A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Iv Part 16

[5] Instead of _twelve_, the text only names _eight_ of the brave a.s.sociates of Pizarro.--E.

[6] Morope, in lat. 6 35', in the district of Sana, is in the situation of the place mentioned in the text.--E.

[7] This river, otherwise called Amatape, runs into the bay of Payta, in lat. 5 10' south.--E.

[8] Under the name of Peruvian sheep, five species of the Camel genus are known to naturalists, the Glama or Llama, Guanaco, Chillihueque, Vicugna, and Pacos. The three former were used as animals of burthen by the native Peruvians, and domesticated, the two latter, especially the Vicugna, are valuable for the firmness of their fleeces. The three larger species carry loads of about a hundred pounds weight, the other two, when domesticated, may be made to carry smaller burdens of from fifty to seventy-five pounds.--E.

[9] It was now towards the close of 1527, the third year from the first departure of Pizarro from Panama.--Robertsons America, II. 281.

[10] Robertson, II. 284. gives a different account of these four relations of Francisco Pizarro from Zarate. According to him, Ferdinand was the only lawful son of old Gonzalo Pizarro; Francisco, Juan, and the younger Gonzalo being all natural sons; and Francisco de Alcantara was the uncle of Don Francisco, being the brother of his mother. In the sequel, the conqueror of Peru shall be always mentioned by the single name of Pizarro, distinguis.h.i.+ng his brothers by the addition of their Christian names. While in Spain, Pizarro received a supply of money from Cortes, under whom he had served in the early part of the conquest of Mexico.--E.

[11] His commission from the crown of Spain, imposed the condition of raising 250 men, and to supply the s.h.i.+ps and warlike stores necessary for the expedition; but his funds and credit were so low that he could hardly complete half the number, and had to steal away from the port of Seville to elude the examination of the officers as to the fulfilment of his contract.--Robertsons America, II. 284.

[12] It is impossible to give any competent geographical account of this extensive country in the compa.s.s of a note. Proper Peru begins at the river Tumbez in the gulf of Guayaquil, in about lat. 3 20' S. and extends S.S.E. along the Pacific Ocean to the desert of Atacama, which divides it from Chili, in lat. 21 28 S. an extent of about 1200 miles; consisting of two remarkably different tracts of country. A narrow valley along the Pacific Ocean, seldom so much as 70 miles in breadth, bounded on the east by the enormous main ridge of the Andes; beyond which are many elevated vallies or table lands of various extent, divided by collateral ridges and branches of the Andes, from each other and from the prodigiously extensive plains of the vast Orinoco Maranon and La Plata rivers. Quito, which had been annexed to the kingdom of Peru, only a short time before the Spanish conquest, is similarly situated, both as to maritime vale, and elevated table land, immediately to the north of Peru proper, and seems to have reached from lat. 3 20' S. to about lat, 1 N. but is now included in the viceroyalty of New Granada which reaches to the Carribbean sea, with which it is connected by the river Magdalena.--E.

[13] The substance of this description appears to refer entirely to that province of the kingdom of Quito which is named Esmeraldas or Tacamez, on both sides of the equator.--E.

[14] Various reasons have been a.s.signed for the origin of the word Peru, as the name of the empire of the Incas, unknown to themselves, at least in that sense. The most probable derivation is from the river _Piura_, near its northern frontier, where it was first visited by Pizarro.--E.

[15] This circ.u.mstance is unintelligible, as the bones could not shrink, unless by supposing these _human heads_ to have been the heads of small apes, resembling human faces. The expression of the text, immediately before, of human carca.s.ses hung up _in the form of crosses_, ought perhaps to have been rendered _instead of_ crosses.--E.

[16] A good deal more is said of these giants, both by Zarate and Garcila.s.so de la Vega, p. 363, but so vague and absurd as not to be worth insertion. The whole story seems to have arisen out of the colossal representation of a man and woman at Puerto viejo.--E.

[17] This is merely a repet.i.tion of the _big bones_ of Mexico and the Ohio, already referred to the Mammoth, or animal ignotum.--E.

[18] Puna is in the bay of Guayaquil, in lat. 3 S. and is near _thirty_ leagues in circ.u.mference, being about _ten_ leagues long by five in breadth.--E.

