A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ix Part 19

on the prices of all goods exported by them from Mokha. On receiving information of this event, Sir Thomas Roe addressed a letter to the governor of Mokha, requesting that these privileges might be confirmed by the Grand Signior, and promising, on the part of the English, that all kinds of European goods should be regularly brought to Mokha, and that the English should defend that port against all enemies, and particularly against the Portuguese.

"This appears to have been the last transaction of Sir Thomas Roe in the East Indies. In his voyage home he touched at Saldanha bay [Table bay]

in May, 1619, where he met, and held a conference with the Dutch admiral Hoffman, who commanded the outward-bound fleet from Holland of that season. From this officer he learned that the respective governments in Europe, alarmed at the commercial jealousies and animosities between their subjects in the East Indies, had appointed commissioners to take that subject into consideration. It was therefore, with a becoming sense of duty, agreed between them that each should address a letter to the chiefs of their respective factories in India, recommending to them to abstain from any opposition or violence against each other, till each had received specific instructions from their superiors, or should be informed of the result of the conferences between the commissioners of the two nations in Europe."

--1. _Journey from Surat to the Court of the Mogul, and Entertainment there, with some Account of the Customs of the Country_.

I landed at Surat on the 26th September, 1615, and was received in an open tent by the chief officers of the town, well attended. On this occasion I was accompanied by the general, and princ.i.p.al merchants, Captain Harris being sent to make me a court of guard with an hundred shot, and the s.h.i.+ps, all dressed out to the best advantage, saluted me with their ordnance as I pa.s.sed. There was much controversy about searching my servants, but at length they pa.s.sed free to the city, where we had a house provided for us. We continued there to the 30th October, suffering much vexation from the governor, who forcibly caused search many of our chests and trunks, taking away what he thought fit.

The 30th October I departed from Surat, and that day travelled only four coss to _Sumaria_.[188] The 1st November I went eleven miles to a village. The 2d, to _Biarat_, twenty-one miles, where there is a castle, this town being on the borders of the kingdom of Guzerat, subject to the Mogul, and belonging to _Abraham Khan_. The 3d I entered the kingdom of _Pardaff shah_,[189] a pagan lord of the hills, who is subject to n.o.body; and at the end of fifteen miles we lodged in the fields, beside a city of note, called _Mugher_. The 4th we travelled nine miles by a rocky way, and lay in the fields, beside a village called Narampore. The 5th, fifteen miles, and lay in the fields. The 6th, twenty miles, to a city called _Nundabar_, in the kingdom of _Brampore_, [Burhanpoor] which is subject to the Mogul. At this place we first procured bread, after leaving Surat, as the Banians, who inhabit all the country through which we had travelled, make only cakes instead of bread. The country peculiarly abounds in cattle, as the Banians never kill any, neither do they sell any for being slaughtered. One day I met at least 10,000 bullocks loaded with grain, in one drove, and most other days I saw smaller parcels.

[Footnote 188: In this journal the names of places are exceedingly corrupted, and often unintelligible. Such as admitted of being corrected, from the excellent map of Hindoostan, by Arrowsmith, have their proper names placed within brackets.--E.]

[Footnote 189: In the miserable map of Hindoostan, accompanying this journal in the Pilgrims, this prince is called Partap-sha.--E.]

The 7th we went eighteen miles to _Ningull_. The 8th, fifteen to _Sinch.e.l.ly_, [Sindkera.] The 9th, other fifteen to _Tolmere_, [Talnere.]

And the 10th, eighteen to _Chapre_, [Choprah] where we pitched our tents without the town, and the king's officers guarded us all night with thirty horse and twenty shot, for fear of out being attacked by robbers from the mountains, as I refused to remove into the town. The 11th we travelled eighteen miles, eighteen on the 12th, and fifteen on the 13th, which brought us to _Brampore_, [Burhanpoor] which I guessed to be 223 miles east from Surat.[190] The country is miserable and barren, the towns and villages only built of mud. At _Bartharpore_,[191] a village two miles short of Burhanpoor, I saw some of the Mogul ordnance, most of which is too short, and too open in the bore. On coming to Burhanpoor, the _cutwall_ met me, well attended, having sixteen stand of colours carried before him, and conducted me to a _serai_ appointed for my lodging. He took leave of me at the gate, which had a handsome stone front; but, when in, I had four chambers allotted for me, no bigger than ovens, with vaulted roofs and bare brick walls, so that I chose to lodge in my tent. I sent word to the cutwall, threatening to leave the town, as I scorned such mean usage, but he desired me to be content till morning, as this was the best lodging in the city, which I afterwards found to be the case, as it consists entirely of mud cottages, excepting the houses inhabited by _Sultan Parvis_, the Mogul's second son, that of _Khan Khanan_, and a few others. Sultan Parvis here represents the king his father, living in great state and magnificence, but Khan Khanan, who is the greatest subject of the empire, is at the head of a large army, in which are 40,000 horse, and governs every thing, the prince only having the name and pomp allowed him.

