History of the American Negro in the Great World War Part 36

Ever since the conclusion of the conflict of '61-'65, in which Negro troops numbered by thousands, took an active part upon behalf of the Union, there has been a growing and insistent wonder in the minds of many, why, given a chance to die in the military service of the nation, they should not also at the same time be given a chance for promotion.

Subsequent affairs engaged in by the government requiring the intervention of its military arm, the Spanish-American war, the Philippines invest.i.ture incident thereto, the Mexican disagreement, the whole crowned by the stupendous World War; its frightful devastation and din yet fresh to our sight, still filling our ears, as it will for years; in all of which they have contributed their share of loyalty and blood-of LIVES!-have but added to, strengthened the wonder mentioned.

Up to the beginning of the European muddle it was discussed if at all, not so much as a condition demanding uncensored condemnation, as one to continue to be patient with, trusting to time and an awakened sense of fair play upon the part of the nation at large to note the custom complained of, and banish the irritation by abolis.h.i.+ng the cause.

However, there has not been lacking those who have spoken out, who have raised their voices in protest against what they deemed an injustice to the loyal "fighting men" of their race, and so feeling, have not hesitated to make their plea to those above empowered to listen, regardless of the mood in which they did so.

As long ago as the summer of 1915, or to be exact, August 26th of that year, Capt. R.P. Roots of Seattle, Was.h.i.+ngton, addressed a letter to the Hon. Lindley M. Garrison at Was.h.i.+ngton, at the time Secretary of War, directing his attention to the discrepancy of a.s.signment complained of, accompanied with certain suggestions; having to do with a condition that the government must eventually face; that will not down, and must sooner or later be abrogated. Captain Roots' communication to the Secretary of War, also one addressed to the Hon. Joseph Tumulty, private secretary to President Wilson, follows: "Seattle, Wash., August 26, 1915.

"Hon. Lindley M. Garrison, Secretary of War, Dear Sir: As an ex-officer of the Spanish-American war, having served as Captain of Company "E" of the Eighth Illinois Volunteers, I am taking the liberty to ask that, if you should recommend any increase in the Army you give the Negro a chance in the manner, and for reasons I shall further explain.

You will notice by my service with the 8th Illinois that I am a colored man, and as such am offering these suggestions, which, in the main, are just.

If the increase is sufficient, we should have: TWO COAST ARTILLERY COMPANIES.

ONE REGIMENT OF FIELD ARTILLERY (In these branches we are not represented at all).

ONE REGIMENT OF CAVALRY.

The above to be embodied in the Regular Army and to be officered as you think fit.

But my main object is: Three Regiments of Infantry officered from COLONEL DOWN WITH COLORED MEN. I should not have these Infantry Regiments of the regular service for the reason that to appoint officers to the rank of Colonel, Majors, etc., would not be fair to the regular service officers, and would interfere with the promotion of the same, but I would have them rank as volunteers. Give them the name of "IMMUNES," "FOREIGN SERVICE REGIMENTS," or any other name that you choose.

My further reasons are as to officering these regiments, that there would be many misfits in such organizations and I would leave it so that you or the President could remove them without prejudice from the service, but to fill by OTHER COLORED MEN the vacancies that might occur. I should officer these regiments with Spanish War veterans, non-commissioned officers of the retired and regulars, but should appoint all 2d Lieutenants from the schools of the country giving military training.

The 2d Lieutenants upon pa.s.sing the regular army examination could be placed in the eligible list of the regular army, but NOT until at least two years' service with these regiments. You could set a time limit on these regiments if you so desire, say ten or twelve years duration; either mustered out or in the regular service.

"Now Mr. Secretary, I have striven to meet any objections which might be made by the Army on account of social prejudice, etc. With this thought I should send these regiments to some foreign post to serve where there are dark races; to the Philippines, Mexico, or Haiti. The object lesson would be marked politically, both at home and abroad.

"The 48th and 49th Regiments organized in 1899 and sent to Philippines were unsatisfactory because of there being three social lines of separation in those organizations-THE FIELD AND STAFF of these regiments WERE WHITE, and the LINE OFFICERS WERE COLORED. In a social way the line officers WERE ENTIRELY IGNORED, and even officially were treated very little better than enlisted men or with no more courtesy, to such an extent as to cause comment by both soldiers and natives.

