng to talk of preparations of councils and arms, when the war is raging in all its fury, when it has now lasted six years, and England has not yet made one overture to the Americans, that can authorise them to believe that she would agree to their independence.

IV. The English Ministry would either return no answer, or if they did it would be an insolent one. In case of the latter, why should a man needlessly expose himself to insult, and thereby make himself the laughing-stock of all the nations who have not yet acknowledged the independence of the United States? But there is reason to believe that Mr Adams would receive no answer, because the British Ministry would not think themselves bound to return one to a man who a.s.sumes a character, which the Court of London must consider as an insult. It should not be forgotten, that that Court always considers the Americans as rebellious subjects. With such an opinion, how could Lord Germain receive a letter from Mr Adams, taking upon himself the character of Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of North America? How could that Minister bear the mention of a treaty of commerce, which can only take place between independent nations? These observations will convince Mr Adams, that France has no occasion for the expedient which he proposes, to discover the sentiments and dispositions of the Court of London, and that we are already perfectly acquainted with what we ought and may expect from it, in the present situation of affairs.

V. The silence, or the answer of the English Ministry, let which will happen, will neither alarm nor arouse the people of England. That people, without doubt, desire peace and an accommodation with America.

But we find that only some individuals talk of independence, and these, more from a spirit of opposition than from conviction. There never has been a single motion made in Parliament tending to grant that independence. Yet the people have friends and protectors in Parliament. From this, Mr Adams may judge into what embarra.s.sment the announcing his powers would throw the Ministry.

VI. England, as well as the rest of Europe, is perfectly acquainted with the nature of the engagements, which subsist between France and the United States. The King caused a declaration to be made by his Ministry on the 13th of March, 1778, that he had not secured to himself any exclusive privilege by the treaty of commerce of the 6th of February of the same year, and his Majesty has confirmed that declaration in a writing published by his order. So that the plenipotentiary powers of Mr Adams can disclose nothing new, either to England or to the other powers of Europe, and the false opinion of the Court of London in this matter can be no obstacle to a peace. If any such obstacle existed, the English Ministry would themselves find means to remove it, if they were determined to make peace; depend upon that.

VII. It is certain that the whole English nation, and even the Ministers themselves, wish for peace. But it has been observed, that there has not been a single motion made in favor of the independence of America. Certainly the plenipotentiary powers of Mr Adams will not change the present dispositions of the people in that respect, and consequently the communication that might be made of them, will neither facilitate nor accelerate the conclusion of peace.

VIII. This is a sensible reflection. It proves that Mr Adams is himself convinced that there are circ.u.mstances, which may induce him to conceal his powers. The King's Ministry think that such circ.u.mstances will continue till the English nation shall show a disposition to acknowledge the independence of the United States. That acknowledgment will not be facilitated by proposing a treaty of commerce. For the English are at present well persuaded, that they will have such a treaty with America when they shall judge it proper.

They have besides, as Mr Adams has himself mentioned in his letter of the 19th of February last, a full knowledge of his commission, so that the communication of his full powers will teach them nothing new in this respect.

IX. In answer to this paragraph it may be observed, that there is not an Englishman who is not persuaded that the United States are disposed to grant the advantages of commerce to their ancient metropolis; but it would be a very difficult task to persuade an Englishman or any thinking being, that by granting independence in exchange for these advantages, the Court of London would make an honorable and advantageous peace. If this was the real sentiment of the people of England, why have they for these six years past, without murmuring, furnished ruinous supplies for subduing America?

X. The English Ministry either have sincere intentions of making peace, or they mean to amuse and penetrate the designs of Spain. In the first case, they will express the conditions on which they desire to treat; they will then be obliged to explain their views and their demands with regard to America. They a.s.suredly forget nothing which they think will forward peace, and upon agreeing to her independence, their first care will be to demand equal privileges with France in regard to commerce. On the contrary, if the English Ministry only means to amuse Spain, to penetrate her designs and to slacken her preparations for war, Mr Adams should do the Ministry of Madrid justice to believe that they will have sagacity enough to discover their views, and have understanding and prudence sufficient to determine on the conduct they ought to pursue.

XI. If Mr Adams is as sure as he is of his existence, that the English Ministry have no intention of making peace on terms which France and America can agree to, to what purpose communicate to them at present powers, which cannot be made use of until after the peace. How can Mr Adams persuade himself, that the Court of London will be seduced by the bait of a treaty of commerce, while it still manifests an invincible repugnance to acknowledge the independence of America.

Whenever it shall be disposed to acknowledge that independence, it will of itself propose the conditions on which it will be then proper to grant it, and Mr Adams may rest a.s.sured, that it will not forget the article of commerce. Then will be the proper time for him to produce his plenipotentiary powers. In the meantime, it is necessary to pursue measures for the establis.h.i.+ng the foundation of that negotiation, namely, the independence of America, and that can only be effected by carrying on the war with vigor and success.