Problems in American Democracy Part 22

6. What are some of the differences between the I.W.W. and the French syndicalists? (Bloomfield, pages 49-50.)

7. What is the origin of the word sabotage? (Bloomfield, page 80.)

8. To what extent is the I.W.W. movement supplied with able leaders?

(Hoxie, pages 149-150.)

9. Discuss the members.h.i.+p of the I. W. W. (Hoxie, pages 139-140.)

10. Explain the att.i.tude of the ma.s.ses of American workmen toward the I.W.W. (Hoxie, pages 157-161.)

TOPICS FOR INVESTIGATION AND REPORT

I

1. Interview, or write to, the officials of a trade union in your community with reference to the att.i.tude of the trade union toward the I.W.W. (Many trade unions are bitterly opposed to the I.W.W.; others are more tolerant of this form of militant socialism.)

2. Investigate the conditions surrounding any strike which has been initiated in your neighborhood by the I.W.W. (Consult the officials of a local trade union. Consult, also, the files of local newspapers and the _Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature._)

3. A number of states have recently pa.s.sed laws restricting the destructive tactics of the I.W.W. Ascertain whether or not your state has pa.s.sed such laws. (Write to the state library at the state capitol.)

Also write to the proper authorities in several other states, asking for a copy of such laws, if any have been pa.s.sed in those states.

II

4. Origin of the I.W.W. (Groat, _Organized Labor in America,_ chapter xxvii.)

5. The theory of "direct action." (Bloomfield, _Modern Industrial Movements_, pages 62-67.)

6. Conflict of aims and ideals within the I. W. W. organization.

(Hoxie, _Trade Unionism in the United States_, chapter vi.)

7. Sabotage. (Groat, _Organized Labor in America_, chapter xxviii.)

8. Theory of the "general strike." (Brooks, _American Syndicalism: The I. W. W._, chapter x.)

9. Syndicalism. (_International Encyclopedia_, vol. 21, article on "Syndicalism.")

10. Relation of the I. W. W. theory to anarchism. (Brooks, _American Syndicalism: The I. W. W._, chapter xiv.)

CHAPTER XV

MILITANT SOCIALISM: THE BOLSHEVISTS

143. SIGNIFICANCE OF BOLSHEVISM.-The term "bolshevist" is used to designate a group of militant socialists that seized power in Russia in the fall of 1917. Strictly speaking, the bolshevists were purely a Russian group, nevertheless, they are of interest to students of American democracy. Until the outbreak of the World War socialism was primarily a theory, the claims of which could not definitely be settled for the reason that it had never been applied on a large scale. Bolshevism is significant because it is the only instance in the history of the world where nation-wide socialism has actually been put into operation. The peculiar conditions surrounding the Russian experiment may prevent any detailed conclusions as to the availability of bolshevist experience for other countries; on the other hand, the general results of that experiment must throw some light upon what we might expect if a socialist experiment were made in other countries.

It is important, therefore, that we inquire into the nature of the Russian socialist state.

144. ORIGIN OF THE BOLSHEVISTS.--There is a popular impression that since the word bolshevist means "majority" in the Russian language, the bolshevists represented or const.i.tuted a majority of the Russian people. This is not true, as the history of the group shows. The origin of the bolshevists dates from a convention of the Russian Social-Democratic party in 1903, at which time a majority (_bols.h.i.+nstvo_) took an extreme stand upon the policies then being discussed in convention. In the years that followed the bolshevists became known as the radical or extreme wing of the Russian Social- Democratic party, as opposed to the menshevists, or moderate wing.

It appears that as early as 1905 the bolshevists planned to secure control of the Russian government. The opportunity presented itself during the World War, which Russia had entered early in August, 1914.

In March, 1917, a non-bolshevist group initiated a revolution, which overthrew the government of the Czar and established a provisional government under the leaders.h.i.+p of Alexander Kerensky. This government immediately inst.i.tuted a number of democratic reforms, including the extension of the suffrage to all men and women who were Russian citizens. These citizens elected delegates to a const.i.tuent a.s.sembly, but at this point the bolshevists, seeing that the voters of Russia were overwhelmingly against bolshevism, attacked the new government.

The const.i.tuent a.s.sembly was forcibly dissolved, its defenders slaughtered, and on November 7, 1917, the bolshevists seized the reins of government. Thus bolshevism as a government came into being as the result of suppressing the lawfully expressed will of the Russian people.

145. THE BOLSHEVIST CONSt.i.tUTION: LIBERAL ELEMENTS.--On July 10, 1918, the bolshevists adopted a const.i.tution. This remarkable doc.u.ment was a strange compound of liberal and despotic elements. It made a number of important promises to the people of Russia, announcing, for example, that the new government would "put an end to every ill that oppresses humanity." In pursuit of this ideal, the church was separated from the state, and complete freedom of conscience was accorded all citizens of Russia. Citizens were to enjoy complete freedom of speech and of the press. For the purpose of "securing freedom of expression to the toiling ma.s.ses," provision was made for the free circulation throughout the country of newspapers, books, and pamphlets. Full and general education to the poorest peasantry was also promised. Capital punishment was declared abolished, and a solemn protest against war and violence of every kind was adopted.

