British Socialism Part 50

Up to a recent date the Socialists in Great Britain had neither power nor influence. Whilst Germany, France, and other countries had large Socialist parties, British Socialism was practically unrepresented in Parliament. Many Englishmen thought that the free British democracies did not offer a soil favourable to the growth of Socialism, whilst many Socialist leaders believed that England possessed ideal conditions for effecting a social revolution because no other country contains, proportionally, so large a propertyless proletariat as England.[1174] In view of the large number of propertyless people in Great Britain and the nervous restlessness of the race since it has become a race of town-dwellers we cannot wonder at the rapid growth of British Socialism, and we must look forward to its further increase.

The following most interesting table gives a picture of the growth of the Socialist vote in the three most Socialistic countries on the Continent of Europe, and in Great Britain. It shows that Socialism has apparently pa.s.sed the zenith on the Continent of Europe, but that it has not yet reached maturity in Great Britain.

"GERMANY Members of Votes Parliament 1867 30,000 8 1878 437,158 9 1887 763,123 11 1890 1,427,298 35 1893 1,876,738 44 1896 2,107,076 57 1903 3,010,472 81 1907 3,258,968 43

GREAT BRITAIN Members of Votes Parliament

1895 46,000 0 1900* 65,000 2 1906* 335,000 30

FRANCE Members of Votes Parliament

1887 47,000 19 1889 120,000 9 1893 440,000 49 1898 790,000 50 1902 805,000 48 1906 896,000 52

BELGIUM Members of Votes Parliament

1894 320,000 32 1900 344,000 33 1902 467,000 34 1904 463,967 28 1906 469,094 30

*This is the vote of the Labour party candidates, not all of whom were Socialists."[1175]

A glance at the above table shows that the Socialist vote in Great Britain is as yet insignificant by comparison with other countries, and it seems likely to increase very greatly. More than a third of the Australian House of Representatives and Senate consists of Socialists.

May not proportionately as large a Socialist party arise in Great Britain, especially as no political party can outbid the Socialists?

The Socialist danger is probably greater in Great Britain than it is in France, Germany, or Belgium. In those countries a vast body of freehold peasants exists who are absolutely opposed to revolutionary schemes. Besides, owing to the fact that the majority of Continental workers have a substantial stake in the country, either in the form of land, houses, or other property, Continental Socialism is comparatively moderate, whilst it is violent, Anarchistic, and revolutionary in Great Britain, where the majority of workers possess far less property than the majority of French, German, and Belgian workers. The German Socialists, since Germany's unity, have gone the way of La.s.salle, the patriot Socialist. "They have ceased to denounce the churches. From a necessary evil or a mere stop-gap, the present State has become to them gradually, and perhaps unconsciously, their own State."[1176] It is true that the Socialist vote is ten times larger in Germany than in Great Britain. Nevertheless the danger of Socialist troubles of the very gravest kind is perhaps greater in England than in Germany, especially as unemployment is far greater in Great Britain than in Germany.[1177] It seems that Great Britain will pa.s.s through bad industrial times, and it should not be forgotten that the French Revolutions of 1789 and of 1848 were made by unemployed workmen upon whom Socialist and Communistic doctrines had taken a firm hold; that the distress caused by the siege of Paris led to the rising of the Commune in 1871; that between 1837 and 1848 the Chartist movement in Great Britain rose and declined in almost exact correspondence with the variations in the economic distress of the people.

The present aspect of Great Britain resembles the aspect of pre-Revolution France, owing to the unequal distribution of property.

"Almost three-quarters of the soil of France belonged to the n.o.bility and the clergy, or to 350,000 people. The whole of the rest of the nation possessed less than one-third of the soil."[1178] The absence of a st.u.r.dy property-owning lower middle-cla.s.s, the disappearance of the yeomen, is a source of instability and weakness to Great Britain.

Vast numbers of British workers live from hand to mouth. They are being inflamed by Socialist agitators against the wealthy, and they are being promised an equal share in the whole wealth of the nation.

In case of very acute distress, either through purely economic causes or through a war with a strong naval power, which might lead to starvation in a country which is absolutely dependent on foreign countries for its food, a revolutionary outbreak in the overgrown towns of Great Britain seems by no means impossible. The revolutionary centre of the world may conceivably move from Paris to London.

