The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic Volume III Part 18

[26] Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. iv. no 40, pp. 72-74.

[27] These dependencies did not embrace, however, the half of Granada and the West Indies, as supposed by Mons. Gaillard, who gravely a.s.sures us, that "Les etats conquis par Ferdinand etoient conquetes de communaute, dont la moitie appartenoit au mari, et la moitie aux enfans." (Rivalite, tom. iv. p. 306.) Such are the gross misconceptions of fact, on which this writer's _speculations_ rest!

[28] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 19.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 16.

[29] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 8.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 21.--Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 7.

He received much more unequivocal intimation in a letter from Ferdinand, curious as showing that the latter sensibly felt the nature and extent of the sacrifices he was making. "You," says he to Philip, "by lending yourself to be the easy dupe of France, have driven me most reluctantly into a second marriage; have stripped me of the fair fruits of my Neapolitan conquests," etc. He concludes with this appeal to him. "Sit satis, fili, pervagatum; redi in te, si filius, non hostis accesseris; his non obstantibus, mi filius, amplexabere. Magna est paternae vis naturae."

Philip may have thought his father-in-law's late conduct an indifferent commentary on the "paternae vis naturae." See the king's letter quoted by Peter Martyr in his correspondence with the count of Tendilla. Opus Epist., epist 293.

[30] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1506.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 23.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap, 16.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 292.--Zurita has transcribed the whole of this dutiful and most loving epistle. Ubi supra.

Guicciardini considers Philip as only practising the lessons he had learned in Spain, "le arti Spagnuole." (Istoria, lib. 7.) The phrase would seem to have been proverbial with the Italians, like the "Punica fides,"

which their Roman ancestors fastened on the character of their African enemy;--perhaps with equal justice.

[31] Joanna, according to Sandoval, displayed much composure in her alarming situation. When informed by Philip of their danger, she attired herself in her richest dress, securing a considerable sum of money to her person, that her body, if found, might be recognized, and receive the obsequies suited to her rank. Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 10.

[32] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 204--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1506.--St. Gelais, Hist. de Louys XII., p. 186.--Bacon, Hist. of Henry VII., Works, vol. v. pp. 177-179.--Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 7.--Rymer, Foedera, tom. xiii. pp. 123-132.

One was a commercial treaty with Flanders, so disastrous as to be known in that country by the name of "malus intercursus;" the other involved the surrender of the unfortunate duke of Suffolk.

[33] Bacon, Hist. of Henry VII., Works, vol. v. p. 179.

[34] Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 2, dial. 36.--Memoires de Bayard, chap. 26.

[35] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 300.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 2, dial. 36.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1506.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 203.

"_Some affirmed_," says Zurita, "that Isabella, before appointing her husband to the regency, exacted an oath from him, that he would not marry a second time." (a.n.a.les, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 84.) This improbable story, so inconsistent with the queen's character, has been transcribed with more or less qualification by succeeding historians from Mariana to Quintana.

Robertson repeats it without any qualification at all. See History of Charles V., vol. ii. p. 6.

[36] "Quisque enim in spes suas p.r.o.nus et expeditus, commodo serviendum,"

says Giovio, borrowing the familiar metaphor, "et orientem solem potius quam occidentem adorandum esse dict.i.tabat." Vitae Ill.u.s.t. Virorum, p. 278.

[37] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 29, 30.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 57.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 204.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 304, 305.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1506.-- Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 10.

[38] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 306, 308, 309.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 59.--Giovio, Vitae Ill.u.s.t. Virorum, p. 278.

[39] "Nil benignius Philippo in terris, nullus inter orbis principes animosior, inter juvenes pulchrior," etc. (Opus Epist., epist. 285.) In a subsequent letter he thus describes the unhappy predicament of the young prince; "Nescit hic juvenis, nescit quo se vertat, hinc avaris, illinc ambitiosis, atque utrimque vafris hominibus circ.u.mseptus alienigena, bonae naturae, apertique animi. Trahetur in diversa, perturbabitur ipse atque obtundetur. Omnia confundentur. Utinam vana praedicem!" Epist. 308.

[40] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 2.

[41] Opus Epist., epist. 308.

[42]

"Ipsae amicos res optimae pariunt, adversae probant."

Pub. Syrus.

[43] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 306, 311.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, p. 143.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 19.--Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 1, cap. 19.--Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 10.

[44] The only pretext for all this pomp of war was the rumor, that the king was levying a considerable force, and the duke of Alva mustering his followers in Leon;--rumors willingly circulated, no doubt, if not a sheer device of the enemy. Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 7, cap. 2.

[45] "Durior Caucasia rupe, paternum nihil auscultavit." Opus Epist., epist. 310.

