The Germany and the Agricola of Tacitus Part 4

[28] A very curious coincidence with the ancient German opinion concerning the prophetic nature of the war-cry or song, appears in the following pa.s.sage of the Life of Sir Ewen Cameron, in "Pennant's Tour," 1769, Append, p. 363. At the battle of Killicrankie, just before the fight began, "he (Sir Ewen) commanded such of the Camerons as were posted near him to make a great shout, which being seconded by those who stood on the right and left, ran quickly through the whole army, and was returned by the enemy. But the noise of the muskets and cannon, with the echoing of the hills, made the Highlanders fancy that their shouts were much louder and brisker than those of the enemy, and Lochiel cried out, 'Gentlemen, take courage, the day is ours: I am the oldest commander in the army, and have always observed something ominous and fatal in such a dull, hollow and feeble noise as the enemy made in their shout, which prognosticates that they are all doomed to die by our hands this night; whereas ours was brisk, lively and strong, and shows we have vigor and courage.' These words, spreading quickly through the army, animated the troops in a strange manner. The event justified the prediction; the Highlanders obtained a complete victory."

[29] Now Asburg in the county of Meurs.

[30] The Greeks, by means of their colony at Ma.r.s.eilles, introduced their letters into Gaul, and the old Gallic coins have many Greek characters in their inscriptions. The Helvetians also, as we are informed by Caesar, used Greek letters. Thence they might easily pa.s.s by means of commercial intercourse to the neighboring Germans. Count Marsili and others have found monuments with Greek inscriptions in Germany, but not of so early an age.

[31] The large bodies of the Germans are elsewhere taken notice of by Tacitus, and also by other authors. It would appear as if most of them were at that time at least six feet high. They are still accounted some of the tallest people in Europe.

[32] Bavaria and Austria.

[33] The greater degree of cold when the country was overspread with woods and marshes, made this observation more applicable than at present. The same change of temperature from clearing and draining the land has taken place in North America. It may be added, that the Germans, as we are afterwards informed, paid attention to no kind of culture but that of corn.

[34] The cattle of some parts of Germany are at present remarkably large; so that their former smallness must have rather been owing to want of care in feeding them and protecting them from the inclemencies of winter, and in improving the breed by mixtures, than to the nature of the climate.

[35] Mines both of gold and silver have since been discovered in Germany; the former, indeed, inconsiderable; but the latter, valuable.

[36] As vice and corruption advanced among the Romans, their money became debased and adulterated. Thus Pliny, x.x.xiii. 3, relates, that "Livius Drusus during his tribunes.h.i.+p, mixed an eighth part of bra.s.s with the silver coin;" and ibid. 9, "that Antony the triumvir mixed iron with the denarius: that some coined base metal, others diminished the pieces, and hence it became an art to prove the goodness of the denarii." One precaution for this purpose was cutting the edges like the teeth of a saw, by which means it was seen whether the metal was the same quite through, or was only plated. These were the Serrati, or serrated Denarii. The Bigati were those stamped with the figure of a chariot drawn by two horses, as were the Quadrigati with a chariot and four horses. These were old coin, of purer silver than those of the emperors. Hence the preference of the Germans for certain kinds of species was founded on their apprehension of being cheated with false money.

[37] The Romans had the same predilection for silver coin, and probably on the same account originally. Pliny, in the place above cited, expresses his surprise that "the Roman people had always imposed a tribute in silver on conquered nations; as at the end of the second Punic war, when they demanded an annual payment in silver for fifty years, without any gold."

[38] Iron was in great abundance in the bowels of the earth; but this barbarous people had neither patience, skill, nor industry to dig and work it. Besides, they made use of weapons of stone, great numbers of which are found in ancient tombs and barrows.

[39] This is supposed to take its name from _pfriem_ or _priem_, the point of a weapon. Afterwards, when iron grew more plentiful, the Germans chiefly used swords.

[40] It appears, however, from Tacitus's Annals, ii. 14, that the length of these spears rendered them unmanageable in an engagement among trees and bushes.

[41] Notwithstanding the manner of fighting is so much changed in modern times, the arms of the ancients are still in use. We, as well as they, have two kinds of swords, the sharp-pointed, and edged (small sword and sabre). The broad lance subsisted till lately in the halberd; the spear and framea in the long pike and spontoon; the missile weapons in the war hatchet, or North American tomahawk. There are, besides, found in the old German barrows, perforated stone b.a.l.l.s, which they threw by means of thongs pa.s.sed through them.