[Footnote 190: The particulars of the journey in the text amount to 214 miles.--E.]

[Footnote 191: Perhaps Babaderpore, but it is twelve or fifteen miles short of Burhanpoor.--E.]

On the 18th, both to satisfy the prince who desired it, and whom I was not willing to displease, and to see the fas.h.i.+ons of the court, and because it was proposed to establish a factory here, where sword-blades were in great request for the army, and sold well, I went to visit the prince, to whom, I carried a present. I was conducted by the cutwall, and in the outer court of the palace I found about an hundred hors.e.m.e.n under arms, who formed a line on each side, being all gentlemen waiting to salute the prince on his coming forth. In the inner court the prince sat in a high gallery encircling the court, having a canopy over head, and a carpet spread before him, appearing in much, yet barbarous state.

Going towards him through a lane of people, an officer came and told me that I must touch the ground with my head, and with my hat off. I answered, that I came to do the prince honour by visiting him, and was not to be subjected to the custom of slaves. So I walked on till I came to a place railed in, just under where he sat, where there was an ascent of three steps; and having there made him a reverence, to which he answered by bending his body, I went within the rails, where stood all the great men then in the town, holding their hands before them like slaves. This place, as mentioned before, was covered over head by a rich canopy, and all the floor was spread with carpets. It resembled a large stage, and the prince sat on high, like a mock king in a theatre.

On entering, as I had no place a.s.signed me, I went right forwards, and stood before him at the bottom of the three steps, on which stood his secretary, readily to convey to him any thing that is said or given. I told him that I was amba.s.sador from the king of England to his father; and, while pa.s.sing his residence, I could not but in honour visit his highness. He answered that I was welcome, and asked me many questions about the king my master, to which I gave fit answers. While standing in that manner at the foot of the steps, I asked leave to come up and stand beside him; but he said, even if the king of Persia, or Grand Turk, were there, such a thing could not be allowed. To this I replied, that I must be excused for believing he would, in such a case, come down and meet them at his gate; and that I required no higher privilege than was allowed to the amba.s.sadors of these sovereigns, with whom I considered myself entirely equal. He declared I should have that privilege in all things. I then demanded to have a chair, to which it was answered, that no person was ever allowed to sit in that place, but I was desired to lean against a pillar covered over with silver, which supported the canopy. I then requested his favour for an English factory to be established at Burhanpoor, which readily granted, and gave immediate orders to the _Buksh_ to draw up a _firmaun_, license, for their coming and residence. I also requested an order for carriages for conveying the presents for the king his father, which he gave in charge to the cutwall to see provided. I then made him a present, which he took in good part.

After some other conference, he said, though I might not come up to where he then sat, he would go to another place, where I might come to him with less ceremony. But one part of the present I made him happened to be a case of cordials, of which he tasted so freely by the way, that, after waiting some time, I heard he had made himself drunk, and one of his officers came to me with an excuse, desiring me to go home then, and come some other time to see him. But that very night I was taken ill of a fever.

The 27th of November, though, still sick, I was carried, from Burhanpoor three coss to _Raypora_; the 28th, fifteen c. to _Burgome_, [Burgaw]; the 30th, seven c. December the 1st, ten c. to _Bicangome_; the 2d, seven c. the 3d, five c. the 4th, eleven c. to _Ekbarpoor_, which stands on a good river, [the Nerbudda] which runs into the sea near _Buroach_.

The 5th, I pa.s.sed the river _Nerbuddah_. The 6th, I travelled eight c.

and lay in a wood, not far from the king's famous castle of _Mandoa_, [Mundu] which stands on a steep hill, of great extent, the walls being fourteen c. in circuit, this castle being of wonderous extent and great beauty. The 7th, I proceeded ten c. the 8th, eight c. the 9th, ten c.

the 10th, twelve c. the 11th, sixteen c. the 12th, fourteen c. the 13th, six c. the 14th we halted to take rest. The 15th, six c. the 16th, six c. the 17th, twelve c. the 18th, five c. when we arrived at _Cytor_, where I was met by Mr Edwards accompanied by Thomas Coryat, who had travelled to India on foot.

