The First Seventeen Years: Virginia 1607-1624 Part 8

In 1625 his plantation had seventeen servants including two boys, and Daniel Poole, "a french man" with his wife and "a yong child of theires." Poole was defined as a "hired" man. Besides his own people, another twenty-two lived "in the Treasurors Plant." In this number were two women and several Italians. His was, perhaps, one of the best equipped plantations in Virginia. There were two dwellings, cabins, two stores, a framed house for raising silkworms, a vineyard of two acres, and an acre and a half garden as well as "one large fort palled in" and a piece of mounted ordnance. His 100 barrels of corn was the largest amount reported by any single plantation. His arms were extensive--thirty "armours" of various types, thirty small arms and twenty swords. He was, however, a little short on livestock having only nine goats and kids and two hogs.

HUGH CROWDER'S PLANTATION (33B)

Crowder came to Virginia in 1619 and became interested in a group ground clearing project across the water as early as April, 1622. He reported that "six of his family did help to cleere that grounde." In this he was joined by Captain William Powell, Richard Pace, William Perry, Richard Richards and Thomas Ga.r.s.es.

In 1625 Crowder was living on land here that earlier had been claimed by Captain John Hurleston who exchanged it about Christmas time in 1620 with Captain William Powell. At the time of the census of 1625 Crowder's Plantation evidently was a small one. He was in residence along with five male servants, one a boy of fourteen years of age.

EDWARD BLANEY'S PLANTATION (33C)

Blaney's muster of 1625 included fifteen men all in the age group from seventeen to forty with most being under thirty. He, it seems, was not in residence here over the water. In 1624 he had represented Jamestown in the a.s.sembly and was still living in "James Citty" in 1625. He was a prominent man of affairs and was one of the thirty-one signers of the planters' answer to the attack on the administration of Colony affairs during its first twelve years.

CAPT. ROGER SMITH'S PLANTATION (33D)

Smith came to Virginia in 1620 and a year later was named to the Council, being first designated a "provisionall Councellor" on July 12, 1621. He, it might be added, married Jane, the widow of John Rolfe who is thought to have been killed in 1622. Perhaps, this gave him use of the land across the James which Rolfe is reported to have patented.

In 1625 Captain Smith seemingly was, like Edward Blaney, in residence at "James Citty." He had at his plantation over the river, however, a small group of nine men one of whom had his wife with him. These were well armed as were most of those living in this area at the time.

CAPT. SAMUEL MATHEWS' PLANTATION (33E)

Samuel Mathews, long time a councilor in Virginia beginning in 1624, first came to Virginia, it appears, in 1620. In November, 1622 there is reference to a patent granted to him for undertaking to transport 100 persons to the Colony. About a month later he seems to have been interested in Captain Powell's cleared ground across the water from Jamestown. Mathews evidently seated on it and Powell loaned him "the howses of the upper fort for the use of his servants." In 1625 the court saw no way to "put Captain Samuell Mathews who is presently seated thereon, out of possessione" in spite of a pet.i.tion to do this.

In a listing of land grants in 1625, there is reference to Mathews "Divident planted" although no acreage is mentioned. The same list indicated that Powell had earlier received two tracts of 200 and 550 acres respectively, both of which were now "planted" over the water from Jamestown.

At the time of the census in 1625 Mathews' plantation had a single muster. It consisted of a minister, Rev. David Sands, himself and twenty-three men who were all listed as servants. The plantation apparently had no women in it. The scarcity of wives and children in this, as in most of the plantations here, would indicate a lack of settled conditions. Perhaps this was to be expected in an area which had not long been opened to actual settlement as seems to have been generally true of this section.

HOG ISLAND (34)

This low marshy area on the south side of the river at the wide bend of the James some five miles below Jamestown appears in the records as early as January, 1609. At that time Mathew Scrivener, a Councilor, and nine others "would needs visit the Ile of hogges." A mishap occurred and the entire party was drowned en route. Perhaps this was just before "the hogges [at Jamestown] were transported to Hog Ile, where also we built [in 1609] a blocke house with a garrison, to give us notice of any s.h.i.+pping; and for their exercise, they made clapboard, wainscott, and cutt downe trees against the s.h.i.+ps comming." Evidently when the three sows in one year increased to 60 and odd "piggs" it proved too much for the fort and its environs at Jamestown. In 1610 there was another reference to the "Ile of Hogs" and then all is silence for a decade. The doubtful safety of the spot, its inconvenience, and its distance from Jamestown probably caused its abandonment as a suitable place for quartering the Colony's supply of hogs.

