The Beginners of a Nation Part 19

IX.

[Sidenote: The landing.]

[Sidenote: Morton's Memorial, 6th edition, p. 22, note.]

[Sidenote: Compare Asher's History of W. I. Company in Bibl. Essay.]

[Sidenote: Note 7.]

[Sidenote: Note 8.]

On a chain of slender accidents hung the existence of New England. Had the claims of Guiana prevailed, had the tempting offers of the Dutch changed the allegiance of the Robinsonian Independents, had the Mayflower reached her destination in what is now New Jersey, the current of American history would not have flowed as it has. A South American New England, a Dutch New England, or a non-peninsular community of English Puritans west of the Hudson with good wheat fields and no fisheries or foreign trade, would have been different in destiny from what we call New England, and its influence on events and national character could not have been the same. It will always remain doubtful whether or not Jones, the captain of the Mayflower, was bribed by the Dutch, as the Plymouth people came to believe.

Nothing could be more probable in view of the general bad character of the seamen of that time and the eagerness of one political party in Holland to secure a foothold for the Dutch in America; but whether Jones, who seems to have borne a bad reputation, was bribed, or, as he pretended, became entangled in the shoals of Cape Cod and turned back in real despair of finding his way, is of no moment. He turned back and came to anchor in Provincetown Harbor. Here the threats of the brutal seamen, unwilling to go farther, and the clamor of the overcrowded and sea-weary pa.s.sengers did the rest. To continue longer closely cabined in the little s.h.i.+p was misery and perhaps death. Here was land, and that was enough. And so, after exploration of the whole coast of Cape Cod Bay, the place already named Plymouth on John Smith's map was selected for a settlement. Here the landing was made on the 10th of November, O.S., 1620.

[Sidenote: Elements of New England.]

Camden has preserved to us an old English saying accepted in the days of the Pilgrims, to the effect that "a barren country is a great whet to the industry of a people." It was the wedding of an austere creed to an austere soil under an austere sky that gave the people of New England their marked character, and the severe economic conditions imposed by the soil and climate were even more potent than Puritanism in producing the traits that go to make up the New England of history.

X.

[Sidenote: Earlier attempts to colonize New England.]

The unwise management that ruined nearly all projects for colonization in that age and that produced such disasters in Virginia, had defeated every earlier attempt to plant English people on the New England coast. Gosnold had taken a colony to Elizabeth Island in Buzzard's Bay in 1602, but the men went back in the s.h.i.+p in order to share the profit of a cargo of sa.s.safras. Captain George Popham was the head of a party that undertook to colonize the coast of Maine in 1607, but having suffered "extreme extremities" during the winter, the colonists returned the following year. In 1615 Captain John Smith himself set out with sixteen men, only to be taken by a French privateer. These and other attempts ending in failure, and many disastrous trading voyages, led to a belief that the Indian conjurers, who were known to be the devil's own, had laid a spell on the northern coast to keep the white people away. This enchanted land might long have lain waste if Captain Jones of the Mayflower, sailing to Hudson River or the region south of it, had not run foul of the shoals of Cape Cod.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Coast explored by the Pilgrims.]

XI.

[Sidenote: Sufferings at Plymouth.]

The Pilgrims suffered, like their predecessors, from the prevailing unskillfulness in colony-planting. They had escaped from the horrors of the Mayflower, but how much better was the wild land than the wild sea; the rude, overcrowded forest cabins than the too populous s.h.i.+p?

"All things stared upon them with a weather-beaten face," says Bradford. The horrors of the first winter in Virginia were repeated; here, as at Jamestown, nearly all were ill at once, and nearly half of the people died before the coming of spring. The same system of partners.h.i.+p with mercenary shareholders or "adventurers" in England that had brought disaster in Virginia was tried with similar results at Plymouth, and a similar attempt at communism in labor and supply was made, this time under the most favorable conditions, among a people conscientious and bound together by strong religious enthusiasm. It resulted, as such sinking of personal interest must ever result, in dissensions and insubordination, in unthrift and famine.

[Sidenote: Bradford.]