146. THE BOLSHEVIST CONSt.i.tUTION: RESTRICTED SUFFRAGE.--These liberal provisions were offset, however, by a number of important restrictions upon the voting rights of the people. Article IV of the bolshevist const.i.tution declared that the right to vote should not be extended to the following groups: all persons employing hired laborers for profit, including farmers who have even a single part-time helper; all persons receiving incomes from interest, rent, or profits; all persons engaged in private trade, even to the smallest shop-keeper; all ministers of religion of any kind; all persons engaged in work which was not specifically defined by the proper authorities as "productive and useful to society"; members of the old royal family; and individuals formerly employed in the imperial police service. The const.i.tution further provided that representation in the various deliberative a.s.semblies (called soviets, or councils) should be arranged so that one urban bolshevist would be equal, in voting strength, to five non- bolshevist peasants. Lastly, the const.i.tution significantly neglected to provide any machinery whereby the voters, either as individuals or in groups, could make nominations for any governmental office. The power of nomination was a.s.sumed by various bolshevist officials.

147. THE BOLSHEVIST CONSt.i.tUTION: PROVISION FOR A DESPOTISM.--The bolshevist const.i.tution frankly provided for a despotism. "For the purpose of securing the working cla.s.s in the possession of complete power," reads the concluding section of chapter two of the const.i.tution, "and in order to eliminate all possibility of restoring the power of the exploiters, (the capitalist or employing cla.s.s), it is decreed that all workers be armed, and that a socialist Red Army be organized and the propertied cla.s.s disarmed." These steps, the const.i.tution goes on to state, were to be taken for the express purpose of introducing nation-wide socialism into Russia.

148. "DICTATORs.h.i.+P OF THE PROLETARIAT."--Shortly after the publication of the const.i.tution, Lenin and Trotzky, the two bolshevist leaders, established what was called the "dictators.h.i.+p of the proletariat." The word proletariat refers vaguely to the working cla.s.ses, but the bolshevists interpreted the term to cover only that portion of the workers which was pledged to the support of socialist doctrine. Lenin admitted that a small number of bolshevized workingmen, the proletariat, was maintaining, by force of arms, a despotic control over the ma.s.ses of the people. "Just as 150,000 lordly landowners under Czarism dominated the 130,000,000 of Russian peasants," he once declared, "so 200,000 members of the bolshevist party are imposing their will on the ma.s.ses." According to these figures, the controlling element in Russia included less than one sixth of one per cent of the people.

From the first, the great majority of the peasants stolidly resisted the socialization of the country, but this did not discourage the bolshevist leaders. "We have never spoken of liberty," said Lenin early in 1921. "We are exercising the dictators.h.i.+p of the proletariat in the name of the minority because the peasant cla.s.s in Russia is not yet with us. We shall continue to exercise it until they submit. I estimate the dictators.h.i.+p will last about forty years."

149. SUPPRESSION OF DEMOCRACY.--The democratic tendencies evidenced under the Kerensky regime, and apparently encouraged by some of the provisions of the bolshevist const.i.tution, were quickly checked by the dictators.h.i.+p. It became the policy of the government to deprive "all individuals and groups of rights which could be utilized by them to the detriment of the socialist revolution." The semblance of a representative system was retained, but voting power was so distributed as to allow an oligarchic group to control the government's policies. This group had the power to disallow elections which went against it, as well as the power to force the dismissal from local Soviets of anti-bolshevist members. The right to vote could be arbitrarily withdrawn by order of the central authorities. Free speech and the right to enjoy a free press were suppressed. Lenin admitted that bolshevism "does not represent the toiling ma.s.ses," and declared that "the word democracy cannot be scientifically applied to the bolshevist party." Both Lenin and Trotzky declared that they had no fixed policy except to do whatever at the moment seemed expedient, regardless of previous statements or promises.

150. ABOLITION OF THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM.--Socialism, so long a theory, became a practical concern at the moment that the bolshevists secured control of the government. Private property in land was abolished, the arable land of Russia being apportioned among agriculturists without compensation to the former owners. All mines, forests, and waterways of national importance were taken over by the central government, while the smaller woods, rivers, and lakes became the property of the local Soviets. Banking establishments were seized and looted by bolshevist forces. Factories, railroads, and other means of production and transport were taken over. Inheritance was abolished. Private initiative in business was forbidden. Members of the capitalist or employing cla.s.ses were imprisoned, murdered, or driven from the country. In a word, the capitalistic system was destroyed, and the economic and political machinery of the country came under the full control of a small socialist group, maintained in power by armed force.