[42] _Nudi_. The Latin nudus, like the Greek _gemnos_, does not point out a person devoid of all clothing, but merely one without an upper garment-- clad merely in a vest or tunic, and that perhaps a short one.--_White_.

[43] This decoration at first denoted the valor, afterwards the n.o.bility, of the bearer; and in process of time gave origin to the armorial ensigns so famous in the ages of chivalry. The s.h.i.+elds of the private men were simply colored; those of the chieftains had the figures of animals painted on them.

[44] Plutarch, in his Life of Marius, describes somewhat differently the arms and equipage of the Cimbri. "They wore (says he) helmets representing the heads of wild beasts, and other unusual figures, and crowned with a winged crest, to make them appear taller. They were covered with iron coats of mail, and carried white glittering s.h.i.+elds. Each had a battle- axe; and in close fight they used large heavy swords." But the learned Eccard justly observes, that they had procured these arms in their march; for the Holsatian barrows of that age contain few weapons of bra.s.s, and none of iron; but stone spear-heads, and instead of swords, the wedgelike bodies vulgarly called thunderbolts.

[46] Casques (_ca.s.sis_) are of metal; helmets (_galea_) of leather-- _Isidorus_.

[46] This mode of fighting is admirably described by Caesar. "The Germans engaged after the following manner:--There were 6,000 horse, and an equal number of the swiftest and bravest foot; who were chosen, man by man, by the cavalry, for their protection. By these they were attended in battle; to these they retreated; and, these, if they were hard pressed, joined them in the combat. If any fell wounded from their horses, by these they were covered. If it were necessary to advance or retreat to any considerable distance, such agility had they acquired by exercise, that, supporting themselves by the horses' manes, they kept pace with them."-- Bell. Gall. i. 48.

[47] To understand this, it is to be remarked, that the Germans were divided into nations or tribes,--these into cantons, and these into districts or towns.h.i.+ps. The cantons (_pagi_ in Latin) were called by themselves _gauen_. The districts or towns.h.i.+ps (_vici_) were called _hunderte_, whence the English hundreds. The name given to these select youth, according to the learned Dithmar, was _die hunderte_, hundred men.

From the following pa.s.sage in Caesar, it appears that in the more powerful tribes a greater number was selected from each canton. "The nation of the Suevi is by far the greatest and most warlike of the Germans. They are said to inhabit a hundred cantons; from each of which a thousand men are sent annually to make war out of their own territories. Thus neither the employments of agriculture, nor the use of arms are interrupted."--Bell.

Gall. iv. 1. The warriors were summoned by the _heribannum_, or army- edict; whence is derived the French arriere-ban.

[48] A wedge is described by Vegetius (iii. 19,) as a body of infantry, narrow in front, and widening towards the rear; by which disposition they were enabled to break the enemy's ranks, as all their weapons were directed to one spot. The soldiers called it a boar's head.

[49] It was also considered as the height of injury to charge a person with this unjustly. Thus, by the _Salic_ law, t.i.t. x.x.xiii, 5, a fine of 600 denarii (about 9_l._) is imposed upon "every free man who shall accuse another of throwing down his s.h.i.+eld, and running away, without being able to prove it."

[50] Vertot (Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscrip.) supposes that the French _maires du palais_ had their origin from these German military leaders. If the kings were equally conspicuous for valor as for birth, they united the regal with the military command. Usually, however, several kings and generals were a.s.sembled in their wars. In this case, the most eminent commanded, and obtained a common jurisdiction in war, which did not subsist in time of peace. Thus Caesar (Bell. Gall. vi.) says, "In peace they have no common magistracy." A general was elected by placing him on a s.h.i.+eld, and lifting him on the shoulders of the bystanders. The same ceremonial was observed in the election of kings.

[51] Hence Ambiorix, king of the Eburones, declare that "the nature of his authority was such, that the people had no less power over him, than he over the people."--Caesar, Bell. Gall. v. The authority of the North American chiefs almost exactly similar.

[52] The power of life and death, however, was in the hands of magistrates. Thus Caesar: "When a state engages either in an offensive or defensive war, magistrates are chosen to preside over it, and exercise power of life and death."--Bell. Gall. vi. The infliction of punishments was committed to the priests, in order to give them more solemnity, and render them less invidious.

