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Lord John Russell had some time ago the honour of stating to your Majesty that the return of Mr Fox Maule for Perths.h.i.+re, and of Mr Hume for Middles.e.x, were hardly to be expected. In this as in many other instances the superior organisation of the Tory party have enabled them to gain the appearance of a change of opinion, which has not in fact taken place.
Lord John Russell is sorry to add that bribery, intimidation, and drunkenness have been very prevalent at the late elections, and that in many cases the disposition to riot has only been checked by the appearance of the Military, who have in all cases conducted themselves with great temper and judgment.
[Footnote 67: While the extreme Radicals were in several cases defeated, the number of O'Connell's followers was decidedly increased. The general balance of parties was not much affected, though the complaint made by Mr Roebuck, the Radical Member for Bath, in the last days of William IV.'s reign, that there was no Government, and that the machinery of legislation was at a dead stop, was no longer warranted.]
[Pageheading: LEAVING WINDSOR]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
ENDSLEIGH, _21st August 1837._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to submit to your Majesty a letter from the Earl of Coventry requesting an Audience.
It is usual for the Sovereign to receive any Peer who may be desirous of an Audience, without any other person being present. But if the Peer who is thus admitted to the honour of an Audience should enter upon political topics, it has been the custom for your Majesty's predecessors merely to hear what is offered, and not to give any opinion, or to enter into any discussion or conversation upon such topics.
Should your Majesty be pleased to grant Lord Coventry's request of an Audience, perhaps the most convenient course will be that the Lord-in-Waiting should signify to him, direct from Windsor, your Majesty's pleasure.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._[68]
WINDSOR CASTLE, _19th September 1837._ (_20 m(inutes) p(ast) 11._)
MY DEAREST, MOST BELOVED UNCLE,--One line to express to you, _imperfectly_, my thanks for all your _very_ great kindness to me, and _my great_, _great_ grief at your departure! G.o.d knows _how sad_, _how forlorn_, I feel! _How_ I _shall_ miss you, my dearest, dear Uncle!
_every, every where_! _How_ I shall miss your conversation! _How_ I shall miss your _protection_ out riding! Oh! I feel _very_, _very_ sad, and cannot speak of you both without crying!
Farewell, my beloved Uncle and _father!_ may Heaven bless and protect you; and do not forget your most affectionate, devoted, and attached Niece and _Child_,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 68: Written on the conclusion of a visit of the King of the Belgians to England.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians_.
WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd October 1837._
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--... I am quite sad to leave this fine place, where, if it had not been for the meeting of Parliament _so_ early this year, I would have remained till November. I have pa.s.sed _such_ a pleasant time here, the _pleasantest summer_ I have _ever_ pa.s.sed in my life; I have had the _great_ happiness of having you and my beloved Aunt here, I have had pleasant people staying with me, and I have had delicious rides which have done me more good than anything. It will be such a break-up of our little circle! Besides my own people, Lord Melbourne and Lord Palmerston are the only people who have been _staying_ here, and this little party was very social and agreeable. The Princess Augusta of Saxony[69] has been here for two nights; she is neither young nor handsome, but a very kind good person.
The news from Portugal are bad which I got this morning. The Civil War is _ended_, and the _Chartists_ have been _completely defeated_; this is sad enough, but I was fearful of it: a counter-revolution _never_ does well.[70]
_En revanche_, the news from Spain are by far better....
Believe me always, in haste, your devoted and affectionate Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 69: Daughter of King Frederick Augustus of Saxony.]
[Footnote 70: On July 1st a new Ministry had come into power in Portugal. The finances of the country were in great confusion, a military insurrection broke out in the North at Braga, the Ministry resigned, and a new Ministry came into office in August. On the 18th August, the Duke of Terceira, followed by many persons of distinction, joined the insurgents, and, establis.h.i.+ng himself at Mafra, advanced upon Lisbon with the Chartist troops, issuing a proclamation of provisional regency. A Convention was eventually signed, and the Cortes proceeded to discuss measures of Const.i.tutional Reform.]
[Pageheading: RECEPTION AT BRIGHTON]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
_6th October 1837._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in acknowledging your Majesty's gracious communication, of yesterday returns his thanks for the very lively account which your Majesty has given of the journey and the entrance into Brighton. Lord Melbourne entirely partakes in the wish your Majesty has been graciously pleased to express that he had been there to witness the scene; but your Majesty will at once perceive that it was better that he was not, as in that case Lord Melbourne would have been accused of an attempt to take a political advantage of the general enthusiasm and to mix himself and the Government with your Majesty's personal popularity.