_Cytor_, [Chitore] is an ancient town in ruins, situated on a hill, but shews the remains of wonderful magnificence. There are still standing above an hundred temples, all of carved stone, with many fair towers and domes, supported by many enriched pillars, and innumerable houses, but not a single inhabitant. The hill, or rock rather, is precipitous on all sides, having but one ascent cut out of the rock in a regular slope; in which ascent there are four several gates before reaching the gate of the city, which last is extremely magnificent. The top of the hill, about eight coss in circuit, is inclosed all round with walls, and at the S.W. end, is a goodly old castle. I lodged close by a poor village at the foot of the hill.

This city stands in the country of the _Rama_,[192] a prince newly subdued by the Mogul, or rather brought to submit to pay tribute and acknowledge subjection; and _Cytor_ was reduced by _Akbar Shah_, the father of _Shah Jehan-Guire_, the present king of the Moguls. This Hindoo raja is lineally descended from _Porus_, the valiant Indian sovereign who was conquered by Alexander the Great; so that I suppose this city to have been one of the ancient seats of Porus, though Delly, much farther north, is reported to have been the chiefest, a famous place, though now only in ruins. Near that stands a pillar erected by Alexander the Conqueror, with a Greek inscription. The present Mogul and his ancestors, descendants of Tamerlane, have reduced all the ancient cities to ruin, dispeopling them and forbidding their restoration; I know not wherefore, unless that they would have no monuments of greatness remain, beyond their own commencement, as if they and the world were co-equals in antiquity.

[Footnote 192: This is probably an error of the press in the Pilgrims for the _Ranna_.--E.]

The 19th I proceeded twelve c. on my journey; the 20th ten c. the 21st ten c. the 22d nine c. the 23d ten c. and arrived at _Ajimere_. The first six days journeys from Burhanpoor towards Ajimere were west, or northwest, to get round the hills; but after that northwards, so that these two places bear nearly N. by W. and S. by E. from each other: the whole distance being 209 cosses,[193] which I judge to be 418 English miles; the cosses here being longer than near the sea.[194] On my arrival at Ajimere I was so ill as to keep my bed; but on the 10th January, 1616, at four in the afternoon, I went to the _Durbar_, which is the place where the Mogul sits in public daily to entertain strangers, to receive pet.i.tions and presents, to issue commands, and to see and be seen. Before proceeding to give an account of my reception, it may be proper to digress a little, that I may give some account of the customs of the court.

[Footnote 193: The particulars in the text only amount to 200 cosses; but the extent of one day's journey is omitted, which may explain the difference.--E.]

[Footnote 194: The coss at Surat is repeatedly explained, in Purchas and Churchill, to be 1-1/2 English mile, while that of Hindoostan Proper is rated at two miles.--E.]

No men, except eunuchs, are permitted to come within the private lodgings or retiring rooms of the royal palace, within which his women keep guard with warlike weapons, and there likewise they execute justice upon each other for offences. Every morning, the Mogul comes to a window, called the _jarneo_,[195] which looks into the plain or open s.p.a.ce before the palace-gate, where he shews himself to the common people. At noon he returns to the same place, where he sits some hours, amusing himself with seeing fights of elephants and other wild beasts, the men of rank then at court attending below within a railed s.p.a.ce. He then retires to sleep within the female apartments. In the afternoon he comes to the before-mentioned Durbar. At eight in the evening, after supper, he comes down to a fair court, called the _guzalcan_, in the midst of which is a throne of freestone, on which he sits, yet sometimes below in a chair of state, at which time only men of high quality are admitted into the presence, and even of these only a few have that privilege, unless by special leave. He here discourses very affably on all subjects with those around him. No business is transacted with him, concerning affairs of state and government, or respecting war and peace, but at one or other of these two last-mentioned places, where, after being publicly propounded and resolved upon, it is registered by attendant secretaries, and any one, who has the curiosity, may see the register for two s.h.i.+llings; insomuch that the common people know as much of the affairs of state as the ministers and counsellors of the king, and every day the king's acts and resolutions are circulated as news, and are freely canva.s.sed and censured by every rascal. This course of proceeding is unchangeable, except when prevented by the sickness of the king, or in consequence of his getting drunk, which must always be known. Thus, though all his subjects are slaves, he lives in a state of reciprocal bondage, being so tied to the observance of these hours and customs, that if he were unseen one day, and no sufficient excuse given, the people would mutiny; and no excuse will sanction his absence for two days, unless the gates are opened, and he be seen by some for the satisfaction of the rest. Every Tuesday, he sits in judgement at the _jarneo_,[196] where he attends to the complaints of his meanest subjects, listening patiently to both parties; and where likewise he sometimes sees, with too much delight in blood, execution performed on offenders by his elephants. _Illi meruere, sed quid tu ut adesses_?