[19] The estimate in the text is exceedingly erroneous. The city of Parto is in lat. 1 12' N. and the Rio de Loa, or commencement of the desert of Atacama, in lat. 21 26' S. which give only a difference of nearly 25 degrees of lat.i.tude, which at 17-1/2 Spanish leagues to the degree are only 438 leagues. Even supposing the text to include Chili, which extends to 39 21' S. the whole extent of Peru and Chili is only 753 Spanish leagues.--E.

[20] This is only to be understood of the period when Zarate wrote, about the middle of the sixteenth century, or two hundred and fifty years ago. The first town he enumerates, Puerto Viejo, is now in the viceroyalty of New Granada.--E.

[21] The wool-bearing animals of Peru, improperly named sheep, are one or other of the species of camel already mentioned in a former note.--E.

[22] Instead of _four_ degrees, Quito is only the _fourth_ part of a degree beyond the line.--E.

[23] Bracamoras, or Jaen de Bracamoras, in lat. 5 30' S. is in the district or province of Jaen in the kingdom of New Granada, on one of the branches of the Lauricocha or Tanguragua, which is one of the great rivers which contribute to form the vast Maranon, or river of the Amazons.--E.

[24] No place of that name is now found in our best maps. The princ.i.p.al town of the district of Chachapoyas has the same name, otherwise called St Juan de la Frontera.--E.

[25] Not far to the south of San Leon de Guanuco, in the mountains of Lauricocha, there are considerable silver mines.--E.

[26] No such place is now found on our maps in the province of Guamanga; but the ruins of a town named Vittoria are marked in the district of Calca, about fifty miles north-west from the city of Cuzco. Perhaps the Vittoria of the text is the town now called Guamanga.--E.

[27] Probably the country of the people now called _Chunchos_, who are implacable enemies to the Spaniards.--E.

[28] Probably the province now called _Chicas_ on the eastern side of the Andes, occupying the head of the river Chirivionas which joins the Paraguay or Rio Plata.--E.

[29] Off the mouth of the river Lurin, in lat. 12 26' S. is the island of Pachacamac, probably indicating the situation of the ancient province of that name.--E.

[30] The first of the Incas is named by Robertson, II. 290. and III. 47.

Manco Capac.--E.

[31] By Zarate this Inca is named Guaynacava, but the more general name used by Garcila.s.so de la Vega and other Spanish writers, and from them by the ill.u.s.trious Robertson, is adopted in this translation.--E.

[32] Garcila.s.so de la Vega, p. 65, describes the bridge over the Apurimac not far from Cuzco, as about two hundred paces in length. He says that its floor consisted of three great cables as thick as the body of a man; having another cable on each side, a little raised, to serve as rails. The two hundred toises or four hundred yards of the text seem an exaggeration; perhaps a mistake of the French translator.--E.

[33] This prince is called Atabaliba by Zarate, and Atabalipa by some other writers, but we have chosen to follow the ill.u.s.trious historian of America in naming him Atahualpa.--E.

[34] These names are not to be found in our best modern maps of Peru: but some other names not unlike, as Mayobamba, Chachapoyas, Partas, and Caxamarca, are in the present bishopric of Truxillo, the most northern in Peru proper, and therefore likely to have been the seat of war against the revolters in Quito.--E.

[35] The whole of this appendix to the first section is an addition to Zarate, extracted from Garcila.s.so de la Vega and Robertson; which, being too long for a note, has been placed in the text. The introductory part of this deduction is from the History of America, Vol. II p. 289. The list of kings is from Garcila.s.so, whose disarranged work is too confused for quotation.--E.

[36] By some authors an Inca Roca is here interposed, who was deposed after a reign of eleven days.--E.

SECTION II.

_Transactions of Pizarro and the Spaniards in Peru, from the commencement of the Conquest, till the departure of Almagro for the Discovery of Chili_.