[46] Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 3, dial. 43.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, pp. 146-149.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap.

20.---Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 5.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 61, 62.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15.-- Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1506.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS, cap.

204.

[47] Lord Bacon remarks, in allusion to Philip's premature death, "There was an observation by the wisest of that court, that, if he had lived, his father would have gained upon him in that sort, as he would have governed his councils and designs, if not his affections." (Hist. of Henry VII., Works, vol. v. p. 180.) The prediction must have been suggested by the general estimation of their respective characters; for the parties never met again after Ferdinand withdrew to Aragon.

[48] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 8.

[49] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 204.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1506.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 7.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 210.

[50] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 8.

[51] Zurita, a.n.a.les, ubi supra.

[52] Idem, ubi supra.

Ferdinand's manifesto, as well as the instrument declaring his daughter's incapacity, are given at length by Zurita. The secret protest rests on the unsupported authority of the historian; and surely a better authority cannot easily be found, considering his proximity to the period, his resources as national historiographer, and the extreme caution and candor with which he discriminates between fact and rumor. It is very remarkable, however, that Peter Martyr, with every opportunity for information, as a member of the royal household, apparently high in the king's confidence, should have made no allusion to this secret protest in his correspondence with Tendilla and Talavera, both attached to the royal party, and to whom he appears to have communicated all matters of interest without reserve.

[53] This motive is charitably imputed to him by Gaillard. (Rivalite, tom.

iv. p. 311.) The same writer commends Ferdinand's _habilite_, in extricating himself from his embarra.s.sments by the treaty, "auquel _il fit consentir_ Philippe dans leur entrevue"! p. 310.

[54] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 10.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 21.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 64.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 210.

[55] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 10.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1. quinc. 3, dial. 9.

[56] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 10.--See also the melancholy vaticinations of Martyr, (Opus Epist., epist. 311,) who seems to echo back the sentiments of his friends Tendilla and Talavera.

CHAPTER XVIII.

COLUMBUS.--HIS RETURN TO SPAIN.--HIS DEATH.

1504-1506.

Return of Columbus from his Fourth Voyage.--His Illness.--Neglected by Ferdinand.--His Death.--His Person.--And Character.

While the events were pa.s.sing, which occupy the beginning of the preceding chapter, Christopher Columbus returned from his fourth and last voyage. It had been one unbroken series of disappointment and disaster. After quitting Hispaniola, and being driven by storms nearly to the island of Cuba, he traversed the Gulf of Honduras, and coasted along the margin of the golden region, which had so long flitted before his fancy. The natives invited him to strike into its western depths in vain, and he pressed forward to the south, now solely occupied with the grand object of discovering a pa.s.sage into the Indian Ocean. At length, after having with great difficulty advanced somewhat beyond the point of Nombre de Dios, he was compelled by the fury of the elements, and the murmurs of his men, to abandon the enterprise, and retrace his steps. He was subsequently defeated in an attempt to establish a colony on terra firma, by the ferocity of the natives; was wrecked on the island of Jamaica, where he was permitted to linger more than a year, through the malice of Ovando, the new governor of St. Domingo; and finally, having re-embarked with his shattered crew in a vessel freighted at at his own expense, was driven by a succession of terrible tempests across the ocean, until, on the 7th of November, 1504, he anch.o.r.ed in the little port of St. Lucar, twelve leagues from Seville. [1]

In this quiet haven, Columbus hoped to find the repose his broken const.i.tution and wounded spirit so much needed, and to obtain a speedy rest.i.tution of his honors and emoluments from the hand of Isabella. But here he was to experience his bitterest disappointment. At the time of his arrival, the queen was on her death-bed; and in a very few days Columbus received the afflicting intelligence, that the friend, on whose steady support he had so confidently relied, was no more. It was a heavy blow to his hopes, for "he had always experienced favor and protection from her,"

says his son Ferdinand, "while the king had not only been indifferent, but positively unfriendly to his interests." [2] We may readily credit, that a man of the cold and prudent character of the Spanish monarch would not be very likely to comprehend one so ardent and aspiring as that of Columbus, nor to make allowance for his extravagant sallies. And, if nothing has. .h.i.therto met our eye to warrant the strong language of the son, yet we have seen that the king, from the first, distrusted the admiral's projects, as having something unsound and chimerical in them.

The affliction of the latter at the tidings of Isabella's death is strongly depicted in a letter written immediately after to his son Diego.

"It is our chief duty," he says, "to commend to G.o.d most affectionately and devoutly the soul of our deceased lady, the queen. Her life was always Catholic and virtuous, and prompt to whatever could redound to His holy service; wherefore, we may trust, she now rests in glory, far from all concern for this rough and weary world." [3]