[Footnote 195: in subsequent pa.s.sages, this is called the Jarruco.--E.]

Before going to the durbar, I had required to be allowed the customs of my own country, which were freely granted. At the durbar, I was led directly before the king, at the entrance of an outer rail, where two n.o.ble slaves came to conduct me nearer. On entering the outer rail, I made a profound reverence, at my entry within an interior rail I made a second reverence, and a third when I came directly under where the king sat. The place in which the durbar is held is a great court, to which all sorts of people resort. The king sits in a small raised gallery; amba.s.sadors, great men belonging to the court, and strangers of quality, are within the innermost rail directly under him, that s.p.a.ce being raised from the ground, covered overhead with canopies of silk and velvet, and laid underfoot with good carpets. The meaner men, representing what we would call gentry, are within the outer rail; the common people being on the outside of all, in a base court, so that all may see the king. The whole of this disposition hath much resemblance to theatrical representation. The king sitting as in a gallery, the great men raised as actors on a stage, and the vulgar below in a pit gazing at the show. The king, on my presentation, interrupted the dull formality of my interpreter, bidding me welcome to the brother of the king my master. I then delivered a translation of the king's letter, and then my commission, on both of which he looked curiously; and afterwards on my presents, which were well received. He asked some questions; and, with a seeming regard for my health, offered to send me his own physicians, advising me to keep the house till I recovered strength, and that I should freely send to him in the meantime for any thing I needed, with a.s.surance that I should have whatever I desired. He dismissed me with more signs of grace and favour, if I were not flattered by the Christians, than ever were shewn to any amba.s.sador from the Turks or Persians or any other nation.

[Footnote 196: This place, formerly described as a window looking to the esplanade in front of the palace, called _jarneo_ in Purchas, is called _jarruco_ in Churchill.--E.]

On the 14th I sent to offer a visit to Sultan _Churrum_,[197] the third son of the Great Mogul, but first in favour. Hearing that he was an enemy to all Christians, I therefore feared some affront; yet he sent me word that I should be received with all due respect, and should have as much content as I had already from his father. This prince is lord of Surat, our chief residence in the empire, and his favour, therefore, was important for our affairs. I went accordingly to visit him on the 22d at nine in the morning, at which time he sits in public, in the same manner as his father, to dispatch his business, and to be seen of his followers. His character was represented to me as naturally proud, so that I was in some fear for my reception; but, on hearing of my arrival, instead of coming out to his public durbar, he sent one of his princ.i.p.al officers to conduct me into a good inner room, never before done to any one. The officer here entertained me with discourse concerning my mission for half an hour, till the prince was ready; who now came forth and used me better than his promise. I delivered him a present, but not in the name of his majesty, as it was too mean for that purpose; but excused the omission, by saying, That my sovereign could not know of his being lord of Surat, which had been so lately conferred upon him; but I had no doubt the king of England would afterwards send him one more suited to his high rank, the one now presented being only sent by the English merchants, who humbly commended themselves to his favour and protection. He received all in very good part. After stating some grievances and injuries suffered by the English at Surat, from his governors, and of which I had forborne to complain to the king from respect to him, he promised me speedy and effectual justice, and to confirm our security in any way I might propose. He professed to be entirely ignorant of any past transactions there, as stated by me, except as informed by Asaph Khan; and especially denied having given any order for our dismissal, which the governor had falsely alleged, and for which he should dearly pay. He then dismissed me, full of hopes to have our decayed state and reputation rectified, making me a promise of an effectual firmaun for our trade and secure residence at Surat.

[Footnote 197: In the Pilgrims, this prince is uniformly named Corone; but the name in the text has been adopted from the authority of Dow's History of Hindoostan. He succeeded to his father in 1627, when he a.s.sumed the name of Shah Jehan; and was, in 1659, dethroned and imprisoned, by his third son, the celebrated Aurungzebe, who a.s.sumed the name of Alumguire.--E.]

The 24th, I went again to the royal durbar to visit the king; who, on seeing me far off, beckoned with his hand, that I should not wait the ceremony of asking leave, but come up to him directly, and a.s.signed me a place near himself, above all other men, which I afterwards thought fit to maintain. On this occasion I gave a small present; as it is the custom for all who have any business to give something, and those who cannot get near enough to speak, send in or hold up their gift, which he always accepts, be it only a rupee, and demands to know their business.

