The Evolution of States Part 3

[Footnote 25: Schwegler, i, 619, and refs.; Robertson, pp. 244-45; Ferrero, i, 9; Greenidge, _Rom. Pub. Life_, p. 35.]

[Footnote 26: Cp. E.W. Robertson, as cited, p. xxv.]

[Footnote 27: Schwegler, i, 629; Robertson, p. xxvii.]

[Footnote 28: Schwegler, i, 620 and refs.]

[Footnote 29: Mommsen (ch. xiii. i, 200) puts this point in some confusion, making the patricians live mostly in the country. Meyer (ii, 521) seems to put a quite contrary view. Greenidge (_History of Rome_, 1904, p. 11) agrees with Mommsen, putting town houses as a development of the second century B.C.]

[Footnote 30: According to Niebuhr (_Lectures_, xv; Eng. trans. ed.

1870, p. 81) and Mommsen (ch. iv), the Palatine and the Quirinal. (But cp. Greenidge, p. 2.) The Palatine was probably the first occupied by Romans. Schwegler, i, 442. Cp. Merivale, _General History of Rome_, 5th ed. p. 3, as to its special advantages. The Quirinal was held by the Sabines. Cp. Koch, _Roman History_, Eng. trans. p. 2.]

[Footnote 31: Ihne, _Early Rome_, p. 82.]

[Footnote 32: Presumably "Pelasgian." Cp. K.O. Muller, _The Dorians_, Eng. trans. i, 15; Schwegler, i, 155 _sq._]

[Footnote 33: Perhaps the result of a partial conquest. Cp. Mommsen, vol. i, ch. 6, _ad init._, as to the precedence of the Palatine priests over those of the Quirinal.]

[Footnote 34: So Ihne, _Early Rome_, p. 5.]

[Footnote 35: Cp. Pelham, ch. iii. Ihne, who argues that the narratives concerning the Etruscan kings are no more trustworthy than those as to their predecessors, recognises that Pliny's record of the humiliating conditions of peace imposed on the Romans by Porsenna "would not have been made if the fact of the subjugation of Rome by an Etruscan king had not been incontestable" (_Early Rome_, p. 79; cp. pp. 85-86).]

[Footnote 36: Cp. Merimee, _etudes sur l'histoire romaine_, t. i, _Guerre sociale_, 1844, p. 352 _sq._; Mommsen, B. ii, ch. i (i, 265).]

[Footnote 37: Cicero (_De Officiis_, ii, 12) and Sall.u.s.t (cited by Augustine, _De Civ. Dei_, iii, 16) preserved the belief (accepted by Niebuhr) that the oppression of the poor by the rich had been restrained under the kings. Cp. Mahaffy (_Problems in Greek History_, pp. 81-83; Social _Life in Greece_, 3rd ed. p. 83) and Wachs.m.u.th (_Hist. Antiq. of the Greeks_, Eng. tr. i, 416) as to Greek despots. And see Schwegler, _Romische Geschichte_, ii, 203, as to the weakness of Rome through cla.s.s-strifes after the expulsion of the kings.]

[Footnote 38: Greenidge, pp. 47-48; Mommsen, i, 72.]

[Footnote 39: Greenidge, pp. 147, 262, 273.]

[Footnote 40: Niebuhr, _Lect._ xxv, 3rd Eng. ed. p. 134. So Ihne, _Early Rome_, p. 80; and also Schwegler, ii, 200. Mommsen takes the traditional view. Cp. Shuckburgh (_History of Rome_, p. 71), who remarks that the battle was at least not a decisive victory. Meyer (_Geschichte des Alterthums_, ii, 812) gives no verdict.]

[Footnote 41: The demand for the admission of plebeians to the consulate was thus met on the patrician plea that religion vetoed it. Only in 367 was it enacted that one of the two consuls should always be a plebeian.]

[Footnote 42: Plebeians first admitted to the Quaestors.h.i.+p, 421 B.C.; to the Military Tribunes.h.i.+p, 400; to the Consulate, 367; to the Dictators.h.i.+p, 356; to the Censors.h.i.+p, 351; to the Praetors.h.i.+p, 337. This left the patricians in possession of the important privilege of members.h.i.+p of the sacred colleges. But that, in turn, was opened to plebeians in 300 or 296.]

[Footnote 43: _De Officiis_, i, 22, 30.]

[Footnote 44: _Ad Attic.u.m_, i, 19.]

[Footnote 45: _De Officiis_, ii, 21.]

[Footnote 46: See Long, _Decline of the Roman Republic_, iv, 272-76, for some interesting details; and refs. in Merimee, _Guerre Sociale_, p.

22.]

[Footnote 47: Livy, iv, 25.]

