The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XII Part 4

I was yesterday morning favored with yours of the 12th of September, enclosing third copies of your two letters of the 26th of July, also a copy of Count de Vergennes' letter to you of the 23d of August. I find by these letters, that the idea I had entertained as to the advances made by the Court was not so favorable as the truth, and that the ten millions of livres, or five millions of florins to be borrowed in Holland, will be over and above those advances. How much pleasure I receive from that circ.u.mstance, you will easily conceive. It is an additional pleasure, that the labor of adjusting the matters mentioned in mine of the 27th of November, will be saved to you.

I am much surprised to find so large purchases made on account of the United States in Holland. If everything else were equal, the generous conduct of France towards us has been such, that I cannot but think that every possible preference ought to be given to the manufactures of that nation. But there is, in my opinion, very essential preferences of a different kind. The position of Amsterdam is unfavorable in a war with England to a commerce with this country.

France also can, and I suppose will give convoy, to the articles procured there. But I will dwell no longer on the subject, for, I trust, that nothing of the kind will happen hereafter.

Should the loan be obtained, you will be so kind, Sir, as to deposit one million of florins with Mr Grand, to whom I will pray you to deliver the enclosed letter. I shall, in consequence, not draw upon you for a million of livres in favor of Messrs Le Couteulx &. Co. as I intended; and, in like manner, I beg leave to revoke what I have said on the subject of paying all balances into their hands, in my letter of the ---- last. One million of florins you will also be pleased to deposit with the house of Grand at Amsterdam, sending me the precise address of both, so that I can direct my bills properly to them. Nearly one million will be necessary to pay the invoice sent in my letter of the ---- last. The remaining two millions, I wish may be s.h.i.+pped from France in gold by proper vessels of war, which, I dare say, will readily be provided by M. de Castries.

I perceive you have not written to Congress on the subjects mentioned in the letter of the Count de Vergennes of the 23d of August, which I am glad of. The more that an opinion prevails here that we must succor ourselves, the more we shall do it; and, therefore, I shall not communicate what you have said for the present; but, as the best acknowledgement, I shall endeavor to further the operations against the common enemy, and draw forth all our resources for an early and vigorous campaign. The splendid and important success, which has crowned the combined arms in Virginia, is, I hope, only an earnest of what is to be done next year. These are the returns which we shall make to the King, for the aid he so generously affords. And I have a very particular satisfaction in a.s.suring you, that throughout this country, a strong attachment to the French nation is daily taking place of that blind partiality, once felt for everything, which had the name of English. Let me add, for your use, a piece of mercantile information lately communicated to me from unquestionable authority.

The demand for French goods in this country has raised the prices in France from twenty to thirty per cent. The importations have reduced the prices here nearly twenty per cent, and the exchange, you already know, has been raised considerably.

I shall say nothing to you in this letter on the subject of future supplies, further than what is contained in mine of the ---- last, because I feel a conviction, that you will obtain such as may be necessary. I will only repeat what I have often said, let them be early. I enclose a letter to M. de Fleury, which you will either deliver or not, as may best answer your purposes.

I hope often to have the pleasure of hearing from you, and I pray you to believe me to be, with very great truth,

Dear Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK.

Office of Finance, December 11th, 1781.

Sir,

I have been honored with your favor of the 24th of last month, covering resolutions of the Senate and a.s.sembly of the 21st and 22d.

You will easily conceive by what pa.s.ses in your own bosom, how much I feel at a representation of distresses, while the necessity of revenue admits not of alleviation. The Legislature are undoubtedly best able to discover and to describe the evils, which afflict their const.i.tuents, and I should almost in any case, bend before so high an authority. But the situation, in which I am placed, compels me to make some observations, which if they are not admitted to have weight, will not I hope, be considered as foreign to the purpose.

It is contended by the State agent, that the supplies, which he has delivered, and those which he holds ready to furnish, amount fully to the demand for specific supplies. And it is lamented, that the army have subsisted from the neighborhood of West Point in former times, leaving thereby a great ma.s.s of certificates, which being useless to the inhabitants, the supplies obtained have to all intents and purposes, operated a tax. To this I will add, that the resolutions of your Legislature state an extra expense, which has produced a tax to the amount of one hundred and eighty thousand dollars. If these exertions joined to the ravages of the enemy, and the usurpations complained of, have occasioned distress, they at least demonstrate the abilities of the State in former periods. You will perceive, that I am now about to supply the troops by contract, wherefore a ready market for their produce must immediately be opened to the inhabitants of your State. This will enable them to obtain hard money, and that will enable them to pay taxes. The great object, therefore, of the Legislature will be to adopt a vigorous and just system of taxation, and to take off all those restraints upon the people, which injure, afflict, and impoverish them, without producing any advantage to the public. The army must be supplied by law or by force. The latter mode is detestable, and as to the former, certainly the best way, in which it can operate, is to raise taxes and purchase supplies; because by this means much less of the produce of the country is expended, and in the event, the payment of the people is by the produce of the country, that being the only source of national wealth.