"Now as to the colored citizen of this country coming to its defense there is no question, as he has always done so But, to use a late phrase, he is beginning to want HIS "PLACE IN THE SUN"-he wants a chance to rise on his merits AND TO KNOW WHEN HE SHOULDERS A GUN, THAT IF HE IS DESERVING OF IT, HE WILL HAVE A CHANCE TO RISE. He can fight and will, but will fight better with an incentive than without one. He is a, citizen regardless of all laws to the contrary; also he is the NEW Negro, and NOT of the "Uncle Tom" cla.s.s, the pa.s.sing of whom so many white citizens regret.

"He reads your literature, attends your theaters, goes to your schools, observes you in his capacity as a waiter or porter, and is absorbing the best you have in the ways of civilization, and in fact, in every walk of life, he is a factor; and when he is asked to defend his country should he not be given THE SAME CHANCE AS THE WHITE MAN?

"You will say that he should go to West Point. Well and good; but who is to send him? Next, who will defend him while there against the "Unwritten Law" of the white students not to allow him to matriculate?

"The first officers of such regiments could be easily picked, made from Spanish War veterans and non-commissioned officers of the regular army, and second lieutenants from graduates from colleges giving military training. Such an organization officered in this manner would be ideal, speaking from my experience as a veteran of the Spanish War.

"One thing you may have overlooked: We are twelve million in this country, WITH AN ESTIMATE OF A MILLION MEN FIT FOR SERVICE.

"Suppose at such a crisis as is now transpiring in Europe, this country, with its millions of foreign citizens, should suddenly find itself face to face with a revolution. The presence and loyalty of these MILLION NEGROES might mean much for the stability of this government.

"I have spoken plainly because I am a citizen; this is my country. I was born here, and shall at all times be found with the flag; hence I ask, that in your recommendations, looking to the betterment and enlargement of the army, you give THE BLACK PATRIOT such consideration, as I cannot but feel is due him, the thousands of young colored men who have pa.s.sed through colleges and schools in an effort to prepare themselves for filling a place in the world.

"I am opposed to segregation, but as it seems, under the present conditions of the races socially to be the ONLY way to a square deal, I accept it. There are Irish regiments, German regiments, etc., let us then have Negro regiments. The coming generations will look after the rest. I am, very respectfully, R.P. ROOTS 400 26th Ave., North, Late Capt. 8th Ill. Vol. Infantry."

"Seattle, Wash., Nov. 9, 1915.

"Hon Joseph Tumulty, Secretary to the President, Was.h.i.+ngton, D.C.

Dear Sir:-I am enclosing a copy of a letter sent to the Secretary of War, which I would be very much pleased to have you call the President's attention to, and ask if he can approve of it.

"I was not fully informed as to the President's policy in regard to Haiti at the time of writing, and am not now, except through such information as received by the daily press. Taking that, in the main as authentic, I wish to add that I think a Brigade of Colored Troops, such as recommended in my letter to the Secretary for foreign service, would be the proper thing for Haiti.

"It being a Negro Republic, the racial feeling as to the Negro's treatment in this country, which I need not mention, has been enlarged upon and not understood by the Negroes of other parts of the world, so that as it seems to me, to organize a constabulary officered by white Americans, would be inviting murder; for agitators from other governments, if they so desired, would soon cause a rebellion, and then you would have it all to do over again.

"Colored troops from this country, I mean officers as well, would tend to cause a good feeling among the natives, not at first but later on as each became used to the other. THE WHITE MAN THINKS HE IS SUPERIOR TO ANY NEGRO, AND WOULD SHOW IT EVEN THOUGH HE TRIED NOT TO, and the Haitian would be going around with a chip on his shoulder looking for someone to knock it off.

"You have three men in the regular army who could supervise the organization of these troops, and one who is already a Colonel of the Eighth Illinois National Guard, also several others if you wished to consider them.

"Hoping that you will see the advisability of such an organization for diplomatic reasons and for JUSTICE TO THE AMERICAN NEGRO-who has been loyal-and served from Bunker Hill until now, I am, Very respectfully, R.P. ROOTS, 400 26th St. N. Seattle, Wash., Late Capt. Eighth Illinois Volunteer Infantry during Spanish War."