He held the same course with me; for having looked curiously at my present, and asked many questions respecting it, he demanded to know what I wanted of him. I answered that I wanted justice. For, on the a.s.surance of his firmaun, which had been sent to England, the king my master had not only given leave to his subjects to make a long and dangerous voyage to his dominions with their goods, but had deputed me, as his amba.s.sador and representative, to congratulate and compliment his majesty on the amity so happily commenced between two so mighty nations, and to confirm the same. Yet I found that the English, who were settled at Ahmedabad, were injured and oppressed by the governor in their persons and goods, being fined, subjected to arbitrary exactions, and kept as prisoners; while at every town new customs were demanded for their goods on their pa.s.sage to the port, contrary to all justice, and in direct contravention of the formerly conceded articles of trade, as contained in his majesty's firmaun. To this he answered, that he was sorry to hear of such things, which should be immediately rectified; and he gave orders for two firmauns to be immediately extended according to my desire. By one of these, the governor of Ahmedabad was commanded to restore the money he had exacted from Mr Kerridge, and to use the English in future with all favour. By the other, all customs required on any pretence by the way were abolished, and all such as had been taken was ordered to be restored. Finally, he desired me, if these gave not speedy and effectual remedy, that I should renew my complaint against the disobeyer, who should be sent for to answer for his conduct; and so dismissed me.

The 1st of March, I rode out to see a pleasure-house belonging to the king, two miles from Agimere, which had been given him by Asaph Khan. It was situated between two vast rocks, by which it was so sheltered that scarcely could the sun be any where seen. The foundations and some rooms were hewn out of the solid rock, the rest being built of freestone.

Close adjoining was a handsome small garden, with fine fountains, with two great _tanks_ or ponds of water, one being thirty steps higher than the other. The way to this retreat is so narrow that only two persons could go abreast, and is almost inaccessible, being very steep and stony. It is a place of much melancholy, yet of great security and delight, abounding in peac.o.c.ks, turtle-doves, wild fowl, and monkies, which inhabit the rocks impending on every side around.

The 2d of March began the feast of _Norsose_ in the evening. This is the festival of the new year, the ceremonies of which begin on the first new moon after, which this year fell together. It is kept in imitation of the Persian feast of that cause, signifying in that language _nine days_, as anciently it continued only for that number; but these are now doubled. On this occasion, a throne is erected about four feet high in the _durbar court_; from the back of which, to the place where the king comes out from the inner apartments, a s.p.a.ce of fifty-six paces long by forty-three broad is railed in, and covered over by _semianes_, or canopies, of cloth of gold, velvet, and rich silk, all joined over head, and held up by canes covered with similar stuffs. At the upper or west end, were set out the pictures of the king of England, the queen, the Princess Elizabeth, the Countesses of Somerset and Salisbury, and of a citizen's wife of London. Below, there was a picture of Sir Thomas Smith, governor of the East India Company. The whole floor was laid with rich Persian carpets of large size, and into this place come all the great men to wait upon the king, except a few, who were within a smaller railed s.p.a.ce, right before the throne, appointed to receive his commands. Within this square there were set out many small houses, one of which was of silver, and other curiosities of value. On the left side, Sultan Churrum had a pavilion, the supporters of which were covered with silver, as were also some others of those near the king's throne. This was of wood and of a square form, inlaid with mother of pearl, resting on four pillars covered with cloth of gold; and overhead was a fringed drapery like a vallence of network, all of real pearls, whence hung down pomegranates, apples, and pears, and other fruits, all of gold, but hollow. Within that pavilion, the king sat on cus.h.i.+ons, very rich in pearls and other jewels. All round the court before the throne, the princ.i.p.al men had tents or pavilions, mostly lined with velvet, damask, and taffety, and some few with cloth of gold, in which they were stationed, making shew of their wealth. Anciently, the kings used to go to every tent, taking away whatever pleased him best: But now the custom is changed, as the king remains on his throne, and receives there such new-year's-gifts as are brought to him. He makes his appearance every day, and retires at the usual hours of the durbar; and in the interval all sorts of great gifts are made to him, which are very great and almost incredible, though not equal to report. At the close of this feast, in recompence for these gifts, the king advances some of his courtiers, making additions to their charges of horse, according to his pleasure.

