The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic Volume III Part 17

But, however reluctant Ferdinand might be to admit it, he was no longer in a condition to stand upon terms; and, in addition to the entire loss of influence in Castile, he received such alarming accounts from Naples, as made him determine on an immediate visit in person to that kingdom. He resolved, therefore, to bow his head to the present storm, in hopes that a brighter day was in reserve for him. He saw the jealousy hourly springing up between the Flemish and Castilian courtiers, and he probably antic.i.p.ated such misrule as would afford an opening, perhaps with the good-will of the nation, for him to resume the reins, so unceremoniously s.n.a.t.c.hed from his grasp. [47]

At any rate, should force be necessary, he would be better able to employ it effectively, with the aid of his ally, the French king, after he had adjusted the affairs of Naples. [48]

Whatever considerations may have influenced the prudent monarch, he authorized the archbishop of Toledo, who kept near the person of the archduke, to consent to an accommodation on the very grounds proposed by the latter. On the 27th of June, he signed and solemnly swore to an agreement, by which he surrendered the entire sovereignty of Castile to Philip and Joanna, reserving to himself only the grand-masters.h.i.+ps of the military orders, and the revenues secured by Isabella's testament. [49]

On the following day, he executed another instrument of most singular import, in which, after avowing in unequivocal terms his daughter's incapacity, he engages to a.s.sist Philip in preventing any interference in her behalf, and to maintain him, as far as in his power, in the sole, exclusive authority. [50]

Before signing these papers, he privately made a protest, in the presence of several witnesses, that what he was about to do was not of his own free will, but from necessity, to extricate himself from his perilous situation, and s.h.i.+eld the country from the impending evils of a civil war.

He concluded with a.s.serting, that, so far from relinquis.h.i.+ng his claims to the regency, it was his design to enforce them, as well as to rescue his daughter from her captivity, as soon as he was in a condition to do so.

[51] Finally, he completed this chain of inconsistencies by addressing a circular letter, dated July 1st, to the different parts of the kingdom, announcing his resignation of the government into the hands of Philip and Joanna, and declaring the act one which, notwithstanding his own right and power to the contrary, he had previously determined on executing, so soon as his children should set foot in Spain. [52]

It is not easy to reconcile this monstrous tissue of incongruity and dissimulation with any motives of necessity or expediency. Why should he, so soon after preparing to raise the kingdom in his daughter's cause, thus publicly avow her imbecility, and deposit the whole authority in the hands of Philip? Was it to bring odium on the head of the latter, by encouraging him to a measure which he knew must disgust the Castilians? [53] But Ferdinand by this very act shared the responsibility with him. Was it in the expectation that uncontrolled and undivided power, in the hands of one so rash and improvident, would the more speedily work his ruin? As to his clandestine protest, its design was obviously to afford a plausible pretext at some future time for rea.s.serting his claims to the government, on the ground, that his concessions had been the result of force. But then, why neutralize the operation of this, by the declaration, spontaneously made in his manifesto to the people, that his abdication was not only a free, but most deliberate and premeditated act? He was led to this last avowal, probably, by the desire of covering over the mortification of his defeat; a thin varnish, which could impose on n.o.body.

The whole of the proceedings are of so ambiguous a character as to suggest the inevitable inference, that they flowed from habits of dissimulation too strong to be controlled, even when there was no occasion for its exercise. We occasionally meet with examples of a similar fondness for superfluous manoeuvring in the humbler concerns of private life.

After these events, one more interview took place between King Ferdinand and Philip, in which the former prevailed on his son-in-law to pay such attention to decorum, and exhibit such outward marks of a cordial reconciliation, as, if they did not altogether impose on the public, might at least throw a decent veil over the coming separation. Even at this last meeting, however, such was the distrust and apprehension entertained of him, that the unhappy father was not permitted to see and embrace his daughter before his departure. [54]

Throughout the whole of these trying scenes, says his biographer, the king maintained that propriety and entire self-possession, which comported with the dignity of his station and character, and strikingly contrasted with the conduct of his enemies. However much he may have been touched with the desertion of a people, who had enjoyed the blessings of peace and security under his government for more than thirty years, he manifested no outward sign of discontent. On the contrary, he took leave of the a.s.sembled grandees with many expressions of regard, noticing kindly their past services to him, and studying to leave such an impression, as should efface the recollection of recent differences. [55] The circ.u.mspect monarch looked forward, no doubt, to the day of his return. The event did not seem very improbable; and there were other sagacious persons besides himself, who read in the dark signs of the times abundant augury of some speedy revolution. [56]