The Socialists in Great Britain may not always remain a chaotic mult.i.tude led by rival agitators who fight and intrigue against one another. Socialists believe: "So soon as Socialism becomes popular, great statesmen and philosophers will arise and take their stand boldly with the people in their fight for industrial freedom."[1179] There are more than 2,000,000 trade unionists in Great Britain, and Socialism is spreading rapidly among them. "Already the working-cla.s.s movement is largely a Socialistic movement and is in continual process of becoming more so."[1180] The political character of the trade unionists is changing owing to the influence of Socialism and of the new unions.

"The differences between the 'old' and 'new' unions are becoming more and more accentuated. The former adhere to the 'No politics' cry, _i.e._ no working-cla.s.s politics, and still pin their faith to the Liberal or even Tory party; while the latter, like their Continental comrades, understand that their emanc.i.p.ation can only be achieved by means of political action as a cla.s.s."[1181] "It is not possible for the working-cla.s.s movement to dissociate itself from the Socialists, or from Socialism, because Socialism, however vaguely the fact may yet be recognised, is as essentially the political expression of that movement as Toryism was the political expression of landlordism and Liberalism is that of the bourgeoisie. In other words, there can be no working-cla.s.s movement as such without Socialism."[1182] "It is true that the present Parliamentary Labour party is committed to independence on 'Labour questions only,' but no one has yet defined what is a 'Labour question,' and still less has anyone attempted to show what political questions are not labour questions."[1183] The letters printed on pages 141-143 of this book show that Socialism and Labour are commingling.

Socialism and Socialist influence have grown far more rapidly in Great Britain than is generally known. Their growth can be gauged not so much by the result of the General Election of 1906, and of some startling by-election results, as by the reports of the Socialist societies, and especially by the sale of their literature. Therefore the following facts indicating the growth of British Socialism should prove to be of considerable interest.

The Independent Labour Party reported at its yearly meeting held at Derby on April 1 and 2, 1907:

"No department of our activities has been more encouraging in its work this year than that of literature. Last year our literature sales amounted to _1,200l._, which was _600l._ more than the previous twelve months. This year they amount to _2,830l._, or _1,600l._ more than last year. The sales of books and pamphlets are nearly double that of last year. This is a magnificent result. Many branches have established literature stalls in the markets or public streets of their towns, and have met with much success. The fruits of this propaganda are certain, and will be reaped sooner or later by the branches concerned. The income is larger than has been the case in any former year, and amounts to the sum of _6,064l. 12s._, as against _1,884l. 7s. 9d._ for last year. The excess of a.s.sets over liabilities amounts to _3,729l. 2s. 5d._, as against _1,511l._ last year. The financial position of the party is thus becoming increasingly solid and stable."[1184]

Since the time when that report was given, the Independent Labour Party has continued its rapid growth, as may be seen from the following "Facts of Progress" recently published by that party. "At the time of the Fifteenth Annual Conference of the Independent Labour Party, held at Derby at Easter 1907, there were then in existence 545 branches of the party. Now (November 1907), there are 709 branches.

Gain in seven months, 164 branches. There are few Parliamentary const.i.tuencies in the United Kingdom without branches, and it is hoped before the present year to make even these omissions good. There are now six branches of the Independent Labour Party in Ireland, and more to follow. The Independent Labour Party has now 845 of its members on local governing bodies, endeavouring to put into operation locally the principles for which the party stands. During the summer nearly 2,000 meetings have been held each week throughout the country. Twenty-two special organisers have been at work for this last six months."[1185]

The latest reports of the other Socialist Societies give a picture of a similarly great activity, and of a similarly rapid growth.

It is true that the funds of the Socialist organisations are comparatively small, but it must not be forgotten that "1,000 men who subscribe _1d._ are stronger in the poll than one man who subscribes _1,000l._"[1186] Besides, the Independent Labour Party has since 1893 spent more than _250,000l._ for purposes of propaganda. That is a large sum to be spent in agitation. Furthermore, it is significant that many Socialist pamphlets and books have been sold in more than a hundred thousand copies, and a few even in more than a million copies. The Socialist periodicals have a considerable circulation.

"The circulation of the 'Clarion' alone is 74,000."[1187]

The danger of British Socialism lies not only in its rapid increase among the workers, but also in the fact that it is making converts among the large cla.s.s of people who possess no settled conviction of their own, and who are easily carried away by a plausible catch-phrase.