After the return of Don Francisco Pizarro from Spain to Panama, he made every preparation in his power for the conquest of Peru, in which he was not seconded with the same spirit as formerly by his companion Almagro, by which their affairs were considerably r.e.t.a.r.ded, as Almagro was the richer man and had greater credit among the settlers. Diego Almagro, as formerly mentioned, was much dissatisfied with Pizarro for having neglected his interest in his applications to his majesty; but at length became pacified by his apologies and promises, and their friends.h.i.+p was renewed; yet Almagro could never be thoroughly reconciled to the brothers of Pizarro, more especially Ferdinand, against whom he had a rooted dislike. Owing to these disputes a considerable time elapsed; but at length Ferdinand Ponce de Leon[1] fitted out a s.h.i.+p which belonged to him, in which Don Francisco Pizarro embarked with all the soldiers he could procure, which were very few in number, as the people in Panama were much discouraged by the great difficulties and hards.h.i.+ps which had been suffered in the former attempt, and the poor success which had then been met with[2]. Pizarro set sail about the commencement of the year 1531; and in consequence of contrary winds was obliged to land on the coast of Peru a hundred leagues more to the north than he intended[3]; by which means he was reduced to the necessity of making a long and painful march down the coast, where he and his troops suffered great hards.h.i.+ps from scarcity of provisions, and by the extreme difficulty of crossing the different rivers which intersected their line of march, all of which they had to pa.s.s near their mouths, where they are wide and deep, insomuch that both men and horses had often to pa.s.s them by swimming. The courage and address of Pizarro was conspicuous amidst these difficulties, by encouraging the soldiers, and frequently exposing himself to danger for their relief, even a.s.sisting those who were unable to swim. They arrived at length at a place named _Coaque_[4] on the sea side, which was well peopled, and where they procured abundance of provisions to refresh and restore them after the hards.h.i.+ps and privations they had undergone. From that place, Pizarro sent back one of his vessels to Panama, and the other to Nicaragua, sending by them above 30,000 _castillanas_[5] of gold, which he had seized at Coaque, to encourage fresh adventurers to join him, by giving a specimen of the riches of the country. At Coaque the Spaniards found some excellent emeralds, as this country being under the line, is the only place where such precious stones are to be had. Several of these were destroyed by the Spaniards, who broke them in order to examine their nature; as they were so ignorant as to believe that good emeralds ought to bear the hammer without breaking, like diamonds. Believing therefore that the Indians might impose false stones upon them, they broke many of great value through their ignorance. The Spaniards were here afflicted by a singular disease, formerly mentioned, which produced a dangerous kind of warts or wens on their heads faces and other parts of their body, extremely sore and loathsome, of which some of the soldiers died, but most of them recovered, though almost every one was less or more affected.

Leaving Coaque on account of this strange disease, which Pizarro attributed to the malignity of the air, he marched on to that province or district in which _Puerto Viejo_ now stands, and easily reduced all the surrounding country to subjection. The captains Sebastian Benalcazar and Juan Fernandez joined him at this place, with a small reinforcement of horse and foot, which they brought from Nicaragua[6].

Having reduced the province of Puerto Viejo to subjection, Pizarro proceeded with all his troops to the harbour of _Tumbez_, whence he determined to pa.s.s over into the island of Puna, which is opposite to that port. For this purpose he caused a number of flats or rafts to be constructed after the manner of the Peruvians, formerly mentioned, to transport his men and horses to the island, which is above twenty miles from the river of Tumbez. The Spaniards were in imminent danger in this pa.s.sage, as the Indians who guided their floats had resolved to cut the cords by which their planks were held together, on purpose to drown the men and horses; but as Pizarro had some suspicion or intimation of their secret intentions, he ordered all his people to be on their guard, constantly sword in hand, and to keep a watchful eye on the Indians. On arriving in the island, the inhabitants received them courteously and requested that there might be peace between them; yet it was soon known that they had concealed their warriors in ambush, with the intention of ma.s.sacring the Spaniards during the night. When Pizarro was informed of this treachery, he attacked and defeated the Indians, and took the princ.i.p.al cacique of the island; and next morning made himself master of the enemies camp, which was defended by a considerable body of warriors.

Learning that another body of the islanders had attacked the flat vessels or rafts in which they had come over, Pizarro and his brothers went in all haste to a.s.sist the Spanish guard which had the care of them, and drove away the enemy with considerable slaughter. In these engagements two or three of the Spaniards were killed, and several wounded, among whom was Gonzalo Pizarro, who received a dangerous hurt on the knee.