As touching upon the above, Editor E.S. Abbott of THE CHICAGO DEFENDER, made the following comment: "There may be reasons deemed good and sufficient upon the part of President Wilson and Secretary Garrison for not having replied to the very courteous and finely conceived letters of appeal and suggestion, having to do with a new deal-with justice and fair play in the future towards the Negro soldiery of our country, written them some weeks ago by CAPT. R.P. ROOTS of Seattle.

"It is not always meet, especially in times like these, of war and stress, of worries and apprehension, reaching across the world, for our rulers and servants facing great responsibilities and perplexing situations, to respond to every query and satisfy all curiosities. Much reticence must be permitted them. Much accepted, as a matter of course, without pursuing curiosity to the limit.

"There may be ideas conveyed by Captain Roots to the president, through his communications to Secretaries Garrison and Tumulty that some people may not agree with, but there can be no disagreement over the proposition that the lot of colored soldiers in the armies of the United States-in the past, and at the present, is much different than that accorded to white soldiers; very little to really be proud of; very, very much to be ashamed of-much that is humiliating and depressing.

"Because the present administration may be powerless in the matter, afraid to touch it, fearing a live wire or something of that kind, should OUR duty in the premises, TOWARD OUR OWN, be influenced thereby?

"I wonder-is the time not NOW-right now, to commence an attack upon this intrenched scandal-this dirty, HUMILIATING AMERICANISM?

"No other nation on earth, Christian or pagan, treats its defenders, its soldiery, so meanly, so shabbily, as does this, her black defenders; but whether the nation is more to blame, than we, who so long have submitted without a murmur, is a question. 'The trouble' shouted Ca.s.sius to Brutus, 'is not in our stars, that we are Underlings, BUT IN OURSELVES.'

"Shall we, responding to the initiative furnished by CAPTAIN ROOTS, commence an organized a.s.sault upon this national vice against the soldiers of our race? Is this the time, readers of The Defender? Is this the time, brothers and editors of the contemporary press?

R.S. ABBOTT."

Following in the footsteps of Captain Roots; apparently obsessed by the same vision and spirit, Mr. Willis O. Tyler, eminent Los Angeles race representative, attorney and Harvard graduate, also makes a plea for justice for Negro troops in the regular army, also for Negro officers, and proposes reforms and legislation for utilizing the present force of Negro officers, and creating enlarged opportunities for others. Says Mr. Tyler: "Officers in the regular army for the most part, are graduates of West Point. They are commissioned second lieutenants at graduation.

No Negro has graduated from West Point in the past twenty-nine years, and none has entered there in 32 years. Col. Charles Young graduated in 1889, twenty-nine years ago,-he entered in 1884.

Henry W. Holloway entered in 1886, but attended only that year. In all, only twelve Negroes have ever attended West Point and only three have graduated. Of the three graduates, the first, Henry O.

Flipper (1877) was afterwards discharged.

"The second, John H. Alexander (1887) died in 1894. The third and last graduate, Charles Young (1889) has but recently been returned to active duty. We understand he has attained the rank of Colonel.

The Negroes of the United States, to the number of twelve millions, have only one West Point graduate in the regular army. There are however four regiments of Colored troops, two of infantry, and two of cavalry, and these have been maintained for 52 years, (since 1866), and more than two hundred officers find places in the four Colored regiments. These two hundred officers, with about three exceptions are white officers. In all, only twelve Negroes have held commissions in the regular army. Of this number seven were Chaplains and two were paymasters.

"In 1917 there were two first lieutenants; and (then) Major Charles Young in the regular army. Hence only two officers of the line and only one of the staff (other than Chaplains), out of more than two hundred who found places with the four colored regiments.

"We need not stop for the reasons why Negroes have not been attending West Point, nor even admitted there for the past 32 years. Certain it is they have not been attending the nation's great military school, and certain it is that in law, good conscience and right, one cadet at West Point in every twelve should be a Negro.

"The future lies before us. The four regiments of Colored Troops have vindicated their right to be maintained as such by having made for the army some of its finest traditions. Why not have the four colored regiments officered by colored men from the Colonel down to the second lieutenants?