In 1619 a request for a grant of 300 acres of marsh land in the area called "Hogg Iland" was made to the Company, yet precise a.s.signment was not approved since the Court in England correctly stated that it did not know "who allredie may lay clayme thereunto or otherwise how necessary itt may be for the publique." On March 28, 1619, Governor Argall proclaimed "Hog Island" within the bounds of Jamestown and granted "inhabitants of Jamestown" the right to plant here as in other parts of the area as "members of the corporation and parish of the same." There is still, however, no record of a settlement here and no references to losses in the ma.s.sacre.

A year later the picture evidently had changed. In February, 1623, there is mention of "Ensigne John Utie at Hog-Ileand" in instructions involving the s.h.i.+pment of "three score thousand waight of sasafras" to be raised on a levy basis in Virginia. In November, 1624, this John Utie received a grant of 100 acres at Hog Island for the transportation, in 1623, of two persons to Virginia. He, it seems, was here before his patent came through. The settlement apparently grew rapidly as the 1624 population listing enumerates thirty-one persons for Hog Island and the census of 1625 shows fifty-three persons. Although not represented in the a.s.sembly of 1619, it had two representatives, Burgesses, in the a.s.sembly of 1624, John Utie and John Chew. Chew, who came to Virginia in 1620 and became a prominent merchant, also had property at Jamestown.

Still another prominent figure at Hog Island was Ralph Hamor. In May, 1624, he filed suit in the general court against Robert Evers. It would appear that John Bailey received a grant from Governor Yeardley about 1617 for 490 acres on Hog Island. He did not seek to improve his land and seemed reluctant to locate it specifically. Hamor, too, had a "particular patent" from the Company in England "which patent was burnt in the ma.s.sacre." Moreover he had "a purpose to settle a plantacion already begunne upon an island, called Hog Island." Reference would indicate that other areas, too, had been "cleared & seated upon"

including one "parcell of land cleered by Southampton Hundred Company."

The end result was that Robert Evers, guardian for Mary, John Bailey's daughter, should see to it that the original grant be selected and "survayde and laid owte in hogg Islande." Any "surplusage" would go to the next claimant in line, but Captain Hamor would have to be satisfied "for the buildinge of such howses & cleringe of land as he shall build and cleare, till the right be decided." Hamor, who already had his dwelling house here, seemingly obtained some 250 acres in the end.

The 1625 muster would indicate that Hamor was not in residence although he had seven servants here. It shows, too, that Sir George Yeardley was in the picture with fifteen men at Hog Island, three listed as "Dwellers." Five houses were listed but only nine hogs, a number too small to be impressive. There was some armor, a good supply of small arms and, comparatively speaking, an adequate stock of corn of 30 barrels. All of this speaks of an established settlement.

LAWNE'S PLANTATION (35)

It was in the spring of 1619 that Capt. Christopher Lawne's "private plantation" was established. A s.h.i.+p bearing some 100 emigrants and supplies, sent out by Richard Wiseman, Nathaniel Ba.s.se and others reached Virginia and located on the south side of the James River below Hog Island. Among other things he was to have provided twenty men for the common Company land; however, he reduced this to fifteen when the expected "loane of corne and cattle" was not forthcoming.

He and his men apparently, as was reported later, proceeded effectively to plant the land he had been granted "accordinge to the purpose of theire patentes." This was one of four private patents issued in the first twelve years of the Virginia settlement, the others being that of Samuel Argall, Martin's Hundred, and John Martin. The Company, on November 5, 1618, had acted to encourage these particular Hundreds and it had been specified that they could return what commodities they could produce to their own adventurers. They could buy from goods in the general store, if available; however, they could not trade for other commodities produced in Virginia.

In July, 1619, Lawne's settlement was noted to be a new plantation recently seated. It was, however, eligible for representation in the a.s.sembly and Lawne and Ensign Washer journeyed up to Jamestown to attend the a.s.sembly meeting that summer. In November, 1619, when "the danger of his seate beinge far from any other Englishe Plantacon in the bottom of the bay of Warrestoyack" was mentioned Lawne expressed confidence that he could "make the place good against the Indians beinge a necke land and defended by his howse...." Besides, he expected in emergency to team up with "Lieftennant Ba.s.se and Ensigne Washer." Together they could muster "a party of thirtye men."