[53] _Effigiesque et signa quaedam_. That effigies does not mean the images of their deities is proved by that is stated at chap. ix., viz.

that they deemed it derogatory to their deities to represent them in human form; and, if in human form, we may argue, _a fortiori_, in the form of the lower animals. The interpretation of the pa.s.sage will be best derived from Hist. iv. 22, where Tacitus says:--"Depromptae silvis lucisve ferarum imagines, ut cuique genti inire praelium mos est." It would hence appear that these effigies and signa were images of wild animals, and were national standards preserved with religious care in sacred woods and groves, whence they were brought forth when the clan or tribe was about to take the field.--_White_.

[54] They not only interposed to prevent the flight of their husbands and sons, but, in desperate emergencies, themselves engaged in battle. This happened on Marius's defeat of the Cimbri (hereafter to be mentioned); and Dio relates, that when Marcus Aurelius overthrew the Marcomanni, Quadi, and other German allies, the bodies of women in armor were found among the slain.

[55] Thus, in the army of Ariovistus, the women, with their hair dishevelled, and weeping, besought the soldiers not to deliver them captives to the Romans.--Caesar, Bell. Gall. i.

[56] Relative to this, perhaps, is a circ.u.mstance mentioned by Suetonius in his Life of Augustus. "From some nations he attempted to exact a new kind of hostages, women: because he observed that those of the male s.e.x were disregarded."--Aug. xxi.

[57] See the same observation with regard to the Celtic women, in Plutarch, on the virtues of women. The North Americans pay a similar regard to their females.

[58] A remarkable instance of this is given by Caesar. "When he inquired of the captives the reason why Ariovistus did not engage, he learned, that it was because the matrons, who among the Germans are accustomed to p.r.o.nounce, from their divinations, whether or not a battle will be favorable, had declared that they would not prove victorious, if they should fight before the new moon."--Bell. Gall. i. The cruel manner in which the Cimbrian women performed their divinations is thus related by Strabo: "The women who follow the Cimbri to war, are accompanied by gray- haired prophetesses, in white vestments, with canvas mantles fastened by clasps, a brazen girdle, and naked feet. These go with drawn swords through the camp, and, striking down those of the prisoners that they meet, drag them to a brazen kettle, holding about twenty amphorae. This has a kind of stage above it, ascending on which, the priestess cuts the throat of the victim, and, from the manner in which the blood flows into the vessel, judges of the future event. Others tear open the bodies of the captives thus butchered, and, from inspection of the entrails, presage victory to their own party."--Lib. vii.

[59] She was afterwards taken prisoner by Rutilius Gallicus. Statius, in his Sylvae, i. 4, refers to this event. Tacitus has more concerning her in his History, iv. 61.

[60] Viradesthis was a G.o.ddess of the Tungri; Harimella, another provincial deity; whose names were found by Mr. Pennant inscribed on altars at the Roman station at Burrens. These were erected by the German auxiliaries.--Vide Tour in Scotland, 1772, part ii. p. 406.

[61] Ritter considers that here is a reference to the servile flattery of the senate as exhibited in the time of Nero, by the deification of Poppaea's infant daughter, and afterwards of herself. (See Ann. xv. 23, Dion. lxiii, Ann. xiv. 3.) There is no contradiction in the present pa.s.sage to that found at Hist. iv. 61, where Tacitus says, "plerasque feminarum fatidicas et, augescente superst.i.tione, arbitrantur deas;"

_i.e._ they deem (_arbitrantur_) very many of their women possessed of prophetic powers, and, as their religious feeling increases, they deem (_arbitrantur_) them G.o.ddesses, _i.e._ possessed of a superhuman nature; they do not, however, make them G.o.ddesses and wors.h.i.+p them, as the Romans did Poppaea and her infant, which is covertly implied in _facerent deas_.

--_White_.

[62] Mercury, _i.e._ a G.o.d whom Tacitus thus names, because his attributes resembled those of the Roman Mercury. According to Paulus Diaconus (de Gestis Langobardorum, i. 9), this deity was Wodun, or Gwodan, called also Odin. Mallet (North. Ant. ch. v.) says, that in the Icelandic mythology he is called "the terrible and severe G.o.d, the Father of Slaughter, he who giveth victory and receiveth courage in the conflict, who nameth those that are to be slain." "The Germans drew their G.o.ds by their own character, who loved nothing so much themselves as to display their strength and power in battle, and to signalize their vengeance upon their enemies by slaughter and desolation." There remain to this day some traces of the wors.h.i.+p paid to Odin in the name given by almost all the people of the north to the fourth day of the week, which was formerly consecrated to him. It is called by a name which signifies "Odin's day;" "Old Norse, _Odinsdagr_; Swedish and Danish, _Onsdag_; Anglo-Saxon, _Wodenesdaeg_, _Wodnesdaeg_; Dutch, _Woensdag_; English, Wednesday. As Odin or Wodun was supposed to correspond to the Mercury of the Greeks and Romans, the name of this day was expressed in Latin _Dies Mercurii_."--_White_.