The princ.i.p.al authorities for the events in this Chapter, as the reader may remark, are Martyr and Zurita. The former, not merely a spectator, but actor in them, had undoubtedly the most intimate opportunities of observation. He seems to have been sufficiently impartial too, and prompt to do justice to what was really good in Philip's character; although that of his royal master was of course calculated to impress the deepest respect on a person of Martyr's uncommon penetration and sagacity. The Aragonese chronicler, however, though removed to a somewhat further distance as to time, was from that circ.u.mstance placed in a point of view more favorable for embracing the whole field of action, than if he had taken part and jostled in the crowd, as one of it. He has accordingly given much wider scope to his survey, exhibiting full details of the alleged grievances, pretensions, and policy of the opposite party; and, although condemning them himself without reserve, has conveyed impressions of Ferdinand's conduct less favorable, on the whole, than Martyr.

But neither the Aragonese historian, nor Martyr, nor any contemporary writer, native or foreign, whom I have consulted, countenances the extremely unfavorable portrait which Dr. Robertson has given of Ferdinand in his transactions with Philip. It is difficult to account for the bias which this eminent historian's mind has received in this matter, unless it be that he has taken his impressions from the popular notions entertained of the character of the parties, rather than from the circ.u.mstances of the particular case under review; a mode of proceeding extremely objectionable in the present instance, where Philip, however good his natural qualities, was obviously a mere tool in the hands of corrupt and artful men, working exclusively for their own selfish purposes.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 52.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist.

279.--Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. lib. 20, cap. 1.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1504.--Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 9.

"Sapientiae alii," says Martyr, in allusion to those prompt proceedings, "et summae bonitati adscribunt; alii, rem novam admirati, regem incusant, remque arguunt non debuisse fieri." Ubi supra.

[2] Philip's name was omitted, as being a foreigner, until he should have taken the customary oath to respect the laws of the realm, and especially to confer office on none but native Castilians. Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. v.

lib. 5, cap. 84.

[3] The maternal tenderness and delicacy, which had led Isabella to allude to her daughter's infirmity only in very general terms, are well remarked by the cortes. See the copy of the original act in Zurita, tom. vi. lib.

6, cap. 4.

[4] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 2.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 3.--Marina, Teoria, part. 2, cap. 4.-- Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 12.--Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 9.

[5] Siete Partidas, part. 2, t.i.t. 15, ley 3.

Guicciardini, with the ignorance of the Spanish const.i.tution natural enough in a foreigner, disputes the queen's right to make any such settlement. Istoria, lib. 7.

[6] See the whole subject of the powers of cortes in this particular, as discussed very fully and satisfactorily by Marina, Teoria, part. 2, cap 13.

[7] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 203.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 3.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 274, 277.

[8] Zurita's a.s.sertion, that all the n.o.bility present did homage to Ferdinand, (a.n.a.les, tom. vi. cap. 3,) would seem to be contradicted by a subsequent pa.s.sage. Comp. cap. 4.

[9] Isabella in her will particularly enjoins on her successors never to alienate or to restore the crown lands recovered from the marquisate of Villena. Dormer, Discursos Varios, p. 331.

[10] "Nor was it sufficient," says Dr. Robertson, in allusion to Philip's pretensions to the government, "to oppose to these just rights, and to the inclination of the people of Castile, the authority of a testament, _the genuineness of which was perhaps doubtful_, and its contents to him appeared certainly to be iniquitous." (History of the Reign of the Emperor Charles V., (London, 1796,) vol. ii. p. 7.) But who ever intimated a doubt of its genuineness, before Dr. Robertson? Certainly no one living at that time; for the will was produced before cortes, by the royal secretary, in the session immediately following the queen's death; and Zurita has preserved the address of that body, commenting on the part of its contents relating to the succession. (a.n.a.les, tom. vi. cap. 4.) Dr. Carbajal, a member of the royal council, and who was present, as he expressly declares, at the approval of the testament, "a cuyo otorgamiento y aun ordenacion me halle," has transcribed the whole of the doc.u.ment in his Annals, with the signatures of the notary and the seven distinguished persons who witnessed its execution. Dormer, the national historiographer of Aragon, has published the instrument with the same minuteness in his "Discursos Varios," "from authentic MSS. in his possession," "escrituras autenticas en mi poder." Where the original is now to be found, or whether it be in existence, I have no knowledge. The codicil, as we have seen, with the queen's signature, is still extant in the Royal Library at Madrid.