The colony was saved from the prolonged misery that makes the early history of Virginia horrible by the wise head and strong hand of its leader. William Bradford, who had been chosen governor on the death of Carver, a few months after the arrival at Plymouth, had been a youth but eighteen years old when he fled with the rest of the Scrooby church to Holland. He was bred to husbandry and had inherited some property. In Holland he became a silk worker and on attaining his majority set up for himself in that trade. He was still a young man when first chosen governor of the little colony, and he ruled New Plymouth almost continuously till his death--that is, for about thirty-seven years. He was of a magnanimous temper, resolute but patient, devotedly religious, but neither intolerant nor austere. He had a genius for quaintly vivid expression in writing that marked him as a man endowed with the literary gift, which comes as Heaven pleases where one would least look for it.

XII.

[Sidenote: Abolition of communism.]

[Sidenote: Note 9.]

After two years of labor in common had brought the colony more than once to the verge of ruin, Bradford had the courage and wisdom to cut the knot he could not untie. During the scarce springtime of 1623, he a.s.signed all the detached persons in the colony to live with families, and then temporarily divided the ancient Indian field on which the settlement had been made among the several families in proportion to their number, leaving every household to s.h.i.+ft for itself or suffer want. "Any general want or suffering hath not been among them since to this day," he writes years afterward. The a.s.signment was a revolutionary stroke, in violation of the contract with the shareholders, and contrary to their wishes. But Bradford saw that it was a life-and-death necessity to be rid of the pernicious system, even at the cost of cutting off all support from England. In his history he draws a very clear picture of the evils of communism as he had observed them.

XIII.

[Sidenote: Significance of Plymouth.]

Why should the historian linger thus over the story of this last surviving remnant of the "Brownists"? Why have we dwelt upon the little settlement that was never very flouris.h.i.+ng, that consisted at its best of only a few thousand peaceful and agricultural people, and that after seventy years was merged politically in its more vigorous neighbor the colony of Ma.s.sachusetts Bay? Historical importance does not depend on population. Plymouth was the second step in the founding of a great nation. When Bradford and the other leaders had at last successfully extricated the little settlement from its economical difficulties, it became the sure forerunner of a greater Puritan migration. This tiny free state on the margin of a wilderness continent, like a distant glimmering pharos, showed the persecuted Puritans in England the fare-way to a harbor.

ELUCIDATIONS.

[Sidenote: Note 1, page 162.]

Sir John Harington says: "The bishops came to the Kynge aboute the pet.i.tion of the puritans; I was by, and heard much dyscourse. The Kynge talked muche Latin, and disputed wyth Dr. Reynoldes, at Hampton, but he rather usede upbraidinges than argumente; and tolde the pet.i.tioners that they wanted to strip Christe againe, and bid them awaie with their snivellinge: moreover, he wishede those who woud take away the surplice mighte want linen for their own breech. The bishops seemed much pleased and said his Majestie spoke by the power of inspiration. I wist not what they mean; but the spirit was rather foule mouthede." Nugae Antiquae, i, 181, 182. James took pains to put an example of his bad taste on paper. In a letter on the subject he brags in these words: "We haue kept suche a reuell with the Puritainis heir these two dayes as was neuer harde the lyke, quhaire I haue pepperid thaime as soundlie as ye haue done the papists thaire.... I was forcid at the last to saye unto thaime, that if any of thaim hadde bene in a colledge disputing with their skollairs, if any of their disciples had ansoured thaim in that sorte they wolde haue fetched him up in place of a replye, and so shoulde the rodde haue plyed upon the poore boyes b.u.t.tokis." Ellis Letters, Third Series, iv, 162. The princ.i.p.al authorities on the Hampton Court Conference are, first, "The Svmme and Svbstance of the Conference, which it pleased his excellent Majestie to have," etc., "Contracted by William Barlovv, ... Deane of Chester"; second, Dr. Montague's letter to his mother, in Winwood's Memorials, ii, 13-15; third, the letter of Patrick Galloway to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, in Calderwood, vi, 241, 242; and, fourth, a letter from Tobie Mathew, Bishop of Durham, to Hutton, Archbishop of York, in Strype's Whitgift appendix, xlv. Compare Nugae Antiquae, 181, 182, and the king's letter to Blake, in Ellis's Letters, third series, iv, 161, which are both cited above. Mr. Gardiner has shown (History of England, i, 159) that this letter is addressed to Northampton. There are several doc.u.ments relating to the conference among the state papers calendared by Mrs. Greene under dates in January, 1604. Of the vigorous action taken against the Puritans after the conference, some notion may be formed by the letter of protest from the aged Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York, to Lord Cranborne, in Lodge's Ill.u.s.trations of British History, iii, 115, and Cranborne's reply, ibid., 125.