Shortly, Lawne became ill and because of "his owne sicknes and his peoples, wherein there was improvidency" he quit his plantation and went up to Charles City where he died. One contemporary commented that "so his project is likely, unles better followed and well seconded, to come to nothing." More was to come. Nathaniel Ba.s.se, John Hobson, Richard Wiseman and other fellow adventurers, with Captain Christopher Lawne deceased, "applied for and received, on November 13, 1620," a "confirmacon of their old pattent" in which it was specified that henceforth it would be called the "Ile of Wightes Plantacon." The heirs of Lawne were to be protected and the Company allowed five years to bring the settlement up to strength. A little later Nathaniel Ba.s.se went on to establish a plantation known for a time as "Ba.s.se's Choyce."

WARRASCOYACK (BENNETT'S PLANTATION) (36)

Located on the south side of the James River above Nansemond, this plantation took its name from the Indians of the locality. It, along with several other sites which included Martin's Hundred, and Pasbehegh, was described as a "verie fruitful and pleasant" seat, "free from salt mariches beinge all on the fresh river and ... [a] verie healthfull and high land." This was unlike "James Citty" even though Jamestown was "as high as Debtforde or Ratcliffe." Warrascoyack was known, too, as Bennett's Plantation, and as "Bennetes Wellcome" after Edward Bennett, a well established London merchant, who, with others of his family, established it as a "particular" plantation.

Bennett, who was admitted to the Virginia Company on April 12, 1621, obtained a patent the next October. At the time it was noted that he "had deserved singularly well of the Company before he was a member thereof, and since his admittance hee had been att a verie great charge for transportinge of people to Virginia...." On November 21, 1621, he was issued a patent for 100 "planters." This undoubtedly explains how quickly Warrascoyack was settled.

It was evidently well established in the spring of 1622 when there is reference to the "houses wherein Warresquiocke people were placed."

This, it should be added, was not the only plantation to be contemplated in the Warrascoyack district. Captain Christopher Lawne, in 1619, for example, was in the general area having been located just to the north of where Bennett's patent was fixed and "Ba.s.ses Choyse" was not far away to the south, downstream.

The Indian ma.s.sacre was disastrous to the Warrascoyack settlement. More than 50 men and women were slain "at Mr. Edward Bennett's Plantation"

including the commander "Master Th: Brewood, his wife, his childe, two servants." Perhaps, the Indians remembered the fall of 1610 when Edward Brewster and Samuel Argall fell upon their Chief and burned two of his townes accusing him of "acting falsely." There had been no hint of destruction when the Indians returned "one Browne" two days before the onslaught. Browne had been living with them to learn their language.

Following the ma.s.sacre Governor Wyatt ordered Captain Ralph Hamor to "bring away all the people and goodes from Wariscoyack upp to James Cittie" for safety. The military expedition against the natives may not have been wholly successful or, perhaps, there were other reasons that delayed the return to Warrascoyack. Such might be inferred from Bennett's request to the Company on October 7, 1622 "that his people might be returned to his plantacon at Warascoacke." He was given leave for the "repossessinge."

In April, 1623, the Governor by proclamation ordered the building of a fort at Warrascoyack. This, "to defend ... against the invasion of any forreine ennimy," was more against external than internal foes. It was to be by public subscription and to be carried out under Captain Roger Smith's direction in six months. It was known to require "great ordnance." Two years later, however, it had not been effected although it was still considered a good point from which "to secure the places above."

Evidently the ma.s.sacre produced but a temporary delay at Warrascoyack.

The picture painted in a letter from Richard to Edward Bennett on June 9, 1623, written from Bennett's Welcome, was one of new supplies, fears of encroachments, growth and thankfulness: "Our men stande well to ther helthe G.o.d be thanced and I hope to make you a good crope, bothe for tobaco and corne. The forte is abuildinge apase." The Indians were still respected nonetheless and the plan called for an expedition "to cute downe their corne and put them to sorde" after "we have wedid our Tobaco and cornne." It was a little later in the year that William Bennett, the minister at Warrascoyack, sued for his two years of back salary--1,533-1/3 pounds of tobacco.

