A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ix Part 12

The 26th September, 1613, we came to anchor right before the mouth of the river _Sinde_, or Indus, by the directions of a pilot we had from one of the boats we found fis.h.i.+ng at that place. We rode in very good ground, in a foot less five fathoms, the mouth of the river being E. by N. being in the lat.i.tude of 24 38' N.[116] That same day, the amba.s.sador sent two of his people, to confer with the governor about his coming ash.o.r.e, and procuring a pa.s.sage through that country into Persia.

The governor, whose name was _Arah Manewardus_, who was of _Diul_,[117]

was most willing to receive the amba.s.sador, and to shew him every kindness, both in regard to his entertainment there, and his pa.s.sage through his province or jurisdiction. To this intent, he sent a princ.i.p.al person aboard, attended by five or six more, to welcome his lords.h.i.+p with many compliments, a.s.suring him of kind entertainment.

Presently after there came boats from _Diul_ for his accommodation, in which he and all his people and goods went ash.o.r.e on the 29th September, all in as good health as when they embarked in our s.h.i.+p from England. At his departure we saluted him with eleven guns, and our captain entrusted him with a fine fowling-piece, having two locks, to present to the governor of Tatta, a great city, a day's journey from Diul,[118] both cities being in the dominions of the Great Mogul. We also now set ash.o.r.e our treacherous _balloche_ pilot, _Sim-sadin_, though he better merited to have been thrown into the sea, as he endeavoured twice to have cast us away; once by his own means, as formerly alluded to, and afterwards by giving devilish council to the pilot we hod from the fisher boat at this place.

[Footnote 116: The river Indus has many mouths, of which no less than _seventeen_ are laid down in Arrowsmith's excellent map of Hindoostan, extending between the lat.i.tudes of 24 45' and 23 15' both N. and between the longitudes of 67 12' and 69 12' both east. That mouth where the Expedition now came to anchor, was probably that called the _Pitty_ river, being the most north-western of the Delta, in lat 24 45'

N. and long. 67 12' E. from Greenwich; being the nearest on her way from Guadal, and that which most directly communicates with Tatta, the capital of the Delta of the Indus.--E.]

[Footnote 117: Such is the vague mode of expression in the Pilgrims; but it appears afterwards that he was governor of Diul, at which place Sir Robert s.h.i.+rley and his suite were landed. It singularly happens, that Diul is omitted in all the maps we have been able to consult; but from the context, it appears to have been near the mouth of the Pitty river, mentioned in the preceding note. It is afterwards said to have been fifteen miles up the river, in which case it may possibly be a place otherwise called _Larry Bunder_, about twenty miles up the Pitty, which is the port of Tatta.--E.]

[Footnote 118: Tatta is not less than seventy-five English miles from the mouth of the Pitty, and consequently sixty from Diul.--E.]

When the lord amba.s.sador left us, we requested he would send us word how he found the country disposed, and whether we might have trade there; and for this purpose, we gave his lords.h.i.+p a note in writing of what we chiefly desired, which was to the following purport: "That our coming to this port was purposely to land his lords.h.i.+p; yet, as we had brought with us certain commodities and money, we were willing to make sales of such and so much of those as might suit, if we could obtain licence and protection for quiet trade; and, with the governor's permission, would settle a factory at this place, to which, though now but slenderly provided, we would afterwards bring such kinds and quant.i.ties of goods us might be most suitable for sale. The commodities we now had, were elephants and morse teeth, fine fowling-pieces, lead and tin in bars, and some Spanish dollars. If we could not be permitted to trade, we requested leave to provide ourselves, with refreshments, and so to depart."

The 30th September, the amba.s.sador had an audience of the governor concerning all his business, to whom he shewed the _firmaun_ of the king of Persia, as also the pa.s.s of the king of Spain, thinking thereby to satisfy the jealousy of the Portuguese residents at that place, who reported, on pretended intelligence from Ornus, that Don Roberto s.h.i.+rley was come from England with three s.h.i.+ps to the Indies, on purpose to steal. They peremptorily refused to give credence to the Spanish pa.s.s, saying it was neither signed nor sealed by their king, in which they could not possibly be mistaken, knowing it so well, and therefore that it was a.s.suredly forged. On this, the amba.s.sador angrily said, that it was idle to shew them any king's hand-writing and seal, as they had no king, being merely a waste nation, forcibly reduced under subjection to the king of Spain, and mere slaves both to him and his natural subjects.