[Sidenote: Note 2, page 168.]

St.i.th has not the weight of an original authority, but he is justly famous for accuracy in following his authorities, and he had access to many papers relating to the history of Virginia which are now lost.

Under the year 1608 he says: "Doctor Whitgift, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, ... having died four Years before this, was succeeded to that high Preferment by Dr. Richard Bancroft.... He had very high Notions with Relation to the Government of both Church and State; and was accordingly a great Stickler for, and Promoter of, the King's absolute Power, and failed not to take all Occasions, to oblige the Puritans to conform to the Church of England. This Prelate's Harshness and Warmth caused many of that People to take the Resolution this Year of settling themselves in Virginia, and some were actually come off for that Purpose. But the Arch-bishop, finding that they were preparing in great Numbers to depart, obtained a Proclamation from the King, forbidding any to go, without his Majesty's express Leave."

History of Virginia, 1747, p. 76.

[Sidenote: Note 3, page 168.]

For Whitaker's filiation, Neill's Virginia Company, 78. Whitaker's Good Newes from Virginia is no doubt intended by the entry in the inventory of Brewster's goods, "Newes from Virginia." I know no other book with such a t.i.tle. That Alexander Whitaker was himself touched with Puritanism, or at least was not unwilling to have Puritan ministers for colleagues, is rendered pretty certain from pa.s.sages in his letters. For instance, he writes to Crashaw from Jamestown, August 9, 1611, desiring that young and "G.o.dly" ministers should come, and adds, "We have noe need either of ceremonies or bad livers." British Museum, Additional MSS., 21,993. (The letter is printed in Browne's Genesis, 499, 500.) In a letter given in Purchas and in Neill, 95, dated June 18, 1614, he says that neither subscription nor the surplice are spoken of in Virginia. It has escaped the notice of church historians that Whitaker's semi-Puritanism seems to have left traces for many years on the character and usage of the Virginia church. The Rev. Hugh Jones writes as late as 1724 in his Present State of Virginia, p. 68, that surplices were only then "beginning to be brought in Fas.h.i.+on," and that the people in some parishes received the Lord's Supper sitting.

[Sidenote: Note 4, page 173.]

The late Dr. Neill was the first, I believe, to call attention to this fact, though he did not state it quite so strongly as I have put it in the text. It is worth while transferring Neill's remarks from the New England Genealogical Register, vol. x.x.x, 412, 413: "The action of the pa.s.sengers of the Mayflower in forming a social compact before landing at Plymouth Rock seems to have been in strict accordance with the policy of the London Company, under whose patent the s.h.i.+p sailed. On June 9, 1619, O.S., John Whincop's patent was duly sealed by the Company, but this which had cost the Puritans so much labor and money was not used. Several months after, the Leyden people became interested in a new project. On February 2, 1619-'20, at a meeting at the house of Sir Edwin Sandys in Aldersgate, he stated to the Company that a grant had been made to John Peirce and his a.s.sociates. At the same quarterly meeting it was expressly ordered that the leaders of particular plantations, a.s.sociating unto them divers of the gravest and discreetest of their companies, shall have liberty to make orders, ordinances, and const.i.tutions for the better ordering and directing of their business and servants, provided they be not repugnant to the laws of England." Bradford, in his Plimouth Plantation, 90, says they "chose or rather confirmed Mr. John Carver, ... their Governour for that year"--that is, for 1620. Mr. Deane, the editor of Bradford, has lost the force of this by misunderstanding a statement in Mourt's Relation, so called. See Deane's note, page 99, of Bradford. The statement in Mourt is under date of March 23d. I quote from the reprint in Young, 196, 197: "and did likewise choose our governor for this present year, which was Master John Carver," etc. Young applies Bradford's words, "or rather confirmed," to this event, and Deane also supposes that Bradford confuses two elections. Carver was no doubt chosen in England or Holland under authority of the charter to serve for the calendar year, and confirmed or rechosen after the Compact was signed. What took place on the 23d of March was that a governor was elected for the year 1621, which, according to the calendar of that time, began on the 25th of March. For the next year they chose Carver, who was already "governor for this present year," and whose first term was about to expire. Both Deane and Young failed to perceive the pregnant fact that Carver was governor during the voyage, and so lost the force of the words "or rather confirmed." Bradford, in that portion of his History of Plimouth Plantation which relates to this period, gives several letters ill.u.s.trating the negotiations of the Pilgrims with the Virginia Company. The MS. Records of the Company in the Library of Congress, under dates of May 26 and June 9, 1619, and February 19, 1620 (1619 O.S.), contain the transactions relating to the Whincop Charter, which was not used, on account of Whincop's death, and the Pierce Charter, which the Pilgrims took with them.