Soon after this action, Hernando de Soto arrived from Nicaragua with a considerable reinforcement of foot and horse. But finding it difficult to subdue the islanders effectually, as they kept their canoes concealed among the mangrove trees which grow in the water, Pizarro resolved to return to Tumbez; more especially as the air of Puna is unwholesome from its extreme heat, and the marshy nature of its sh.o.r.es. For this reason he divided all the gold which had been collected in the island, and abandoned the place. In this island of Puna, the Spaniards found above six hundred prisoners, men and women, belonging to the district of Tumbez, among whom was one of the princ.i.p.al n.o.bles of that place. On the 16th May 1532, Pizarro set all these people at liberty, and supplied them with barks or floats to carry them home to Tumbez; sending likewise in one of these barks along with the liberated Indians, three Spaniards to announce his own speedy arrival. The Indians of Tumbez repaid this great favour with the blackest ingrat.i.tude, as immediately on their arrival, they sacrificed these three Spaniards to their abominable idols. Hernando de Soto made a narrow escape from meeting with the same fate: He was embarked on one of these floats, with a single servant, along with some of the Indians, and had already entered the river of Tumbez, when he was seen by Diego de Aguero and Roderick Lozan, who had already landed, and who made him stop the float and land beside them; otherwise, if he had been carried up to Tumbez, he would certainly have been put to death.

From the foregoing treachery of the inhabitants of Tumbez, it may readily be supposed that they were by no means disposed to furnish barks for the disembarkation of the Spanish troops and horses; so that on the first evening, only the Governor Don Francisco Pizarro, with his brothers Ferdinand and Juan, the bishop Don Vincente de Valverde, captain de Soto, and the other two Spaniards already mentioned, Aguero and Lozan, were able to land. These gentlemen had to pa.s.s the whole night on horseback entirely wet, as the sea was very rough, and they had no Indians to guide their bark, which the Spaniards did not know how to manage, so that it overset while they were endeavouring to land. In the morning, Ferdinand Pizarro remained on the sh.o.r.e to direct the landing of the troops, while the governor and the others who had landed rode more than two leagues into the country without being able to find a single Indian, as all the natives had armed themselves and retired to the small hills in the neighbourhood. On returning towards the coast, he met the captains Mina and Salcedo, who had rode to meet him with several of the cavalry which had disembarked. He returned with them to Tumbez, where he encamped with all the troops he was able to collect.

Soon afterwards, Captain Benalcazar arrived with the rest of the troops from the island of Puna, where he had been obliged to remain till the return of the vessels, as there was not enough of s.h.i.+pping to contain the whole at once. While he waited for the vessels, he had to defend himself from continual attacks of the islanders; but now rejoined the governor with very little loss. Pizarro remained above twenty days at Tumbez, during which time he used every endeavour to persuade the cacique to enter into terms of peace, by sending him repeated messages to that effect, but all to no purpose. On the contrary, the natives did every injury in their power to our people, and especially to the servants and others who went out into the country in search of provisions; while the Spaniards were unable to retaliate, as the Indians kept always on the opposite side of the river. The governor caused three barks or floats to be brought up secretly from the coast, in which he crossed the river during the night, with his brothers Juan and Gonzalo, and the Captains Benalcazar and Soto, with above fifty hors.e.m.e.n. With these he made a very fatiguing march before day, as the road was very difficult and uneven, and full of knolls overgrown with brambles and bushes. About day break he came unexpectedly to the Indian camp, which he immediately attacked and carried, putting many of the natives to the sword; and for fifteen days he pursued them into all their haunts, making a cruel war upon them with fire and sword, in revenge for the three Spaniards whom they had sacrificed. At length, the princ.i.p.al cacique of Tumbez sued for peace, and made some presents of gold and silver in token of submission.

Having thus reduced the province of Tumbez, Pizarro left a part of his troops there under the charge of Antonio de Navarre and Alonso Requelme, the former of whom was Contador or comptroller of accounts, and the latter treasurer, both in the service of his majesty. Taking along with himself the greater part of his troops, he went forwards to the river _Poechos_[7], thirty leagues to the southward of Tumbez, in which march, as the caciques and inhabitants received him peaceably, he conducted himself in a friendly manner to the natives. Pa.s.sing beyond the before mentioned river, he came to the bay of Payta, which is the best on all that coast; whence he detached de Soto to reduce the caciques inhabiting the banks of the river Amatape or Chira, in which he succeeded after a slight resistance, all the caciques and natives submitting and demanding peace.