Yet the Portuguese boldly stood to their former allegations, insisting that the amba.s.sador had other two s.h.i.+ps in the Indies. Then _Arah Manewardus_ sharply reproved them for their unseemly contradictions of the Persian amba.s.sador, and ordered them out of the room.

The amba.s.sador then made a speech to the governor concerning our admittance to trade at his port, on which the governor expressed his readiness to do so, all inconveniences understood, and desired the amba.s.sador to send for one or two of our merchants, that he might confer with them on the subject. Upon this the amba.s.sador wrote to us on the 2d October, saying what he had done in our affairs, and sending us a.s.surance for our safe going and returning. Being thereby in good hope of establis.h.i.+ng trade at this place, if not a factory, and to make sale of the small quant.i.ty of goods we now had, Mr Joseph Salbank and I, by advice of the captain and others, made ourselves ready and went ash.o.r.e that same morning in one of the country boats. Our s.h.i.+p lay about four or five miles from the mouth of the river, from whence we had fifteen miles to travel to _Diul_, where the amba.s.sador was, so that it was late in the evening before we landed there.

In our way we met a Portuguese frigate or bark, bound for Ormus, on purpose to prevent any of their s.h.i.+ps coming till we were gone. This bark went close past our s.h.i.+p, taking a careful review of her, and so departed. As soon as we were landed, three or four Portuguese came up to us, asking if we had brought any goods ash.o.r.e, and such like questions; but we made them no reply, pretending not to understand their language, that we might the better understand them for our own advantage, if occasion served. There then came another Portuguese, who spoke Dutch very fluently, telling me many things respecting the country and people, tending to their ill conduct and character, thinking to dissuade us from endeavouring to have any trade there. Soon after, the officers of the customs came, and conducted us to the castle, but we could not have an audience of the governor that night, as it was already late. The officers, who were mostly banians, and spoke good Portuguese, searched every part about us for money, not even leaving our shoes unsearched; and perceiving that we were surprised at this, they prayed us to be content therewith, as it was the custom of the country. To this I replied, that though the Portuguese might give them cause for so bad a fas.h.i.+on, yet English merchants did not hide their money in their shoes like smugglers. Then the governor's servants came to us, and lighted us from the castle to the house in which the amba.s.sador lodged, where we were made heartily welcome, and were lodged all the time we staid in Diul, and at no expence to us. Seeing us landed, and hearing we came to treat with the governor for settling trade at that place, the Portuguese spread many slanderous and malignant lies against our king, country, and nation, reporting that we were thieves, and not merchants, and that we derived our chief subsistence by robbing other nations on the sea.

In the morning of the 3d October, the governor sent word to the amba.s.sador that he would see and converse with us in the afternoon. In the mean time, we had notice that the Portuguese were using every effort with him and others to prevent our being entertained, both by offering him gratifications if he would refuse us, and by threatening to leave the place if we were received, pretending that they would not remain where thieves were admitted. Yet the governor sent for us, commanding four great horses, richly caparisoned, to be sent to the amba.s.sador's house, for his lords.h.i.+p, Sir Thomas Powell, Mr Salbank, and me, and sent also a number of his servants to conduct us to the castle; all the amba.s.sador's servants went likewise along with him, each carrying a halbert. In this manner we rode through some part of the city, the people in all the streets flocking out to see us, having heard talk of Englishmen, but never having seen any before, as we were the first who had ever been in that part of the country.

On coming to the castle, we were received in a very orderly manner, and led through several s.p.a.cious rooms, where many soldiers were standing in ranks on each side, all cloathed from head to foot in white dresses. We were then conducted to a high turret, in which the governor and some others sat, who rose up at our entrance and saluted us, bidding us kindly welcome. We then all sat down round the room, on carpets spread on the floor, according to their fas.h.i.+on. The governor again bid us welcome, saying he was glad to see Englishmen in that country; but said, in regard to the trade we desired to have there, that the Portuguese would by no means consent to our having trade, and threatened to desert the place if we were received. Yet, if he could be a.s.sured of deriving greater benefit from our trade than he now had from that of the Portuguese, he should not care how soon they left him, as he thought well of our nation. In the mean time, however, as he farmed the customs of that port from the king, to whom he was bound to pay certain sums yearly for the same, whether they were actually received or not, he was under the necessity of being circ.u.mspect in conducting the business, lest he might incur the displeasure of the king, to his utter ruin. He then told us that the customs from the Portuguese trade, together with what arose from their letting out their s.h.i.+ps to hire to the Guzerats and Banians, amounted to a _lack_ of rupees yearly, which is 10,000 sterling.[119]