The persons who count are the mult.i.tude of loose thinkers who are drifting towards Socialism without knowing it. "Politicians who have no suspicion that they are Socialists are advocating further instalments of Socialism with a recklessness of indirect results which scandalises the conscious Social-Democrat."[1188] "Year by year more legislation is proposed of which the effect is to draw upon the earnings of the efficient for the benefit of the inefficient. Year by year Parliament makes life harder for those whose labour benefits the State and easier for those who are a drag upon it."[1189] "There is in fact no definite and declared Socialist party in the present House of Commons, and yet what may be called the spirit of Socialism pervades the whole House to a greater extent than in any previous Parliament."[1190] For instance, Mr. Rutherford, M.P., in an anti-Socialistic speech brought forward a "Democratic Tory Programme" which, in the words of a Socialist periodical, was "cribbed almost bodily from the Socialist programme. He advocated among other reforms-nationalisation of the railways, State provision of work for the unemployed, payment of Members, manhood and womanhood suffrage, the suppression of adulteration, town planning on the German system, crime to be treated as a disease, compulsory closing of slums, taxation of site values, and State powers to purchase any site at the price on the rate-book, a national system of insurance against accident and sickness, feeding and clothing poor children, free opening of secondary schools and universities."[1191] In giving prominence to this "anti-Socialist" speech the "Labour Leader"

sarcastically remarked: "The items do not, of course, take us quite as far as we Socialists would go; but they are fairly good to be going on with. Ours is to once again cordially welcome Mr. Rutherford as champion against Socialism."[1192]

A further danger consists in this, that many Socialists in Parliament and out of it like to sail under a false flag, in accordance with the tactics usually employed by the Fabian Society (see _ante_, Chapter x.x.xIII). Socialist publications inform us: "Among Socialists who stood and were elected as official Liberals are P. Alden, Clement Edwards, and L.G. Chiozza Money."[1193] "Many Liberals, like Mr. Chiozza Money, Mr. Masterman, Mr. J.M. Robertson, not to speak of the Liberal-Labour group, are committed to Socialist or semi-Socialist legislation. Many Liberal newspapers, we cannot fairly deny, are avowedly on the side of Socialism. The Liberal rank and file are also in the majority of instances quite favourable to the general principles of munic.i.p.alisation and Labour legislation. Above all, as has so often been predicted by us, the two political camps of landlordism and capitalism are bound to combine together against Socialism, and they can only do so effectively under the Imperialist, Tariff Reform, anti-Land Reform, and anti-Munic.i.p.alisation flags. The Liberal party cannot attempt single-handed to withstand us."[1194] Socialism often poses as Liberalism and is accepted as such by the unwary.

A further danger of British Socialism lies in the fact that it leads to the deterioration of the national character. "The strength of every community must finally depend on the character of the individuals who compose it. If they are self-reliant, energetic, and dutiful, the community will be strong; if, on the contrary, they have been taught to rely upon others rather than on themselves, to take life easily and to avoid unpleasant duties, then the community will be weak. Teach men that they owe no duty to their families, no duty to their country, and that their only responsibility is to humanity at large, and they will quickly begin to think and act as if they had no responsibility to anyone but themselves."[1195] "Many workmen are being ruined morally and materially by Socialistic doctrines, because directly a man becomes imbued with the idea that he is not receiving full recompense for his labours he thinks himself justified in doing as little as he can for his employer. The consequence is that his labour, which is to him his stock-in-trade, depreciates in value and when business slackens down he is one of the first to get the 'sack.'"[1196]

FOOTNOTES:

[1174] See Karl Marx, _Capital_; Yorke, _Secret History of the International_; Stegmann und Hugo, _Handbuch_, p. 177; Kautsky, _Social Revolution_.

[1175] Macdonald, _Socialism_, pp. 125, 126.

[1176] _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, vol. x.x.xii. p. 666.

[1177] Ellis Barker, _Modern Germany_, p. 546.

[1178] Block, _Dictionnaire General_, vol. ii. p. 822.

[1179] Keir Hardie, _From Serfdom to Socialism_, p. 8.

[1180] _Ibid._ p. 34.

[1181] Aveling, _Working-Cla.s.s Movement in England_, p. 40.

[1182] _The Socialist Annual_, 1907, p. 38.

[1183] _Ibid._ p. 39.

[1184] _Independent Labour Party Annual Report Conference_, pp. 10, 12, 9.

[1185] _Labour Leader_, November 29, 1907.

[1186] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1906, p. 80.

[1187] _Clarion_, December 20, 1907.

[1188] _Fabian Essays in Socialism_, p. 188.

[1189] Lord Balfour of Burleigh in the _Times_, October 3, 1907.

[1190] c.o.x, _Socialism_, p. 7.

[1191] _Labour Leader_, October 18, 1907.

[1192] _Ibid._

[1193] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1907, p. 58.

[1194] _Labour Leader_, October 11, 1907.