[63] "The appointed time for these sacrifices," says Mallet (North. Ant.

ch. vi.), "was always determined by a superst.i.tious opinion which made the northern nations regard the number 'three' as sacred and particularly dear to the G.o.ds. Thus, in every ninth month they renewed the b.l.o.o.d.y ceremony, which was to last nine days, and every day they offered up nine living victims, whether men or animals. But the most solemn sacrifices were those which were offered up at Upsal in Sweden every ninth year...." After stating the compulsory nature of the attendance at this festival, Mallet adds, "Then they chose among the captives in time of war, and among the slaves in time of peace, nine persons to be sacrificed. In whatever manner they immolated men, the priest always took care in consecrating the victim to p.r.o.nounce certain words, as 'I devote thee to Odin,' 'I send thee to Odin.'" See Lucan i. 444.

"Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro Teutates, horrensque feris altaribus Hesus."

Teutates is Mercury, Hesus, Mars. So also at iii. 399, &c.

"Lucus erat longo nunquam violatus ab aevo.

... Barbara ritu Sacra Deum, structae diris altaribus arae, Omnis et humanis l.u.s.trata cruoribus arbor."

[64] That is, as in the preceding case, a deity whose attributes corresponded to those of the Roman Mars. This appears to have been not _Thor_, who is rather the representative of the Roman Jupiter, but _Tyr_, "a warrior G.o.d, and the protector of champions and brave men!" "From _Tyr_ is derived the name given to the third day of the week in most of the Teutonic languages, and which has been rendered into Latin by _Dies Martis_. Old Norse, _Tirsdagr_, _Tisdagr_; Swedish, _Tisdag_; Danish, _Tirsdag_; German, _Dienstag_; Dutch, _Dingsdag_; Anglo-Saxon, _Tyrsdaeg_, _Tyvesdag_, _Tivesdaeg_; English, _Tuesday_"--(Mallet's North. Ant. ch.

v.)--_White_.

[65] The Suevi appear to have been the Germanic tribes, and this also the wors.h.i.+p spoken of at chap. xl. _Signum in modum liburnae figuration _corresponds with the _vehiculum_ there spoken of; the real thing being, according to Ritter's view, a pinnace placed on wheels. That _signum ipsum _("the very symbol") does not mean any image of the G.o.ddess, may be gathered also from ch. xl., where the G.o.ddess herself, _si credere velis_, is spoken of as being washed in the sacred lake.

[66] As the Romans in their ancient coins, many of which are now extant, recorded the arrival of Saturn by the stern of a s.h.i.+p; so other nations have frequently denoted the importation of a foreign religious rite by the figure of a galley on their medals.

[67] Tacitus elsewhere speaks of temples of German divinities (e.g. 40; Templum Nerthae, Ann. i. 51; Templum Tanfanae); but a consecrated grove, or any other sacred place, was called templum by the Romans.

[68] The Scythians are mentioned by Herodotus, and the Alans by Ammia.n.u.s Marcellinus, as making use of these divining rods. The German method of divination with them is ill.u.s.trated by what is said by Saxo-Grammaticus (Hist. Dan. xiv, 288) of the inhabitants of the Isle of Rugen in the Baltic Sea: "Throwing, by way of lots, three pieces of wood, white in one part, and black in another, into their laps, they foretold good fortune by the coming up of the white; bad by that of the black."

[69] The same practice obtained among the Persians, from whom the Germans appear to be sprung. Darius was elected king by the neighing of a horse; sacred white horses were in the army of Cyrus; and Xerxes, retreating after his defeat, was preceded by the sacred horses and consecrated chariot. Justin (i. 10) mentions the cause of this superst.i.tion, viz. that "the Persians believed the Sun to be the only G.o.d, and horses to be peculiarly consecrated to him." The priest of the Isle of Rugen also took auspices from a white horse, as may be seen in Saxo-Grammaticus.

[70] Montesquieu finds in this custom the origin of the duel, and of knight-errantry.