[Footnote 119: A rupee is two s.h.i.+llings, or somewhat more, and a _lack_ is 100,000.-_Purch._]

He then desired to know the kinds and quant.i.ties of the commodities we had brought, and what amount we had in money? To all which we gave him distinct answers, as nearly as we could remember; adding, that though we now brought but small store, we would engage to furnish his port at our next coming, which would be in about twenty-two months, with such commodities as were now brought by the Portuguese, and with such quant.i.ties of each kind as might be requisite to satisfy the demands of that port. He appeared to approve of this, and concluded by saying, as our present stock of commodities were so small, the Portuguese would only laugh at him and us if we were now admitted to trade, wherefore he wished us to defer all trade till our next coming; but that he was ready to give us a writing under his hand and seal to a.s.sure us of good entertainment at our next coming, provided we came fully prepared as we said, and on condition we should leave him a written engagement not to molest any of the s.h.i.+ps or goods of the king of the Moguls, or his subjects. We agreed to all this, and requested he would allow us to sell those goods we now had; but which he would by no means consent to, for fear of offending the Portuguese, as stated before.

We then desired that we might have leave to provide our s.h.i.+p with water, and other necessary refreshments, for our money, after which we should depart as soon as possible. To this he said, that as soon as we sent him the writing he desired, he would send us the one he had promised, and would give orders to his officers to see our wants supplied; but desired that the Portuguese might know nothing of all this. Seeing no remedy, we then desired to know what kinds of commodities he wished us to bring, and also what were the commodities his country could afford in return.

We were accordingly informed, that the commodities in request in Sinde were broad-cloths of various prices, and light gay colours, as stammels, reds, greens, sky-blues, indigo-blues, azures, &c. also elephants teeth, iron, steel, lead, tin, spices, and money. The commodities to be had there were, indigo of Lah.o.r.e, indigo of _Cherques_, calicoes of all sorts, pintadoes, or painted chintzes of all sorts, all kinds of Guzerat and Cambay commodities, with many kinds of drugs. We then took our leave, and returned to the amba.s.sador's house, whence I sent him a letter, according to his desire, signed by Mr Salbanke and me, on which he sent us another, in the Persian language, which is written backwards, much like the Hebrew, and which was interpreted to us by the amba.s.sador, in English, as follows:

"WHEREAS there has arrived at this port of Diul, an English s.h.i.+p called the Expedition, of which is captain, Christopher Newport, and merchants, Joseph Salbank and Walter Peyton, and has landed here Don Robert s.h.i.+rley, amba.s.sador of the king of Persia, who has desired us to grant them trade at this port under my government, which I willingly would have granted, but not having brought merchandize in sufficient quant.i.ty to begin trade, and the Portuguese, from whom I reap benefit, refusing their consent, threatening to go away if I receive the English nation, by which I should be left dest.i.tute of all trade, whence arises those sums I have yearly to pay to the king, and in default whereof I should incur his majesty's displeasure, to my utter ruin. Yet, from the love I bear to the king of Persia, by whose amba.s.sador I am solicited, and from affection for the English, together with the faithful performance of the writing left with me under their hands and seals by the two merchants before named, I hereby promise the English nation, under my hand and seal, if they will come like themselves, so fitted that I may derive more advantage from them than from the Portuguese, that I will infallibly grant them trade here, with such reasonable privileges as we may agree upon."

_Given at Diul, this 3d of October_, 1613.

ARAH MANEWARUS.