In 1624 the plantation was represented in the a.s.sembly by one John Pollington. In fact, in that year, the settlement had thirty-three persons including three negroes even though twenty-six had died in the preceding twelve months period. A year later, in 1625, the population had dropped to nineteen. A dozen more deaths were recorded including five "slayne by the Indianes." Mortality continued high at Warrascoyack ("Warwick Squeake" as it was occasionally designated).

In the February, 1625 census listings, there were two houses, a store, and two palisadoes. Armament was light, consisting of nine suits of armor and thirteen "fixed pieces." The largest of the four musters was that which listed the twelve servants of Edward Bennett. The others were one, two, and four persons respectively. Before May, 1625 it was reported out of Virginia that some 1,750 acres of land had been patented at "Warrasquoake plantacon downe wards from Hogg Island xiiii miles, by the river side." This included 300 acres "planted" by Captain Nathaniel Ba.s.se.

"Ba.s.sE'S CHOYSE" (37)

In November, 1621, the Virginia Company voted a patent to Arthur Swayne and Nathaniel Ba.s.se, adventurers, and to their a.s.sociates to transport 100 persons to Virginia. This patent for a "particular plantation" was further confirmed in January, 1622. Ba.s.se evidently proceeded to execute the necessary measures to translate this into reality. He was in Virginia in October, 1622.

Ba.s.se located in the Warrascoyack area downstream from Bennett's Plantation and proceeded to establish his settlement. In 1624 he represented it in the a.s.sembly. About this time the settlement numbered some twenty persons, but a year later it had only twelve in four separate musters. The even dozen inhabitants included three women and a child, "borne in Virginia," all indicating family life rather than a military outpost. Arms and weapons were in plentiful supply nonetheless: twenty-two "armours" of various types, twenty small arms, four pistols, twelve swords and two pieces of ordnance. There was ample corn, a good fish supply and seven houses to give the settlement comfort.

Ba.s.se, it appears, had planted by patent some 300 acres and his neighbor to the north was interested in his activity. In June, 1623 Robert Bennett wrote to Edward Bennett in Virginia asking that he report whether Ba.s.se, or others, might "claim anye lande as ther righte" in the Bennett's Welcome sphere.

NANSEMOND (38)

A settlement was attempted on an island in the Nansemond River in the late summer of 1609, yet it was of short duration. With Jamestown overpopulated, due to the arrival of the third supply, and dissension rife, Smith sent out several parties with supplies to establish other posts. For the Nansemond effort, he dispatched sixty men under the command of Captain John Martin and George Percy. The expedition moved partly by water and partly by land and consolidated in the Nansemond River. When efforts "to barter with ... [the Indian Chief] for an island righte opposite ageinste the maine ... [for] copper hatches and other comodeties" failed, the island was seized by force with little concern for the natives who proved wholly unhospitable. "So haveinge scene Capte: Martin well settled I [George Percy] retourned with Capte Nellson to James Towne ageine acordinge to apoyntementts."

The Indians continually attacked the settlement and the good supplies of corn in the area could not be utilized. For reasons of business and safety Martin journeyed up to Jamestown. Reinforcements helped not at all. A party sent from Nansemond to trade at Kecoughtan was not heard from and many of the settlers were killed in skirmishes in the area of the island post. In late fall, it was necessary for all survivors to return to Jamestown, as Percy relates, "to feede upon the poore store we had lefte us."

THE EASTERN Sh.o.r.e (39)

The census of early 1625 showed clearly that the colonization of the area across the Chesapeake Bay was secure. The enumeration listed a total of fifty-one persons, a decline from the seventy-six persons named the year before. The listing of property and accommodations, however, showed stability and establishment. This embraced twenty dwellings and seventeen stores, the latter, perhaps, suggesting an active Indian trade which had long been a hopeful prospect here. There was, too, a fort and a substantial listing of arms: thirty-five firearms, three swords and twenty-eight armors as well as 155 pounds of powder and 646 pounds of shot. The inhabitants were cla.s.sified as thirty-two free, seventeen servants and two children (forty-four males, seven females). The Company's and Secretary's tenants were seated on their respective lands although they had not yet been surveyed. The several distinct musters included those of Charles Harman, John Blore, and Captain John Willc.o.c.kes as well as "Ancient" Thomas Savage. The largest was that of Captain William Epes who could count thirteen servants. All were grouped on the Bay side of the lower part of the peninsula and, although not contiguous, formed a compact group in "The Kingdome of Acchawmacke."