Lord Melbourne fears that for some time your Majesty will find yourself somewhat incommoded by the desire, which naturally prevails amongst all ranks and cla.s.ses, to obtain an opportunity of seeing your Majesty....
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _9th October 1837._
... I have also told Stockmar to try to settle something for _regular_ safe communication; in quiet times like the present, one a week would be sufficient. You know now that all letters are read, and that should not be _always_ the case with ours. There is, however, one thing about which I think it right to warn you. This way of reading people's letters is often taken advantage of by the writers of them, who are _not so ignorant of the thing as is imagined_ to write the very subject which they wish to convey to the ears of persons without compromising themselves. I will give you an example: we are still plagued by Prussia concerning those fortresses; now, to tell the Prussian Government many things, which we _should not like_ to tell them _officially_, the Minister is going to write a despatch to our man at Berlin, sending it _by post_; the Prussians _are sure_ to read it, and to learn in this way what we wish them to hear. The diplomats in England may resort to this same mode of proceeding to injure people, to calumniate, and to convey to your knowledge such things as they may hope to have the effect of injuring some people _they may fear_, in your eyes. I tell you the _trick_, that you should be able to guard against it; it is of importance, and I have no doubt will be resorted to by various political people.... Ever, my dearest Victoria, your faithfully devoted Uncle and Friend,
LEOPOLD R.
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND FRANCE]
[Pageheading: LOUIS PHILIPPE'S POLICY]
[Pageheading: COUNT MOLe]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
TRIANON, _19th October 1837._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... There is a great disposition here to be on the best possible terms with England. As it has but too often happened that the diplomatic agents of the two countries have drawn, or been believed to draw, different ways, I recommended strongly to Count Mole[71] to give strong and clear instructions to his people, particularly at Madrid, Lisbon, and Athens.... He is going to read them to Lord Granville, and also to communicate as much as possible all the despatches of the French diplomats to the English Government.
This will be a proof of confidence, and it will besides have the advantage of giving often useful information, enabling thereby the English Government to hear two opinions instead of one. It cannot be denied that the idea that the Plenipotentiaries of the two countries were following two different lines of policy has been hurtful to the causes of the two Queens in the Peninsula. To put a stop to this double action is the only benefit which the Queens will at present derive from a better understanding between England and France; but as it is, it will be still of some importance to them, and take away from the different political parties the possibility of using the pretended misunderstanding against the Government of the Queens. I trust that you will tell your Ministers to meet this friendly disposition with frankness and kindness. The wish of the King here is, to have matters concerted between the Plenipotentiaries of both countries. In this way it would become difficult for the parties in Spain or Portugal to say that the two Plenipotentiaries support different candidates for Ministerial power, and the division in the parties connected with the Queens might be in this manner _prevented_ or _reconciled_. Many and many are the ill-natured hints thrown out against the King's policy here, and because he is clever, he is suspected of having _ambitious schemes without end_; it may not be without some importance to set this, in your mind at least, to rights. Whatever may have been the King's views immediately after the revolution of July[72] I will not decide; perhaps he may a moment have wished to be able to do something for France. Supposing this for the sake of argument to have been so, two months of his reign were sufficient to show him that the great question was not to conquer territories or foreign influence, but to save Monarchy. He saw clearly that though _he_ might begin a war, necessarily it would soon degenerate into a war of propaganda, and that he and his family would be the first victims of it. His struggle has constantly been to strengthen his Government, to keep together or create anew the elements indispensable for a Monarchical Government, and this struggle is far from being at its end, and most probably the remainder of his life will be devoted to this important task; and whatever may be the more lively disposition of the Duke of Orleans, great part of his reign if he comes to the throne, and perhaps the _whole_ of it, will, _bon gre mal gre_, take the same turn. That it should be so _is very natural_, because of _what use_ would be some _foreign provinces_ if they would only add to the difficulty of governing the old? Therefore, knowing as I do all the proceedings of the King and his Cabinet, even more fully than I do those of your Government; seeing constantly in the most unreserved manner the whole of the despatches; knowing as the nearest neighbour the system that they constantly followed up towards us, I must say that no one is more against acquiring influence in foreign States, or even getting burthened with family aggrandis.e.m.e.nt in them, than he. He rejected most positively the marriage of Joinville with Donna Maria because he will not have anything to do with Portugal. He rejects a _mille_ times the idea of a future union of the Queen of Spain with Aumale, because he will not have a son where it _is not_ his intention to support him.