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[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S REPLY]
_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _le 27 Avril 1855_.
SIRE ET MON CHER FReRE,--Votre Majeste vient de m'ecrire une bien bonne et affectueuse lettre que j'ai recue hier et qui m'a vivement touchee. Vous dites, Sire, que vos pensees sont encore aupres de nous; je puis Vous a.s.surer que c'est bien reciproque de notre part et que nous ne cessons de repa.s.ser en revue et de parler de ces beaux jours que nous avons eu le bonheur de pa.s.ser avec Vous et l'Imperatrice et qui se sont malheureus.e.m.e.nt ecoules si vite. Nous sommes profondement touches de la maniere dont votre Majeste parle de nous et de notre famille, et je me plais a voir dans les sentiments que vous nous temoignez un gage precieux de plus pour la continuation de ces relations si heureus.e.m.e.nt et si fermement etablies entre nos deux pays.
Permettez que j'ajoute encore, Sire, combien de prix j'attache a l'entiere franchise avec laquelle Vous ne manquez d'agir envers nous en toute occasion et a laquelle Vous nous trouverez toujours prets a repondre, bien convaincus que c'est le moyen le plus sur pour eloigner tout sujet de complication et de mesentendu entre nos deux Gouvernements vis-a-vis des graves difficultes que nous avons a surmonter ensemble.
Depuis le depart de votre Majeste les complications diplomatiques ont augmente bien peniblement et la position est a.s.surement devenue bien difficile mais le Ciel n'abandonnera pas ceux qui n'ont d'autre but que le bien du genre humain.
J'avoue que la nouvelle de la possibilite de l'abandon de votre voyage en Crimee m'a bien tranquillisee parce qu'il y avait bien des causes d'alarmes en vous voyant partir si loin et expose a tant de dangers.
Mais bien que l'absence de votre Majeste en Crimee soit toujours une grande perte pour les operations vigoureuses dont nous sommes convenus, j'espere que leur execution n'en sera pas moins vivement poussee par nos deux Gouvernements.
Le Prince me charge de vous offrir ses plus affectueux hommages et nos enfants qui sont bien flattes de votre gracieux souvenir, et qui parlent beaucoup de votre visite, se mettent a vos pieds.
Avec tous les sentiments de sincere amitie et de haute estime, je me dis, Sire et cher Frere, de V.M.I. la bien bonne S[oe]ur,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: RUSSIA AND THE BLACK SEA]
[Pageheading: AUSTRIAN PROPOSALS]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._[55]
PICCADILLY, _26th April 1855_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that the Members of the Cabinet who met yesterday evening at the Chancellor's were of opinion that the Austrian proposal adopted by M. Drouyn de Lhuys, even with his pretended modification, could not be described more accurately than in the concise terms of H.R.H.
the Prince Albert, namely, that instead of making to cease the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea, it would perpetuate and legalise that preponderance, and that instead of establis.h.i.+ng a secure and permanent Peace, it would only establish a prospective case for war. Such a proposal therefore your Majesty's Advisers could not recommend your Majesty to adopt; but as the step to be taken seems rather to be to make such a proposal to Austria than to answer such a proposal which Austria has not formally made, and as M. Drouyn's telegraphic despatch stated that he thought that Lord John Russell would recommend such an arrangement to his colleagues, the Cabinet were of opinion that the best course would be simply to take no step at all until Lord John Russell's return, which may be expected to-morrow or next day, especially as Lord Clarendon had already, by telegraphic message of yesterday, intimated to the French Government that such an arrangement as that proposed by M. Drouyn, and which would sanction a Russian Fleet in the Black Sea to any amount short by one s.h.i.+p of the number existing in 1853, could not be agreed to by the British Government. Such an arrangement would, in the opinion of Viscount Palmerston, be alike dangerous and dishonourable; and as to the accompanying alliance with Austria for the future defence of Turkey and for making war with Russia, if she were to raise her Black Sea Fleet up to the amount of 1853, what reason is there to believe that Austria, who shrinks from war with Russia now that the Army of Russia has been much reduced by the losses of the last twelve months--now that her Forces are divided and occupied elsewhere than on the Austrian frontier, and now that England and France are actually in the field with great Armies, supported by great Fleets, what reason is there to believe that this same Austria would be more ready to make war four or five years hence, when the Army of Russia shall have repaired its losses and shall be more concentrated to attack Austria, when the Austrian Army shall have been reduced to its Peace Establishment, and when the Peace Establishments of England and France, withdrawn within their home stations, shall be less ready to co-operate with Austria in war? What reason, moreover, is there for supposing that Austria, who has recently declared that though prepared for war she will not make war for ten sail of the Line more or less in the Russian Black Sea Fleet, will some few years hence, when unprepared for war, draw the sword on account of the addition of one s.h.i.+p of war to the Russian Fleet in the Black Sea?