As the Legislature seem to have great apprehensions on the score of former demands, I take the liberty of enclosing an estimate, which is formed on the supposition, that all the specific supplies shall have been delivered, which as I have already had the honor to observe, is contended for by the agent, though the truth of it cannot be admitted before the final adjustment of the amount. The burden of these demands would in such case be very moderate. It is my intention to destroy the paper money as soon as it can be called in. Wherefore a slight exertion for that purpose will relieve your State from the burden of it.

As to the extra expense, which has accrued to the State by calling new levies into the field, it is the business of the United States in Congress to determine upon it. It is, however, my duty to remark, that exclusive of the great expense of additional officers, the sum there stated as a bounty is fully equal to the pay and rations of so many men for six months. I am sure that I need not observe to your Excellency the impracticability of carrying on a war where it costs as much to enlist a man as it does to feed and pay him for six months. A few such extra corps raised in each State, and the bounties charged to the United States, in payment of the quota would immediately compel Congress to disband the whole army for the want of the means of subsistence, or to permit the troops to plunder the inhabitants.

In the midst of those complaints of your situation I receive a particular pleasure from the a.s.surance that the Legislature will contribute to the general service of the Union their proportion of well established funds. I hope the recommendation for that purpose will soon come under the consideration of the United States and be duly expedited.

I have the pleasure to add, Sir, that a report from this office for the full and final settlement of accounts is now before the Congress.

Whenever a determination shall have been made it will be transmitted.

With perfect respect and esteem I am, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO THE GOVERNORS OF NORTH CAROLINA, SOUTH CAROLINA, AND GEORGIA.

Office of Finance, December 19th, 1781.

Sir,

In my circular letter on that subject, I have already had the honor to transmit the requisitions of Congress, contained in their Acts of the 30th of October and 2d of November last, by which the quota of your State for the year 1782 is ---- dollars, payable in quarterly payments, commencing the 1st day of April next.

The distresses which your State has lately suffered, will not, I fear, permit the collection of this quota in hard money, although the subsistence of the army will naturally call for an expenditure to a great amount in such articles as the State can furnish. The mode hitherto pursued of granting receipts and certificates by every one empowered or employed to impress or purchase, cannot but be attended with much confusion and difficulty, if not with oppression and fraud.

It is the duty of those who are intrusted with the management of the public affairs, to prevent as much as possible these evils, and as much as possible to equalize and diminish those burdens, which the people must bear. It would give me great pleasure to be put in such a situation, as that I might at once contract for the supplies of the southern army; but I have not specie for the purpose; nor do I find that taxes are yet laid in the Southern States to procure it.

Wherefore, I must wait yet some time, until the public treasury is replenished, until the hard money now in America gets somewhat more diffused, and until I have a prospect of receiving back from those States in hard money their quota of the public taxes.

In this situation of things, I have devised and proposed to the Delegates of the three Southern States, the following plan. To appoint a Receiver of the taxes in each State, agreeably to the Act of Congress, and to empower such Receiver to issue notes on the warrants of the General, payable in those taxes, or from the amount of them when collected. By which means those articles necessary for the consumption of the army may be purchased, and the quota of the State be thereby paid.

The Delegates of North and South Carolina thought the plan eligible, but one of the Delegates of Georgia was disinclined to that part of it, which requires the previous pa.s.sing of a law to raise the quota of taxes called for by the United States. I am this morning informed, that upon a reconsideration of the matter, a majority of the Delegates of South Carolina are also of opinion, that it would be better not to make the enacting such a law an indispensable part of the system. I am very sorry for this circ.u.mstance, because, as all the Delegates from the three States mentioned, approve of the plan in other respects, I did expect their warm recommendation of it to their respective Legislatures; for your Excellency will perceive at a single glance, that it originated in the sincere desire of relieving those States, and has that relief for its object, as far as the public service of the United States will possibly permit.

Those gentlemen who object to making a tax bill the preliminary to any issues of the notes, have proposed as an expedient, a law, promising the payment of the notes when taxation shall become practicable, compelling the receipt of them in payment as specie, and limiting the prices of those articles, which the army may want. This is done to obviate two objections, which are supposed to be against taxation, that the state of the country will not admit of the collection, and that those who have no property left but lands, cannot pay the taxes without extreme distress.

Before I go into any detailed observations on these subjects, I beg leave to state one general reason why I must insist on the tax law, even if in other respects I should have no material objections to the expedient proposed. As Superintendent of the Finances of the United States, it is my duty to urge a compliance with the requisitions of Congress, and, therefore, to facilitate that compliance; but I should betray the trust reposed in me, if by any expedient whatever, I a.s.sisted in eluding those requisitions. With me, therefore, the propriety of pa.s.sing the tax bill can admit of no question; and in consequence, my orders are precise, to prevent the issue of a single note, until such bills shall have been enacted, and effectual provision made for the collection.

I shall now take the liberty of trespa.s.sing on your patience, with some observations as to the two laws proposed. And first, as to the expediency of taxing, and the weight of the objections against it.