151. PARALYSIS OF INDUSTRY UNDER SOCIALISM.--The subst.i.tution of socialism for capitalism in Russia was followed by disaster. The workers were unable to carry on the industries which had been handed over to them. Discouraged by repeated errors in administration, and demoralized by their sudden rise to power, they neglected their work and pillaged the factories and shops in which they had formerly been employed. The elimination of the managing employers resulted in a decrease in output, and to aggravate the situation the laborers continued to insist upon a shorter and shorter working day. In desperation the government attempted to keep the people at their tasks by force. The workers were exploited to a degree previously unknown, even in Russia. They worked longer hours and for less pay than formerly. In many places they were attached to their tasks like medieval serfs, and even harnessed to carts like beasts of burden. The trade unions were abolished, and the workers were forbidden to strike, on pain of imprisonment or death. Yet despite these measures the output of factories, mills, and mines steadily decreased. Industry stagnated, and business fell away. The millions of Russia were starving in a land of plenty.

152. RETURN TO CAPITALISTIC METHODS.--To save the country from economic ruin, Lenin turned to capitalism. Free initiative and open compet.i.tion in trade were again allowed. The socialization of railroads, mills, and natural resources was halted. The arable land, which under socialism had not grown enough food to support even the peasants living upon it, was again cultivated under the wage system.

The capitalists and managing employers who were alive and still in Russia, were gathered together and placed in charge of industry. The laborers, who had been promised an eight- or six-hour day and complete control of industry, were now forced by the bolshevist government to work long hours under their former employers for practically no pay.

By 1919 the essential features of the capitalistic system had been accepted by Lenin and Trotzky, the bolshevists continuing in power as a despotic group which maintained authority over the laborers and the employers by armed force. The theory that all except the laborers are parasites had been exploded.

153. WAS SOCIALISM GIVEN A FAIR TRAIL IN RUSSIA?--To point out that an experiment has failed is one thing; to prove that it has been attempted under fair conditions is quite another. We cannot, therefore, condemn the bolshevist experiment without some regard for the conditions under which it was conducted.

Undoubtedly, the bolshevists had to contend against several important difficulties. The majority of the Russian people are illiterate peasants, who had had, at the time of the overthrow of the Czar in 1917, little or no training in self-government. In 1917, Russia was, moreover, in a state of political demoralization, the result of three years of war, concluded by a military debacle and a disorderly peace.

The suddenness with which socialism was introduced was also a factor which handicapped the bolshevists.

On the other hand, many favorable conditions were present. With respect to natural resources, Russia is one of the richest countries in the world. She has practically everything necessary to a healthy and self-sufficing industrial life. Over this wealth the bolehevists had full control. Lenin, the bolshevist chief, is conceded to have been a remarkable executive, so that the socialist experiment was conducted by a man not only well versed in Marxian doctrine, but capable of exercising an intelligent and authoritative control of the government. The bolshevist territory was blockaded by Great Britain, France, and the United States, but trade connections between Russia and the two last-named countries had been unimportant. Trade connections with Germany and Sweden on the west, and China on the east, were not broken off.

It is clear that the socialist experiment in Russia was attended by important advantages and disadvantages. Whether or not bolshevism had an absolutely fair trial is as yet impossible to say. On the other hand, the disastrous failure of the experiment would seem to indicate that it could not have met with any great degree of success under fairly favorable conditions. The admissions of the bolshevist leaders themselves, together with the conclusions of the most impartial investigators of the experiment, justify the conclusion that socialism in Russia failed because it was based upon false principles. The bolshevists have been accused of having inst.i.tuted a reign of terror, bringing in its train lawlessness, murder, desecration of the church, and the most brutal savagery. Into these charges we cannot go; it is enough that the most reliable evidence goes to show that bolshevism, as a nation-wide application of socialist doctrine, was a failure.

154. FAILURE OF BOLSHEVIST PROPAGANDA BEYOND RUSSIA.--Bolshevism, in common with other varieties of socialism, sought to break down national barriers and to establish a dictators.h.i.+p of the proletariat in all of the countries of the world. Some of the milder socialists in western Europe and America disavowed the acts of the Russian group, but the majority of socialists beyond Russia appear to have at least secretly sympathized with the bolshevists. Encouraged by this att.i.tude, Lenin and Trotzky frankly admitted their intention of fomenting world-wide revolution. The bolshevist government appropriated large sums for propaganda in countries beyond Russia, and socialist sympathizers everywhere advocated an attempt to overthrow "world capitalism." In the period of unrest immediately following the World War there was some response to bolshevist propaganda in a number of countries, but sounder opinion prevailed, and in 1920 Lenin admitted that the workingmen of Europe and America had definitely rejected his program. The one case of nation-wide socialism had proved too great a failure not to impress the laboring cla.s.ses in the more advanced countries of the world as a visionary and unworkable scheme.

QUESTIONS ON THE TEXT

1. Why is bolshevism of interest to students of American democracy?

2. Explain the origin of the bolshevists.

3. How did the bolshevists come into power?