[12] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 282.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib.

6, cap. 1.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 53.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 12.

[13] "Existimantes," says Giovio, "sub florentissimo juvene rege aliquanto liberius atque licentius ipsorum potentia fruituros, quam sub austero et parum liberali, ut aiebant, _sene Catalano_." Vitae Ill.u.s.t. Virorum, p.

277.

[14] "Rex quaecunque versant atque ordiuntur, sent.i.t, dissimulat et animos omnium tacitus scrutatur." Opus Epist., epist. 289.

[15] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 4.--Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 1, cap. 18.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist.

286.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 8.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 3, dial. 9.--Oviedo had the story from Conchillos's brother.

[16] Giovio, Vitae Ill.u.s.t. Virorum, pp. 275-277.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi.

lib. 6, cap. 5, 11.--Ulloa, Vita de Carlo V., fol. 25.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 3.

[17] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 290.--Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 94.

[18] The vice-chancellor Alonso de la Caballeria, prepared an elaborate argument in support of Ferdinand's pretensions to the regal authority and t.i.tle, less as husband of the late queen, than as the lawful guardian and administrator of his daughter. See Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. cap. 14.

[19] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 5, 15.--Lanuza, Historias, tom.

i. lib. 1, cap. 18.

[20] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 291.

[21] Robertson speaks with confidence of Ferdinand's intention to "oppose Philip's landing by force of arms," (History of Charles V., vol. ii. p.

13,) an imputation, which has brought a heavy judgment on the historian's head from the clever author of the "History of Spain and Portugal."

(Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia.) "All this," says the latter, "is at variance with both truth and probability; nor does Ferreras, the only authority cited for this unjust declamation, afford the slightest ground for it." (Vol. ii. p. 286, note.) Nevertheless, this is so stated by Ferreras, (Hist. d'Espagne, tom. viii. p. 282,) who is supported by Mariana, (Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 16,) and, in the most unequivocal manner, by Zurita, (a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 21,) a much higher authority than either. Martyr, it is true, whom Dr. Dunham does not appear to have consulted on this occasion, declares that the king had no design of resorting to force. See Opus Epist., epist. 291, 305.

[22] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 202.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1505.

[23] Before venturing on this step, it was currently reported, that Ferdinand had offered his hand, though unsuccessfully, to Joanna Beltraneja, Isabella's unfortunate compet.i.tor for the crown of Castile, who still survived in Portugal. (Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap.

14.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. vi. lib. 28, cap. 13.--et al.) The report originated, doubtless, in the malice of the Castilian n.o.bles, who wished in this way to discredit the king still more with the people. It received, perhaps, some degree of credit from a silly story, in circulation, of a testament of Henry IV. having lately come into Ferdinand's possession, avowing Joanna to be his legitimate daughter. See Carbajal, (a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1474,) the only authority for this last rumor.

Robertson has given an incautious credence to the first story, which has brought Dr. Dunham's iron flail somewhat unmercifully on his shoulders again; yet his easy faith in the matter may find some palliation, at least sufficient to screen him from the charge of wilful misstatement, in the fact, that Clemencin, a native historian, and a most patient and fair inquirer after truth, has come to the same conclusion. (Mem. de la Acad.

de Hist., tom. vi. Il.u.s.t. 19.) Both writers rely on the authority of Sandoval, an historian of the latter half of the sixteenth century, whose naked a.s.sertion cannot be permitted to counterbalance the strong testimony afforded by the silence of contemporaries and the general discredit of succeeding writers. (Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 10.)

Sismondi, not content with this first offer of King Ferdinand, makes him afterwards propose for a daughter of King Emanuel, or in other words, his own granddaughter! Hist. des Francais, tom. xv. chap. 30.

[24] Fleurange, Memoires, chap. 15.--Seyssel, Hist. de Louys XII., pp.

223-229.

[25] Aleson, Annales de Navarra, tom. v. lib. 35, cap. 7, sec. 4.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 58.--Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia, tom. i. p. 410.

"Laquelle," says Fleurange, who had doubtless often seen the princess, "etoit bonne et fort belle princesse, du moins elle n'avoit point perdu son embonpoint." (Memoires, chap. 19.) It would be strange if she had at the age of eighteen. Varillas gets over the discrepancy of age between the parties very well, by making Ferdinand's at this time only thirty-seven years! Hist. de Louis XII., tom. i. p. 457.