Having received this writing on the 4th October, together with orders from the governor to his officers for our being furnished with water and refreshments, we made haste to return to our s.h.i.+ps. A little before we went away, the amba.s.sador fell into discourse with us about procuring a _firmaun_ from the Great Mogul, for which purpose he wished Mr Salbank to accompany him to Agra, the princ.i.p.al residence of that sovereign, affirming that he would procure that grant of trade for us in a short time, for which he alleged there was now a favourable opportunity, both because he had other business to transact at the court of the Mogul, and in consequence of the willingness of _Manewardus_ to admit us to trade at his port. He alleged likewise that we might never have so favourable an opportunity, and a.s.sured us that he would therein shew himself a true-hearted Englishman, whatever the company of merchants might think of him; and that Mr Salbank should be an evidence of his earnest endeavours to serve the merchants in procuring this _firmaun_, not only for Diul, but for other parts of the Mogul dominions, and should also carry the grant with him over-land to England. All this seemed reasonable, and as Mr Salbank had been before in these parts, he was very willing to go, provided it met with the approbation of the captain and me, and the other gentlemen in the s.h.i.+p; for which purpose the amba.s.sador wrote a letter to our captain, to urge his consent, which we carried with us.

We left Diul that same day about four in the afternoon, and on going to the river side to take boat, many of the natives flocked about to look at us. We were likewise joined by about a dozen Portuguese, who began to talk with us in Dutch, as before, asking many frivolous questions. I now answered them in their own language, on purpose that the Banians, who were present, might understand what I said; telling them that they were a shameless and lying people to spread so many slanderous and false reports of our nation, while they knew their own to be much inferior to ours in many respects, and that their scandalous conduct proceeded merely from malignant policy to prevent us from partic.i.p.ating with them in the trade of India. To this I added, that if they did not restrain themselves within due peaceful bounds, amending their behaviour both in words and actions, they should be all driven out of India, and a more honest and loyal nation subst.i.tuted in their place. Then one of the princ.i.p.al men among them stepped forwards, and made answer, that they had already too many enemies, and had no need of more; but that they had substantial reasons for speaking of us as they had done, as not long since one of their s.h.i.+ps had been taken near Surat, and, as they supposed, by an English s.h.i.+p. To which I answered, that this was more like to have been done by the Hollanders. They then became more civil, and finally wished that we might trade in all parts of India with them, and they with us, like friends and neighbours, and that our kings might enter into some agreement to that effect. They then kindly took leave of us, and we departed.

We got back to our s.h.i.+p on the 6th, when it was agreed that Mr Salbank should accompany the amba.s.sador to Agra, as proposed. For which purpose he got himself in readiness, meaning to have gone ash.o.r.e next day. In the mean time, the captain, the purser, and his man, went on sh.o.r.e to buy fresh victuals and necessaries to take with us to sea; but, on coming to the city, they were presently ordered away by the governor, and an express order issued by proclamation, that none of the natives should hereafter bring any of the English ash.o.r.e, on pain of death. We were much astonished at this sudden alteration of affairs, for which we could not divine any cause: but, on the 9th, finding we could get nothing done here, nor any farther intercourse, we set sail, directing our course for Sumatra. All the time we were here in Sinde, we had not the smallest intimation of trade having been settled at Surat, for if we had, we might have taken a different course.

We came to anchor in the road of Priaman on the 20th November, going in between the two northermost little islands, and anch.o.r.ed close by the northermost of these, in five fathoms. We immediately began to bargain for pepper, the price of which we beat down from twenty-two dollars, as first asked, to seventeen dollars the bahar, at which price we got two bahars, which were brought to us on board: but the governor would not allow us, although we made him a present of a musket, to hire a house, or to buy pepper ash.o.r.e, unless we would consent to bestow presents on some twenty of the officers and merchants of the place. On the 22d, we received a letter from Captain Christen, of the Hosiander, then at Tecoo, earnestly advising us to come there immediately, as we could not fail to get as much pepper as we wished at that place, and in a short time; and, as we were not acquainted with the place, Captain Chrisen sent Richard Hall, one of his master's mates, to pilot us through among the dangerous shoals that lay about the roads of Tecoo. Accordingly we went to that place, and anch.o.r.ed in four fathoms, Richard Hall returning on board the Hosiander, where he died that same night, being ill of the flux.

Before our arrival, the natives had offered their pepper to Captain Christen at twelve and thirteen dollars the bahar, taking payment in Surat commodities; but they now demanded twenty-two dollars in ready money, refusing to barter with them any longer for goods. They also demanded at this place as many presents as had been required at Priaman; beside which, they insisted upon having seventy-two dollars for anchorage duty. Being now in a worse situation than before, and having no time to waste in delays, we determined to come to short terms with them; wherefore we told them roundly, that we would on no account submit to their unreasonable demands, even though we might not get a single _cattee_ of pepper. For this purpose I drew out a letter from our captain, which he signed and sealed, addressed to the head governor, stating that he had not used our nation so well as we had reason to expect, both in unreasonable demands of presents, which were not usually given upon compulsion, but rather from good-will, or in reward of good behaviour, and likewise by their improper delay in implementing their promises, so very unlike mercantile dealings; since our s.h.i.+ps have at various times remained at their port for three, four, and even five months, depending on their promises of having full lading, which might as well have been accomplished in one month, in so far as respected the small quant.i.ty of pepper they had to dispose of. This letter was translated by the interpreter in the Hosiander, an Indian, named Johen, who perfectly understood their language.