On the 12th[198] I went to visit the king, and was brought immediately before him to deliver my present, which gave him much satisfaction. He then appointed me to come within the rail, that I might stand beside him; but not being allowed to step up on the raised platform on which the throne was placed, I could see little, as the railing was high, and covered with carpets. But I had permission to view the inner room at leisure, which, I must confess, was very rich; but consisted of so many articles, all unsuitable to each other, that it seemed patched work, rather than magnificent, as if it aimed to shew all; as if a lady, among her plate on a magnificent cupboard, should exhibit her embroidered slippers. This evening, the son of the Raima, the new tributary formerly mentioned, was brought before the king, with much ceremony, being sent by his father with a present. After kneeling three times, and knocking his forehead on the ground, he was brought within the inner rail, when the king embraced his head. His gift was an Indian tray or voider full of silver, upon which was a carved silver dish full of gold. He was then conducted to pay his respects to the prince. This evening, some elephants were shewn, and some music girls sang and danced.--_Sic transit gloria mundi_.

[Footnote 198: It may be proper to observe, that Churchill's edition gives the commencement of this festival on the 11th, and says Sir Thomas went to the durbar next day.--E.]

The 13th at night, I went again to wait upon the king at the _Guzalcan_, at which is the best opportunity for transacting business, and took with me my Italian interpreter, determined to walk no longer in darkness, but to prove the king, as I had hitherto been delayed and refused on all hands. I was sent for in, along with my old broker, but my Italian was kept out, because Asaph Khan mistrusted I might say more than he was willing should come to the king's ears. On coming to the king, he appointed me a place to stand just before him, and sent to ask me many questions respecting the king of England, and about the present I had made him the day before. To some of these I made answers; but I at length said, that my interpreter was kept out, and as I could not speak Portuguese, I wanted the means of satisfying his majesty. On this, though much against the wish or Asaph Khan, my Italian interpreter was called in. I then made him tell the king that I requested leave to speak to him, to which he answered, willingly. On this, the son-in-law of Asaph Khan pulled away my interpreter by force, and that faction so hemmed in the king, by gathering round him, that I could scarcely see his majesty, nor could my Italian approach. Upon this, I ordered the Italian to speak aloud, that I craved audience of the king; who immediately called me before him, and the others made way. Asaph Khan stood on one side of my interpreter, and I on the other: I to inform him what to say, and the other to awe him by winks and signs.

I desired him to say, that I had now been two months at court, one of which I had spent in sickness and the other in compliments, and had effected nothing of all on which I had been sent by the king my master; which was to conclude a firm and lasting treaty of peace and amity between the two sovereigns, and to establish a fair and secure trade and residence for my countrymen in his majesty's dominions. He answered that this was already granted. I replied, it was so; but that it still depended upon so slender a thread, and such weak conditions, as to be very uncertain in its continuance. That an affair of so high importance required an agreement dear and explicit in all points, and a more formal and authentic confirmation than it now had, by ordinary firmauns, which were merely temporary commands, and respected accordingly. He asked me what presents we would bring him? To which I answered, the league was yet new and weak; that many curiosities were to be found in our country, of rare value, which the king of England would send; and that our merchants would search for such things in all parts of the world, if they were made sure of a quiet trade and secure protection on honourable conditions, having been hitherto subjected to manifold wrongs. He asked me what kind of curiosities I meant, and whether these were jewels or precious stones? To this I answered, that we did not deem such things fit to be sent back from Europe to India, of which he was the princ.i.p.al sovereign, as they were common here in India, and of much higher price with us in Europe: But that we would endeavour to find such things for his majesty as were rare and uncommon in his dominions; such as excellent specimens of painting, carving, enamelling, figures in bra.s.s, copper, and stone, rich embroideries, stuffs of gold and silver, and the like.

The king said that these things were all very well, but that he wished to have an English horse. I answered, that this was utterly impossible by sea, and that the Turks would not allow of any being sent by land. In reply, he said he thought it not impossible by sea; and, when I represented the dangers from storms, he said if six were sent in one s.h.i.+p, one of them surely might live, and though it came lean, it might be here made fat. I then told him, I feared it could not be done by so long a voyage; yet, for his majesty's satisfaction, I should give due notice of his desire.

He then asked to know what were my demands? I answered, That his majesty would be pleased to sanction by his royal signature, certain reasonable conditions which I should propound, in confirmation of a league of peace and amity, and for the security of our nation in their residence and trade in his dominions; as they had hitherto been often wronged, and could not continue on their present terms, of which I forbore to make any specific complaint, because I hoped to procure amendment from his majesty. At these words, Asaph Khan offered to pull away my interpreter, but I held him fast, while Asaph Khan continued to make signs to him not to interpret my words. On this the king became suddenly very angry, pressing to know who had wronged us, and seemed in such fury, that I was unwilling to follow it out, and spoke in broken Spanish to my interpreter, desiring him to say, That I would not trouble his majesty with what was past, but would seek justice of the prince his son, whose favour I doubted not to obtain. Not attending to what my interpreter said, but hearing the name of his son, the king mistakingly conceived I accused him; and hastily saying _mio filio! mio filio_! he called for the prince, who came in great fear, humbling himself. Asaph Khan trembled, and all those present were amazed.