"The United States is just making an end to a glorious partic.i.p.ation in the great world's war. In this war the Negro soldiers played well their part. They laughed in the face of death on the firing line; they have been awarded the 'Ribbon' and the Croix de Guerre-with palms. Who were their officers?

"From the officers training camp at Fort Des Moines, Iowa, 639 colored men were commissioned. Since then 267 more have been commissioned, not counting those in Medical Reserve Corps, nor the 41 Chaplains. Colored Captains and Lieutenants led colored soldiers "Over the Top" and commanded them on march and in trench. Many officers were given but three months in the officer's Training camp; many of them had served as non-commissioned officers in one of the four colored regiments. But not one word of criticism or complaint of them has reached us. Their adaptability to their new duties is beyond cavil. Their efficiency, bravery-leaders.h.i.+p, are all unquestioned and permanently established.

"The future lies before us. What will our country do? Surely it will not retire all of these fine young colored officers, who responded so n.o.bly to the call of their country, to private life and continue the discrimination which in the past deprived them of admission to West Point and of commissions in the regular army. I do not believe it. I believe that the sense of justice and fair play is deeply rooted in the American people. I believe that our four colored regiments in the regular army will in the future be officered by colored men. That the doors of West Point will be opened in accordance with justice and fair play to a proper number and proportion of colored Cadets. But this is not all nor is it enough.

"We believe that at present the nation owes the Colored people certain legislation and that the nation being solvent and loud in its protestations of kindness toward the Colored people for their loyal and patriotic partic.i.p.ation in the war both at home and on the battlefield, should now pay its debt toward the colored people and reward them to the extent that the best of the nearly one thousand officers now serving in the National Army be transferred to the Regular army, and a.s.signed to duty in the four Colored regiments, and that these be from colonel down to second lieutenants. We also believe that in the future West Point and Annapolis should 'lend a little colour' to their graduation exercises in the presence of Colored graduates.

"No doubt legislation will be needed to this end. At present commissions are granted first to the graduates of West Point, and even a fair and more liberal policy in this regard in the future will not meet present needs. What is needed now is legislation providing for the transfer (or at least the opportunity to enter) into the regular army of a sufficient number of our Colored Officers now with commissions to officer in toto the four Colored regiments we now have.

"Commissions are also granted at present to a limited number of enlisted men who are recommended for these examinations, and who succeed in pa.s.sing. The candidates must be under 27 years of age and unmarried. They must have had a certain amount of secondary school, or college education which few privates or non com's (colored) have had. This is the case because few young Colored men with the necessary growth 'single blessedness,' and college training, feel, or have heretofore felt that the door of 'equal opportunity' announced by Mr. Roosevelt stands open to them in the regular army. To trust the officering of four Colored Regiments to this second mode of selecting and commissioning officers, would prove fatal to our hopes and fail of accomplishment.

"The third method of selecting officers at present is by examinations of civilians, certain college presidents and other civilians being permitted to recommend certain civilians, (students and others) for examination for second lieutenants.

"In this regard Negroes have met the same difficulties that they have encountered in the past 32 years in their efforts to gain admission to West Point. At best only a small percent of each year's graduating cla.s.s from West Point can get commissions in this manner. Those selected have been white men, what we are after now is a present day, practical way of utilizing the best material we now have, holding commissions and making secure the opportunity for other Colored men to enter the army as second lieutenants and by dint of industry, close application, obedience, brains and time gain their promotion step by step, just as white men have been doing and can do now. This is the American-democratic, fair play, reward and justice we seek for the twelve million Negro citizens of our great republic. Congress could if it would, provide for the present by an appropriate measure giving the right and opportunity to our returning officers to stand examination for commissions in the Regular army; Military experience and knowledge, and general and special educational qualifications to determine the rank or grade received.

"In this way our four colored regiments could be officered by colored men. Otherwise, the fine talents and desire for service to the country held by the one thousand intelligent and courageous young Negroes who are officers, will be lost and rejected by the country, and the 12 million Negroes in the United States will continue, notwithstanding their patriotism and devotion, to be denied of their just representation in commissions in the regular army.