[Sidenote: Note 5, page 174.]

The charge against Sandys is in the Duke of Manchester's papers, Royal Historical MS. Commission viii, II, 45. It is remarkable that the dominant liberal faction in the Virginia Company is here accused of seeking to do what the Ma.s.sachusetts Company afterward did--to wit, to found a popular American government by virtue of powers conferred in a charter. That liberal government in New England had its rise in the arrangements made with the London or Virginia Company before sailing, and not, as poets, painters, and orators have it, in the cabin of the Mayflower, is sufficiently attested in a bit of evidence, conspicuous enough, but usually overlooked. Robinson's farewell letter to the whole company, which reached them in England, is in Bradford, 64-67, and in Mourt's Relation. It has several significant allusions to the form of government already planned. "And lastly, your intended course of civill communitie will minister continuall occasion of offence."

The allusion here seems to be to the joint-stock and communistic system of labor and living proposed. In another paragraph the allusion is to the system of government: "Whereas, you are become a body politik, using amongst your selves civill governmente, and are not furnished with any persons of spetiall emencie above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of governmente," etc., "you are at present to have only them for your ordinarie governours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that worke." That the government under the Virginia Company was to be democratic is manifest. The compact was a means of giving it the sanction of consent where the patent and the general order did not avail for that purpose.

[Sidenote: Note 6, page 176.]

Winslow's Briefe Narration appended to his Hypocrisie Vnmasked is the only authority for Robinson's address. Dr. H. M. Dexter has with characteristic wealth of learning and ingenuity sought to diminish the force of these generous words of Robinson in his Congregationalism, 403 and ff. But the note struck in this farewell address was familiar to the later followers of Robinson's form of Independency. Five of the ministers who went to Holland in 1637 and founded churches, published in 1643 a tract called An Apologeticall Narrative Humbly Submitted to the Honourable Houses of Parliament. By Thomas Goodwin, Phillip Nye, Sidrach Simpson, Jer. Borroughs, William Bridge. London, 1643. From the copy in the British Museum I quote: "A second principle we carryed along with us in all our resolutions was, Not to make our present judgment and practice a binding law unto ourselves for the future which we in like manner made continuall profession of upon all occasions." On page 22 Robinson's words are almost repeated in the phrase "they coming new out of popery ... might not be perfect the first day." Robinson's early colleague, Smyth, the unpractical, much-defamed, but saintly "Anabaptist," says in a tract published after his death, "I continually search after the truth." Robinson wrote a reply to a portion of this tract. See Barclay's Inner Life, appendix to Chapter V, where the tract is given. This holding of their opinions in a state of flux, this liberal expectancy of a further evolution of opinion, was a trait to be admired in the early Separatists in an age when modesty in dogmatic statement was exceedingly rare.

[Sidenote: Note 7, page 177.]

Neill, in the Historical Magazine for January, 1869, and the New England Genealogical Register, 1874, identifies the Mayflower captain with Jones of the Discovery, who was accounted in Virginia "dishonest." But honest seamen were few in that half-piratical age.

That he was hired by the Dutch to take the Pilgrims elsewhere than to Hudson River is charged in Morton's Memorial, and is not in itself unlikely. But the embarra.s.sments of Cape Cod shoals were very real; a trading s.h.i.+p sent out by the Pilgrims after their settlement, failed to find a way round the cape.