He chid the prince roundly, and he excused himself. But as I perceived the king's error, I made both the king and prince understand the mistake, by means of a Persian prince who offered himself as interpreter, as my Italian understood Turkish better than Persian. By this means I appeased the king, saying that I in no respect accused the prince, but wished to inform his majesty that I should appeal to the prince's justice, in regard to the past wrongs our nation had suffered in those places which were under his government. The king then commanded the prince, that he should give as effective justice. In his justification, the prince said that he had already offered me a firmaun, which I had refused. The king asked me the reason of this. To which I answered, that I humbly thanked the prince, but he knew that it contained a condition I could not accept; and besides, that I wished to propound our own demands, in which I would insert all the desires of the king my master at once, that I might not daily trouble his majesty and the prince with complaints. And, when the conditions on both sides were mutually agreed upon, I would reciprocally bind my sovereign, to mutual offices of friends.h.i.+p, and to such reasonable conditions for the benefit of his majesty's subjects as he might propose: All of which being drawn up in tripart.i.te, I hoped his majesty would graciously sign one, his son the prince another, and I would confirm the third in the name of my sovereign, in virtue of my commission.

The king pressed to know what was the condition in the prince's firmaun which I had refused, which I stated. So we fell into earnest dispute before the king, with some heat. Mukrob Khan interposed, saying he was advocate for the Portuguese, and spoke slightingly of us, alleging that the king ought to grant no articles to us that were unfavourable for them. I answered, that I did not propose any against them, but only in our own just defence, and that I had not conceived he was so great a friend to the Portuguese. On this the jesuit and all the Portuguese faction struck in, so that I explained myself fully concerning them; and as I offered a conditional peace, so I valued the friends.h.i.+p of the Portuguese at a very low rate, and their enmity at a still lower. After some time, having explained my demands, the king said my proposals were just and my resolution n.o.ble, and bade me clearly propound the conditions I desired. Asaph Khan, who had stood silent during all this debate, and who now wished to end it, as we were warm, now interposed, saying, If we talked all night, it could only come to this at last, that I should draw my demands in writing and present them; which, if found reasonable, would be granted by the king. The king said he certainly would do so; and at my request the prince engaged to do so likewise. The king then rose to go away, but on my request he turned round, and I desired my interpreter to say, That I came the day before to see his majesty and his greatness, and the ceremonies of the feast, on which occasion I was placed behind him, in an honourable place certainly, but where I could not see around; and therefore humbly requested his majesty would be pleased to let me stand on the platform beside his throne. In answer to this, he commanded Asaph Khan to let me choose my own place in future.

In the morning of the 14th, I sent a messenger to Asaph Khan, lest he or the prince might have misunderstood me, by reason of the king's mistake, and had supposed I had complained against either of them, which I did not, neither did I so intend; yet I was willing to let them see that I did not entirely depend upon Asaph Khan, by whom I had hitherto done my business with the king; but, if he should continue his manner of only delivering to the king what he himself pleased, and not what I said, I would find another way. My message was intended to clear up any such doubts, if they remained, and to entreat he would move the prince to favour my demands respecting our residence and trade at Surat. His answer was, that neither the prince nor he had any reason to suspect I intended to complain against them, the error being sufficiently obvious; and that, for his part, he had ever been disposed to favour the English, and would so continue.

The 15th I went again in the evening to see the ceremonies of the _Norose_; and according to the Mogul's order, I chose my place of standing on his right hand, and on the raised platform, the prince and the son of the Ranna standing on the other side. I here had a full view of every thing that was to be seen; viz. the presents, and the exhibition of the elephants, horses, and dancing girls.

The 23d, the Mogul condemned one of his own nation on suspicion of felony; but as he was one of the handsomest men in India, and the proof was not very clear against him, instead of condemning him to death, he sent him in irons to me as a slave, to be disposed of as I pleased. This was looked upon as a great favour, and I accordingly returned thanks; yet added, that we had no slaves in England, not thinking it lawful to make the image of G.o.d like unto a beast, but that I should employ him as a servant, and should restore him to liberty if he behaved well. The king was well pleased with this message.