Such proposals are really a mockery.
[Footnote 55: It had long become evident that Russia would refuse a.s.sent to the Third Point, terminating her preponderance in the Black Sea, but Austria now came forward with a proposal to limit the Russian force there to the number of s.h.i.+ps authorised before the war. This was rejected by Russia, whereupon the representatives of England and France withdrew from the negotiations. Count Buol, representing Austria, then came forward again with a scheme the salient features of which were that, if Russia increased her Black Sea fleet beyond its existing strength, Turkey might maintain a force equal to it, and England and France might each have a naval force in the Black Sea equal to half the Russian force, while the increase of the Russian fleet beyond its strength in 1853 would be regarded by Austria as a _casus belli_. These terms were satisfactory neither to the British Government nor to the French Emperor, so that it was learned with some surprise that Lord John Russell and M. Drouyn de Lhuys (the French Plenipotentiary) had approved of them. Upon the Emperor definitely rejecting the proposals, M. Drouyn de Lhuys resigned; he was succeeded as Foreign Minister by Count Walewski, M. de Persigny becoming Amba.s.sador in London.
Lord John Russell tendered his resignation, but, at Lord Palmerston's solicitation, and most unfortunately for himself, he withdrew it.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _28th April 1855_.
The Queen returns these very important letters. She thinks that it will be of great use to ask the Emperor to send M. Drouyn de Lhuys over here after having discussed the plans of peace with him, in order that he should hear our arguments also, and give us his reasons for thinking the terms acceptable. The influence of distance and difference of locality upon the resolves of men has often appeared to the Queen quite marvellous.
[Pageheading: THE IMPERIAL VISIT]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st May 1855_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--On this day, the fifth birthday of our darling little Arthur--the anniversary of the opening of the Great Exhibition--the _once_ great day at Paris, viz. the poor King's name-day--and also the birthday of the dear old Duke--I write to thank you for your kind and affectionate letter of the 27th. The _attentat_[56] on the Emperor will have shocked you, as it did us; it shocked me _the more_ as we had _watched over_ him with such anxiety while he was with us.
It has produced an immense sensation in France, we hear, and many of _his_ political _enemies_, he says, cheered him loudly as he returned to the Tuileries. As you say, he is _very personal_, and _therefore_ kindness _shown_ him _personally_ will make a _lasting_ effect on his mind, peculiarly susceptible to _kindness_. Another feature in his character is that _il ne fait pas de phrases_--and _what_ is said is the result of deep reflection. I therefore send you (in _strict confidence_) a copy of the really very kind letter he wrote me, and which I am sure is _quite sincere_. He felt the simple and kind treatment of him and her _more_ than _all_ the outward homage and display.
Please kindly to return it when you have done with it.
I am sure you would be charmed with the Empress; it is not such great beauty, but such grace, elegance, sweetness, and _nature_. Her manners are charming; the _profile_ and figure beautiful and particularly _distingues_.
You will be pleased (as I was) at the abandonment of the journey to the Crimea, though I think, as regarded the Campaign, it would have been a good thing....
Lord John is returned. I can't say more to-day, but remain, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
We have a Childs' _Ball_ to-night.
[Footnote 56: An Italian, Giacomo Pianori, fired twice at the Emperor, while he was riding in the Champs Elysees, on the 29th of April; the Emperor was uninjured.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S IMPRESSIONS]
[Pageheading: LOUIS PHILIPPE AND NAPOLEON III]
[Pageheading: ISOLATION OF THE EMPEROR]
[Pageheading: THE FRENCH ALLIANCE]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd May 1855_.
The recent visit of the Emperor Napoleon III. to this country is a most curious page of history, and gives rise to many reflections. A remarkable combination of circ.u.mstances has brought about the very intimate alliance which now unites England and France, for so many centuries the bitterest enemies and rivals, and this, under the reign of the present Emperor, the nephew of our greatest foe, and bearing his name, and brought about by the policy of the late Emperor of Russia, who considered himself as the head of the European Alliance against France!