British Socialism Part 49

It seems likely that the more or less Socialist Labour party in Parliament will soon absorb practically the whole trade union group.

"Of the eighteen miners' representatives in the House of Commons fifteen are in the trade union group. In October 1907, at the Conference of the Federated Miners' a.s.sociations, a resolution was adopted declaring that the time had come for joining the Labour party and ordering a ballot of the whole Federation area to be taken. It is practically a foregone conclusion that the proposal will be carried, in which case the fifteen miners' representatives now sitting on the Ministerial benches will cross the House and practically double the effective power of the Labour party as against the Government. The trade union group will then practically cease to exist. The railway servants have decided that all their candidates at the next election must join the Labour party. Therefore Richard Bell must sign the const.i.tution of the Labour party or retire in favour of someone who will. Of the remaining seven members of the group W.C. Steadman is the only recognised leader of trade unionism."[1170]

Apart from the larger Socialist parties described in the foregoing, there are two smaller organisations composed of revolutionary Socialists of the most violent type, whose Socialism is a misnomer for Anarchism. They are "The Socialist Party of Great Britain" domiciled in London, and "The Socialist Labour Party" (an American importation), domiciled in Edinburgh. Their programmes, as those of the other Socialist organisations, will be found in the Appendix.

The numerous Socialistic organisations mentioned in this Chapter oppose and fight one another. Many Socialists recommend that a united Socialist party should be formed, but it is clear to all who are acquainted with the inner history of British Socialism that "the vital differences that exist among Socialist parties as to tactics--as to the way to attain Socialism--cannot be glossed over by a few expressions of brotherly love."[1171] The Socialists are divided among themselves, and the rivalry and enmity between some of the sections is deep-seated and bitter. Nominally they differ with regard to the policy to be pursued, but in reality their differences seem to be rather of a personal nature. Socialist leaders, though they have the words "democracy," "freedom," "liberty," and "love" constantly on their lips, are apt to be very autocratic as soon as their sphere of political influence is threatened by compet.i.tion, and as soon as their private property, their political capital which they have created, is threatened with "socialisation." The men who so glibly recommend the world-wide brotherhood of man, and the socialisation and co-operation of the world, cannot even co-operate among themselves although they pursue the identical immediate aim: the plunder of the well-to-do. It is an old experience that revolutionaries always end in cutting one another's throats.

Some Socialist groups have been formed owing to very peculiar and very unsavoury circ.u.mstances. A comparatively innocent though psychologically highly interesting and characteristic Socialist new formation has recently occurred in that ally of the Socialists, the Women's Social and Political Union. "In September 1907 a bombsh.e.l.l was thrown into the camp of the Women's Social and Political Union by the extraordinary action of Mrs. Pankhurst, who, as 'the founder,'

announced that she had discharged the Executive Committee of the Union."[1172] In the words of an opponent: "Mrs. Pankhurst tore up the const.i.tution, robbed the branches and members of all control over the National Committee, abolished the annual conference, and elected herself and a few personal friends as an autocratic permanent committee answerable to no one in the world and to sit at her pleasure."[1173] The consequence of this personal squabble among leaders for supremacy was of course the splitting up of the party, and the aggrieved ladies formed a new party, the "Women's Freedom League."

Socialists never tire of declaiming against compet.i.tion, and of praising co-operation. At present there are two "compet.i.tive" Women's Freedom societies. If they continue pus.h.i.+ng the identical article of agitation, all custom will go to the larger party. Therefore we may expect that, unless the breach is healed, the two parties will agree to differ "on the basic principles of women's freedom" and will recommend slightly different political mixtures.

The example of France, Germany, and other countries shows that the jealousy and envy of leaders and party tyranny is nowhere greater than among Socialists. It will not be easy for British Socialists to found a united party, especially as it is more difficult to create unity among individualistic Englishmen, who are by their nature impatient of restraint, than among Frenchmen and Germans, who are more used to co-operation and who through their military training have learned the necessity of discipline and the duty of obedience.

FOOTNOTES:

[1136] Quelch, _The Social-Democratic Federation_, p. 3.

[1137] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1908, pp. 74, 75.

[1138] _Annual Report, Social-Democratic Federation Conference 1906_, p. 2.

[1139] Shaw, _The Fabian Society_, p. 23.

[1140] The Secretary of the Fabian Society in _Daily Mail Year Book_, 1908, p. 72.

[1141] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1906, p. 73.

[1142] _Report of the Twenty-sixth Annual Conference, Social-Democratic Federation, 1906_, p. 1.

[1143] _Reformers' Year Book, 1908_, p. 73; _Daily Mail Year Book, 1908_, p. 72.

[1144] _Annual Report, Social-Democratic Federation Conference, 1906_, p. 3.

[1145] _Manifesto of the Socialist Party of Great Britain_, p. 2.

[1146] _Capital and Land_, Motto.

[1147] Secretary of Fabian Society in _Daily Mail Year Book, 1908_, p.

72.

[1148] Official Circular: _The Fabian Society_.

[1149] _Report on Fabian Policy_, 1896, p. 3.

[1150] _Ibid._ p. 4.

[1151] _Scottish Leader_, September 4, 1890, reprinted by Fabian Society and issued in form of a leaflet.

[1152] Shaw, _The Fabian Society_, p. 26.

[1153] _Ibid._ p. 24.

[1154] Shaw, _The Fabian Society_, pp. 18, 19.

[1155] _How to Lose and How to Win an Election_, p. 1.

[1156] _Report on Fabian Policy_, 1896, p. 5.

[1157] Shaw, _The Fabian Society_, p. 23.

[1158] _Annual Report, Social-Democratic Federation Conference, 1906_, p. 2.

[1159] _Manifesto, Socialist Party of Great Britain_, p. 11.

[1160] Macdonald, _Socialism_, p. 52.

[1161] _Ibid._ p. 53.

[1162] _Manifesto, Socialist Party of Great Britain_, p. 13.

[1163] Keir Hardie, _From Serfdom to Socialism_, pp. 33, 34.

[1164] Secretary, Fabian Society, in _Daily Mail Year Book_, 1908, p.

73.

[1165] R. Macdonald, M.P., in _Daily Mail Year Book_, 1908, p. 109.

[1166] _Manifesto, Socialist Party of Great Britain_, p. 3.

[1167] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1908, p. 8.

[1168] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1907, p. 51.

[1169] _Social-Democrat_, October 1907, p. 607.

[1170] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1908, p. 23.

[1171] _Socialist_, December 1907.

[1172] _Independent Labour Party Year Book_, 1908, p. 28.

[1173] _Forward_, November 23, 1907.

CHAPTER x.x.xIV

THE GROWTH AND DANGER OF BRITISH SOCIALISM