[Footnote 48: A writer in many respects instructive (W. Warde Fowler, _The City State of the Greeks and Romans_, 1893, p. 194), in pursuance of the thesis that "the Romans" had an "innate political wisdom" and an "inborn genius" for accommodation, speaks of the process of democratic self-a.s.sertion and aristocratic concession as "leaving no bad blood behind," this when social disease was spreading all round. The theorem of "national genius" will suffice to impair any exposition, however judicious otherwise. And this is the fundamental flaw in the argument of Bagehot in _Physics and Politics_. Though he notes the possibility of the objection that he is positing "occult qualities" (p. 24), he never eliminates that objection, falling back as he does on an a.s.sumed "gift"

in "the Romans" (p. 81), instead of asking how an activity was evoked and fostered.]

[Footnote 49: Cp. the _Politics_, i, 6.]

[Footnote 50: Cp. Professor Pelham's _Outline of Roman History_, 1893, p. 197; Merimee, _Guerre Sociale_, pp. 217, 220.]

[Footnote 51: _Considerations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains, et de leur decadence_, ch. xi. He refers to the many cases in point in modern European history.]

[Footnote 52: Dio Ca.s.sius, xlvii, 14; xlviii, 6; Appian, _Bell. Civ._ iv, 3; v, 5, 22.]

[Footnote 53: See below, p. 30, as to Carthage.]

[Footnote 54: Schwegler, _Romische Geschichte_, i, 269.]

[Footnote 55: _Idem_, i, 272-73.]

[Footnote 56: See Livy, x.x.xiii, 36, as to the _conjuratio servorum_ throughout Etruria in 557 A.U.C.]

[Footnote 57: Schwegler, i, 270, 275.]

[Footnote 58: Compare the slave wars of Rome in Sicily with the modern disorders (1892) in the same region, and with Aristotle's testimony as to the constant tendency of the slave populations in Greece to conspire against their owners (_Politics_, ii, 9).]

[Footnote 59: Juvenal, _Sat._ vi, 368, 593-96; Ovid, _Amor_. 1. ii, elegg. 13, 14. It is uncertain whether among the ancients any prudential preventive check was thought of. On the whole question see Malthus'

fourteenth chapter. Malthus, however, omits to notice that the Romans probably learned the arts of abortion from the Greeks, Egyptians, and Syrians.]

[Footnote 60: Ovid speaks of the many women killed, _Amor._ ii. xiv, 38.]

[Footnote 61: Malthus cites Tacitus, _De Mor. Germanorum_, c. 19; Minucius Felix, c. 30; Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ xxix, 4.]

[Footnote 62: Cp. Shaftesbury, _Characteristics_, Treatise ii, pt. iii, -- 2 (i, 114). Guizot seems to find the process surprising: "Singulier phenomene! C'est au moment ou l'Empire se brise et disparait, que l'Eglise chretienne se rallie et se forme definitivement. L'unite politique perit, l'unite religieuse s'eleve" (_Histoire de la civilisation en France_, ed. 1874, i, 339). He does not recognise the case as one of cause and effect. Of course, the fall of the State is not necessary to set up new combinations. It suffices that men should be without political influence or national consciousness--_e.g._, the secret societies of China in recent times.]

[Footnote 63: An inquiry, or series of inquiries, into the physiological side of social and political development is obviously necessary, and must be made before sociology can on this side attain much scientific precision. I know, however, no general treatise on the subject except an old essay on _Changes Produced in the Nervous System by Civilisation_, by Dr. Robert Verity (2nd ed., Edinburgh, 1839). This is suggestive, but, of course, tentative. Cp. Ferrero, _Greatness and Decline of Rome_, Eng. trans, i, 298-99.]

[Footnote 64: Livy, x.x.xix, 8-18. See below, pt. iii. ch. iii.]

[Footnote 65: Cp. Salverte, _De la Civilisation_, p. 52.]

[Footnote 66: The subject is discussed in the author's essay on Mithraism in _Pagan Christs_.]

[Footnote 67: M. Hochart (_etudes d'histoire religieuse_, 1890, ch. ix) argues that Constantine was never really converted to Christianity; and this is perhaps the best explanation of his long postponement of his baptism.]

[Footnote 68: Compare episodes in the history of the Salvation Army in England (1890), where that body was seen prepared to practise continuous fighting. It had no thought of "Christian" conciliation.]

[Footnote 69: Various causes, the chief being probably Greek piracy, had caused in pre-Roman Etruria a decay of the original seaports. See Schwegler, _Romische Geschichte_, i, 273.]

[Footnote 70: On this cp. Ihne, _Early Rome_, p. 6; and Mommsen, ch.

iv.]

[Footnote 71: This may have been set up in imitation of the Carthaginian inst.i.tution of _Suffetae_, which would be well known to the Etruscans of the monarchic period, who had much traffic with Carthage. E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, ii, 701. But it may also be explained by the simple fact that the original army was divided into two legions (_id._ ii, 812).]