I went to the _Guzalcan_ on the 26th, and it delivered in the articles which I had drawn up, which were referred to Asaph Khan for his consideration and report. Some time after, Asaph Khan sent a message, desiring me to remove from the place I occupied near the king, because I stood alone, which was not the custom. I refused at the first; but, as he still insisted I should rank myself among the n.o.bles, I removed to the other side, where the prince and young Ranna were. This still more displeased Asaph Khan, who persuaded the prince to complain of me to the king, which he did. On hearing their complaint and my answer, that I had changed my place by order of Asaph Khan, the Mogul said I had done well, and they were wrong to pretend to displace me. So I kept my place in quiet. The following is the substance of the articles delivered to the Great Mogul, which were delayed and opposed: But the conclusion respecting them will be seen hereafter.

_Proposed Articles of Treaty, between the Great Mogul and the King of Great Britain_.

1. There shall be perpetual peace and amity between the king of Great Britain and his majesty the emperor of India.--2. The subjects of England shall have free trade in all the ports of India.--3. The governors of all sea ports shall make public proclamation of this agreement three several times, upon the arrival of any English s.h.i.+ps.--4. The English merchants and their servants, shall not be liable to search, or to any ill usage.--5. No presents sent to the Mogul shall be opened.--6. The goods belonging to the English shall not be stopped more than twenty-four-hours at the custom-houses; where they shall only be sealed, and sent to the house or factory of the merchants, to be there opened and rated within six days afterwards.--7. No governor shall take any goods by force, nor unless upon payment at the owner's price; neither shall any be taken away under pretence of being for the king's service.--8. The English merchants shall not be hindered from selling their goods to whom they please, nor from sending them to other factories; neither shall they pay any more in this case than has been already paid at the port of entry.--9. Whatever goods the English may purchase in any part of the dominions of the Mogul, shall be allowed to be transmitted to the ports, without any hindrance or molestation, and shall pay no other duty than may be agreed upon at the port of s.h.i.+pping.--10. No goods already entered at a port shall be again opened, the English shewing a certificate of their numbers, qualities, and conditions, from the governor or other proper officers of the place where they were purchased.--11. No confiscation shall be made of the goods or money belonging to any of the English who may die in India.--12. No duties shall be demanded for provisions, purchased during the stay of English s.h.i.+ps at any of the ports.--13. The servants of the English merchants, whether English or natives, shall not be punished or beaten for doing their duty.--14. The Mogul shall cause any governor or officer to be punished for the breach of any of these articles.--15. The English s.h.i.+ps shall permit all others to pa.s.s and repa.s.s freely, to and from the ports in the dominions of the Mogul, except those of their enemies with whom they are at war: And the English, while ash.o.r.e, shall conduct themselves quietly and peaceably, as merchants.--16. The English shall yearly furnish the Mogul with all such European rarities, and other things, as he may desire, and at reasonable rates.--17. The English shall pay duty on their commodities, reasonably rated, at three and a half per cent. and two per cent. on rials of eight or money, and shall not be liable to any other duty or exaction whatsoever.--18. The English shall be ready to a.s.sist the Great Mogul against all his enemies. And, lastly, The Portuguese shall be admitted to come into this peace within six months; or, if they refuse, the English shall be at liberty to exercise all hostilities against them.

On the 31st of March, the Great Mogul dined at the house of Asaph Khan, all the way from the palace, which was an English mile, being laid under foot with silks and velvet sewed together, but rolled up as the king pa.s.sed. It was reported that this feast, and the present made on the occasion, cost six lacks of rupees, which amount to 60,000 sterling.[199]

[Footnote 199: According to Thevenot, a _lack_ contains 100,000 rupees, and a rupee is a French crown and five sols. At which rate, the _six lacks_ must amount at least to 150,000 sterling.--_Churchill_.

The editor of Churchill's Collection must here have been mistaken the French crowns alluded to by Thevenot. The rupees in India are various, and consequently differ in their value; but two s.h.i.+llings may be a.s.sumed as a fair average, in which case the computation in the text is quite correct.--E.]

I received intelligence on the 26th April, that the prince had made one of his servants ask the king at the durbar wherefore he gave so great countenance to the English as to banish the Portuguese from Surat, who brought much more profit to the king in rubies, pearls, and other jewels, while the English came there only in search of profit, by the sale of cloths, swords, knives, and other articles of small value? The king acknowledged that this was true, yet could not be mended. By this the affections of the prince were made sufficiently manifest, and I had fair warning to be on my guard, that I might study to preserve ourselves in the good graces of the king, in which only we could be safe. I resolved, however, to take no notice of this, except by endeavouring to give the prince a better opinion of our nation.