"We believe that once this is done the sense of fairness and justice that, after all is said and done is so firmly imbedded in the American people, will see to it that our proper and proportionate number of young Colored men are admitted to West Point and Annapolis annually and that the other avenues for gaining admission in the army and navy will not be blocked, closed and denied Negroes by the unreasonable race prejudice which has heretofore done so.

"Our country is either a country of 'equal opportunity' or it is not. It is either a democracy or it is not.

"Certainly the Negroes have failed to realize this 'equal opportunity' in the matter of training at West Point and Annapolis, and is gaining commissions in the Regular army.

"The great war in Europe is closed or soon will be. We have again shown our country that 'our hearts are on the right side.' What will our country do for us? We ask only that the door of 'equal opportunity' be unbarred-that we may enter."

CHAPTER x.x.xIII.

THE NEW NEGRO AND THE NEW AMERICA.

"THE OLD ORDER Changeth, yielding place to new."

THROUGH THE Arbitrament of war, behold a new and better America!

a new and girded Negro!

"The watches Of the night have Pa.s.sED!

"The watches Of the day BEGIN!"

Out of war's crucible new nations emerge. New ideas seize mankind and if the conflict has been a just one, waged for exalted ideals and imperishable principles and not alone for mere national security and integrity, a new character, a broader national vision is formed.

Such was the result of the early wars for democracy. The seeds of universal freedom once sown, finally ripened not alone to the unshackling of a race, but to the fecundity and birth of a spirit that moved all nations and peoples to seek an enlarged liberty. The finger of disintegration and change is never still; is always on the move; always the old order is pa.s.sing; always the new, although unseen of man, is coming on. And so it is, that nations are still in the throes of reconstruction after the great war. That it was the greatest and most terrible of all wars, increases the difficulties incident to the establishment of the new order, precedent to a restoration of tranquil conditions.

So radical were some of the results of the conflict, such as the overthrow of despotism in Russia, and a swinging completely to the other extreme of the pendulum; similar happenings in Germany and Austria transpiring, that subject peoples in general, finding themselves in possession of a liberty which they did not expect and were not prepared for, are in a sense bewildered; put to it, as to just what steps to take; the wisest course to pursue.

At home we have a nearer view and can begin to see emerging a new America. The men who fought abroad will be the dominant factor in national affairs for many years. These men have returned, and will return with a broadened vision and with new and enlarged ideas regarding themselves and, quite to be expected, of progress and human rights.

With the leaven of thought which has been working at home, added to the new and illuminating; more liberal viewpoint regarding the Negro attained by the American whites who served with him in France, will come; is already born, a new national judgment and charity of opinion and treatment, that will not abate; will grow and flourish through the coming years, a belated sense of justice and rest.i.tution due the Negro; a most wholesome sign of shame and repentance upon the part of the nation. The old order based on slavery and environment; the handicap of "previous condition" has pa.s.sed. Will never return! THAT, or the "Fatherhood of G.o.d and Brotherhood of Man" is, and always was, an iridescent dream; a barren ideality!

The new America owes much of its life to the Negro; guaranteed through centuries of a devotion, than which, there has been nothing like it; you seek in vain for a counterpart; a patriotism and suffering and shed blood; the splendor and unselfishness of which will germinate and flower through the ages; as long as history shall be read; to the last moment of recorded time.

In days to come, now on the way, men will say, one to another: "How could it have been that those faithful Blacks; those loyal citizens; whose toil enriched; whose blood guaranteed the perpetuity of our inst.i.tutions; were discriminated against-WRONGED?"

In a country based and governed on the principle that all men are free and equal, discrimination or special privilege will eat at the heart of national life. Capital must not have special advantages over labor; neither labor over capital. Jew and Gentile, protestant and catholic, Negro and White men, must be equal; not alone in the spirit of the law but in the application of it. Not alone in the spirit of industrialism, commerce and ordinary affairs of life, but in their interpretation and application as well.

Social discriminations and distinctions may prevail with no great danger to the body politic, so long as people do not take them too seriously-do not mistake the shadow for the substance, and regard them the paramount things of life.

Obviously the Negro no less than the Caucasian, has a right, and no government may challenge it, to say who his a.s.sociates shall be, who he shall invite into his house, but such rights are misconstrued and exceeded when carried to the point of proscribing, oppressing or hampering the development of other men, regardless of the nationality of their compet.i.tors.