When it is considered, that the expenditures of the army, (supposing the war to be carried on in the Southern States, must greatly exceed the amount of the sums called for from those States,) one position is clear, that by complying with the requisitions of Congress, a balance of money must necessarily be brought in from the other States, to supply the deficiency of the whole revenue in those particular States, when compared with the amount of the whole expenditure. But by neglecting to comply with the requisitions of Congress, (as it will be impossible to supply the army in the same regular manner, which prevails elsewhere,) the whole cost of the expenditure will fall in the first instance on those who are near the seat of war, subject to a future settlement of accounts. Besides which, it is demonstrable, that this latter mode of supply, which is at present practised, is very wasteful and expensive. Nor is this the only objection, though certainly a very strong one. We must further consider, that according to the present mode of taking supplies, the burden falls very unequally on the inhabitants, and of course, very unjustly. I fear that, with truth, it may added, that in some instances, it is attended with strong circ.u.mstances of distress.

Hence, then, I conclude that the propriety of taxation is evident, unless the reasons against it are of weight sufficient to counterbalance the inconveniences, which would result from neglecting it. I proceed, therefore, to examine them. And first, as to the state of the country and the means of collection. It is clear that within the enemy's lines, taxes cannot be collected; but out of them, they certainly may be. For, surely, it is as easy to compel a man to pay money by seizing his property, as it is to seize that property for the subsistence of the troops. There is, however, this additional advantage in taxing, that those may be compelled to pay, who have not articles useful for the army, as well as those who have. The objection, that those who have land only will be distressed by the sale of it, will have just as much weight as the Legislature may choose to give it; for if no taxes are raised on land, the objection will vanish, and certainly the Legislature will be in capacity to determine whether any tax should be laid on it, and what that tax should be.

But, further, it appears that the objection is calculated to favor the rich, who are great landholders, in preference to the poor, who labor on a small plantation; and how far this may be either wise or just is not for me to determine. I will, however, suggest an expedient, that, as the taxes are payable quarterly, the first two quarters' tax should be raised on the polls, the slaves, and other personal property in the State, and the land tax be paid on the last quarterly instalments.

This will give the several landholders room to turn themselves, so as to provide for their several appropriations in season. I will just add under this head, that if (as there is some reason to hope) the southern States should be totally evacuated, the extension of their commerce will soon obviate every objection, which can possibly be in the way of taxation.

I must observe further, that those States, which delay the levying of taxes to answer present requisitions, will become totally incapable of complying with future calls, and consequently, we shall always be dealing in doubts and uncertainties, instead of establis.h.i.+ng that confidence and vigor, which alone can perfect our independence.

I come now to the proposed law for compelling the receipt of the notes and regulating the prices of articles. My opinion of all such laws is decidedly fixed. I know both from reason and experience, that they injure the credit of the paper they appear designed to support. They show doubts in the mind of the Legislature, they communicate those doubts to the b.r.e.a.s.t.s of the people, the credit of the paper is then destroyed before it is issued, and all the after operation of the law is one continued scene of fraud and iniquity. If, therefore, such tax bill shall be pa.s.sed as will permit issuing the notes in question, I entreat, that on no representation, nor for any cause whatever, any law be pa.s.sed making the notes a tender, valuing the price of goods, or anything of that sort. I ask for no embargo, no regulations. On the contrary, I wish and pray, that the whole detestable tribe of restrictions may be done away, and the people be put in possession of that freedom, for which they are contending. I have no system of finance, except that which results from the plain self-evident dictates of moral honesty. Taxation and economy are the two pillars by which that system is supported, and if the several States will provide the former, I will pledge myself for the latter, as far as my abilities will permit.

To return then, Sir, to the plan I have to propose. It is simply this.

I expect that the Legislature of your State will immediately pa.s.s laws to collect by the days named, the sums called for from them for the service of the year 1782. To facilitate the collection and payment of the taxes, I consent to receive the notes signed by the Receiver of the continental taxes for your State. If, therefore, the Legislature approve of my plan, they will merely add a clause rendering those notes receivable by their collectors as specie, in the continental taxes. They will, I doubt not, provide the ways and means by which the Receiver shall compel the several collectors to pay over whatever sums, either of those notes or of hard money, they may have received.

This will leave it purely optional with the people to take the notes, or to let them alone. If the taxes are collected, they must either pay those notes or hard money. If they pay hard money, the notes will not be necessary. If they pay the notes, the public will already have received the value of them, in the articles for which they are first paid.

I enclose the form of the notes and the denominations, and I will appoint the Receiver of the continental taxes for your State, as soon as I can fix on a proper person, and prepare the necessary instructions. In the meantime, the law may easily be pa.s.sed, with a clause directing the mode in which the appointment of such Receiver shall be announced to the public.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO THE GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND.

Office of Finance, December 29th, 1781.

Sir,

I have been favored with your letter of the 3d of last month, and am much obliged to you for the information it contains. There is now before Congress, on a report from this office, a plan for liquidating and adjusting the accounts of the several States, and I should sooner have answered your letter, if I had not expected the pleasure of sending forward the Act of Congress on that subject with my letter.

I have no doubt but that the State over which you preside, has made great exertions in the common cause, and but for the exertions, which have been made, the enemy would long since have been more successful.