While at this place, Pizarro received a message from Cuzco by certain envoys sent by Huascar, informing him of the revolt of his brother Atahualpa, and requesting his a.s.sistance to establish him, as the lawful sovereign, in his just rights[8]. On the receipt of this message, Pizarro determined to take advantage of the divisions in Peru. He sent therefore his brother Ferdinand to Tumbez to bring the troops from thence; and established a colony at San Miguel in the district of Tangarara, near the sea on the river Chira[9], as a port in which to receive vessels coming with reinforcements from Panama. Having placed a garrison in St Miguel, and made a division of all the gold and silver which had been procured since leaving Puna, the governor marched with the rest of his army for the province of Caxamarca, in which he was informed that Atahualpa then was[10].

On this march towards Caxamarca, the Spaniards suffered intolerably, while pa.s.sing through the dry and burning sandy desert of Sechura, where for above fifty miles they could not find any water to drink, or a single tree to shelter them from the sun. This desert reaches from San Miguel or the river Piura to the province of Motupe, in which latter they found some well peopled vallies full of verdure, and were supplied with abundance of provisions and refreshments to restore them after the fatigues and privations they had suffered in the desert. Marching from thence by way of the mountain towards Caxamarca, Pizarro was met by an envoy from Atahualpa, bringing presents from that prince, among which were painted slippers and golden bracelets. This messenger informed the governor, that, when he appeared before Atahualpa, he must wear these slippers and bracelets, that the prince might know who he was[11]. Pizarro received this envoy with much kindness, and promised to do every thing that had been required on the part of Atahualpa; desiring the envoy to inform his sovereign that he might be a.s.sured of receiving no injury from him or the Spaniards, on condition that the Peruvians treated them with peace and friends.h.i.+p; as he had it in orders from the king his master, who had sent him to this country, to do no harm to any one without just cause.

On the departure of the Peruvian envoy, Pizarro continued his march with great precaution, being uncertain whither the Indians might not attack him during the pa.s.sage of the mountains, in one part of which he had to pa.s.s through an almost inaccessible narrow defile, where a few resolute men might have destroyed his whole party. On his arrival at Caxamarca, he found another messenger from Atahualpa, who desired that he would not presume to take up his quarters in that place until he received permission for the purpose. Pizarro made no answer to this message, but immediately took up his quarters in a large court, on one side of which there was a house or palace of the Inca, and on the other side a temple of the sun, the whole being surrounded, by a strong wall or rampart of earth. When he had posted his troops in this advantageous situation, he sent captain Soto at the head of twenty hors.e.m.e.n to the camp of Atahualpa, which was at the distance of a league from Caxamarca, with orders to announce his arrival.

On coming towards the presence of Atahualpa, Soto pushed his horse into a full career, making him prance and curvet to the great terror of many of the Peruvians, who ran away in a prodigious fright. Atahualpa was so much displeased at his subjects for their cowardice, that he ordered all who had run away from the horse to be immediately put to death.

After Soto had delivered his message, Atahualpa declined giving any direct answer, not choosing to address his discourse immediately to Soto: He spoke first to one of his attendant chiefs, who communicated what the king had said to the interpreter, after which the interpreter explained what had been said to Soto. While this circuitous conversation was going on, Ferdinand Pizarro arrived with some more hors.e.m.e.n, and addressed Atahualpa in the name of his brother, to the following effect. "That his brother the general had been sent to wait upon Atahualpa by his sovereign Don Carlos with an offer of friends.h.i.+p and alliance, and wished therefore to have an audience of his majesty, that he might communicate what had been given to him in charge by the king of Spain." To this Atahualpa replied; "That he accepted with pleasure the offer of friends.h.i.+p from the general, provided he would restore to his subjects all the gold and silver he had taken from them, and would immediately quit the country; and that on purpose to settle an amicable arrangement, he meant next day to visit the Spanish general in the palace of Caxamarca."

After visiting the Peruvian camp, which had the appearance of an immense city, from the prodigious mult.i.tude of tents and the vast numbers of men which it contained, Ferdinand Pizarro returned to his brother, to whom he gave a faithful account of every thing he had seen, and of the words of Atahualpa. The answer of that prince gave some considerable uneasiness to Pizarro, as having rather a menacing appearance, more especially considering that the army of the Peruvians outnumbered his own small force in the proportion of one or two hundred to one. Yet as the general and most of those who were with him were men of bold and determined resolution, they encouraged each other during the night to act like men of courage and honour, trusting to the a.s.sistance of G.o.d in the discharge of their duty.

They pa.s.sed the whole night under arms, keeping strict watch round their quarters, and in complete readiness for whatever might befal.