The governor, in consequence of this remonstrance, gave orders that we might purchase pepper from any one who was inclined to sell; but sent us a message, wis.h.i.+ng that one of us might come on sh.o.r.e, that the pepper might be there weighed. But still doubting that they meant to teaze us with delay, we sent back word that we could not remain so long as it would require for weighing the pepper ash.o.r.e, and therefore if they would bring it to us on board, we would pay them eighteen dollars a bahar for their pepper, together with two dollars as custom to the governor, making exactly twenty dollars. As they still put off time, we set sail, as if meaning to have gone away, on which the governor sent another messenger, who spoke Portuguese tolerably, entreating us to come again to anchor, and we should have as much pepper as we could take in.

We did so accordingly, and they brought pepper off to us in proas as fast as we could conveniently weigh it, and continued to do so till we had got about 200 bahars. They then began to grow slack in their proceedings, on which, fearing to lose the monsoon by spending too much time at this place, we weighed and proceeded for Bantam.

We left Tecoo on the 8th December, three of our men remaining in the Hosiander, which needed their a.s.sistance, and proceeded towards Bantam, mostly keeping in sight of Sumatra. At our entrance into the straits of Sunda, on the 16th of that month, we met the Dragon on her homeward voyage, by which s.h.i.+p we sent letters to England. Next day, the 17th, we anch.o.r.ed in Bantam roads, and went immediately ash.o.r.e to provide our lodging, and by the 29th our whole cargo was completed.

We set sail from Bantam on the 2d January, 1614, for England, not having hitherto lost a single man by sickness during our whole voyage, for which we were thankful to G.o.d. This same day, as we were going out by way of Pulo Panian, we met General Saris in the Clove, then returning from j.a.pan; and we came to anchor, that we might have his letters for England, together with four chests. We likewise spared him two of our hands, of which he was in great need; one being a youth, named Mortimer Prittie, and the other a carpenter's mate, named Thomas Valens, as he had not a single carpenter alive in his s.h.i.+p.

Having settled all these matters with the Clove, we resumed our voyage for England on the 4th January, and came to anchor in Saldanha bay on the 21st March, where we got a sufficient supply of beeves and sheep from the natives, with abundance of fish, caught in our own seine. We left that place on the 9th April, with prosperous winds, which continued favourable till we were three degrees north of the equator, which we crossed the 11th May. When in lat. 00 22' N. many of our men began to fall sick, some of them of the scurvy, and with swelled legs. On the 10th July, 1614, by the blessing of G.o.d, we came to anchor in the Downs.

CHAPTER XI.

CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY TO INDIA.

INTRODUCTION.

In the immediately preceding chapter, we have given a series of the first twelve voyages fitted out by the English East India Company, in the prosecution of their exclusive trade to India, as preserved by Samuel Purchas; and we now mean, chiefly from the same source, to continue the series for a few years longer. At the close of the last voyage of the foregoing chapter, Purchas informs us, that "The order of reckoning must be now altered, because the voyages of the company were for the future set forth by means of a _joint stock_, instead of by particular s.h.i.+ps, each upon a separate subscription, having separate stocks and factories; the whole proceedings being, in the sequel, at the general risk of, and accountable to the entire society or company of adventurers." He farther adds, "That the whole of these joint-stock voyages had not come into his hands; but that such as he had been able to procure, and were meet for publication, he had inserted in his Collection."

The learned historiographer of the East India Company[120] gives rather a different account of the former series of separate or unconnected voyages, than that which we have taken from Purchas, terming the last voyage in our former chapter only the _ninth_, while Purchas denominates it the _twelfth_.

[Footnote 120: Ann. of the Hon. E.I. Co, I. 162.]

This difference, which is not at all material, may have arisen from Purchas having considered some of the s.h.i.+ps belonging to _single_ adventurers or subscriptions, which made separate voyages or parts of voyages, as _separate_ adventures. We come now to a new era in the mode of conducting the English exclusive trade to India, of the motives for which the Annals give the following account.[121]

[Footnote 121: Id. I. 165.]

"The inconveniences which had been experienced from separate cla.s.ses of adventurers, partners in the East India Company, fitting out equipments on their own particular portions of stock, induced the directors, or committees, to resolve, in 1612, that, in future, the trade should be carried on by a joint stock only; and, on the basis of this resolution, the sum of 429,000 was subscribed: and, though portions of this joint stock were applied to the equipment of four voyages, the general instructions to the commanders were given in the name, and by the authority, of the governor, deputy-governor, and committees of the company of merchants in London trading to the East Indies, who explained that the whole was a joint concern, and that the commanders were to be responsible to the company for their conduct, both in the sale and purchase of commodities in the East Indies, and for their general conduct, in extending the commerce, within the limits of the company.

The transition, therefore, from trading on _separate adventures_, which has been described as an imitation of the Dutch, to trading on a _joint stock_, arose out of the good sense of the English nation, which, from experience, had discovered the evil consequences of internal opposition, and had determined to proceed on a system better calculated to promote the general interest of the East India Company.

"Notwithstanding this resolution, the proportions of this aggregate sum were applied to what has been termed the _tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages, in the following manner: In 1613, the _tenth_ voyage was undertaken, the stock of which was estimated at 18,810 in money, and 12,446 in goods, the fleet consisting of _eight_ vessels. In 1614, the stock for the _eleventh_ voyage was 13,942 in money, and 23,000 in goods, the fleet being _eight s.h.i.+ps_. In 1615, the stock for the _twelfth_ voyage was 26,660 in money, and 26,065 in goods, with _six s.h.i.+ps_. In 1616, the stock for the _thirteenth_ voyage was 52,087 in money, and 16,506 in goods, the fleet containing _seven s.h.i.+ps_. The purchase, repair, and equipment of vessels during these four voyages amounted to 272,544, which, with the specified stock and cargoes, accounts for the disburs.e.m.e.nt of the 429,000, the sum subscribed on the joint stock in 1613.[122]

[Footnote 122: The enumerated particulars amount to 462,060, and exceed the subscribed joint stock by 33,060.--E.]

"The profits on this joint stock are stated to have amounted, on the first two voyages, to 120 per cent. on the original subscription; but they were subsequently much diminished, by the difficulties which the English trade to the East Indies began to experience, from the opposition of the Dutch in the Spice Islands; so that, at the conclusion of this first joint stock, in 1617, the average profits of the four voyages did not exceed 87:10s. per. cent on the original subscription, notwithstanding the cargo of one of the vessels (the New-year's Gift) cost only 40,000 rials of eight, and the sale produce, in England, amounted to 80,000 sterling."

It is not the purpose of this Collection to enlarge on the history of the East India Company, any farther than by giving relations of its early voyages, so far as these have come down to us in the Pilgrims of Purchas, their only published record; and we now therefore proceed with such of these voyages as are contained in that curious collection, and seem to be worth including in this work.--E.

SECTION I.

_Voyage of Captain Nicholas Downton to India, in 1614._[122]

The s.h.i.+ps employed on this voyage, the _second_ set forth by the _joint_ stock of the East India Company, were the New-year's Gift admiral, of 650 tons, on board of which Captain Downton sailed as general or chief commander; the Hector of 500 tons, vice-admiral; the Merchant's Hope, of 300 tons; and the Salomon of 200 tons. We have thus only_ four_ s.h.i.+ps enumerated by Purchas, as employed in the _second_ voyage of the new joint stock, instead at _eight_ mentioned in the _Annals_, as before stated in the introduction to the present chapter. In this voyage, Mr William Edwards was lieutenant, or next in command under Captain Downton, being likewise Cape merchant, and commander of the Hector. Mr Nicholas Easworth was Cape merchant, and commander of the Merchant's Hope. Mr Thomas Elkington, Cape merchant, and commander of the Salomon.

Mr Peter Rogers minister; Martin Pring. Arthur Spaight, Matthew Molineux, and Hugh Bennet, masters of the four s.h.i.+ps, a.s.sisted by sundry mates,--Purch.

[Footnote 122: Purch. Pilg. I. 500.--Extracted from the journal of Captain Downton]