The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume VIII Part 43

Sir,

As I have not received an answer to my letter to the Vice Chancellor, I can say nothing upon it at present. The verbal message, mentioned in my last, was an apology for the omission of the first week; perhaps I shall have an answer in a few days; if so, I shall transmit a copy of it immediately.

I beg leave again to recommend to your attention the subject of a commerce with the British West Indies, to supply the defects of our treaties with France and with Holland. Great Britain is so eager to obtain a free commerce with the United States, that we may probably secure that of her West India Islands as a compensation for it. The commerce with her European territories only, is no longer an adequate one, since we have all the rest of Europe open to us. I have formed a plan of a commercial treaty with this empire, which, if aided by that circuitous commerce, I think will be found highly advantageous.

I have already advised you of my intention to quit this Court as soon as I shall have concluded the commercial treaty, even without waiting for the permission of Congress to do so. I pray you to represent the matter to Congress in such a light, that they may not consider it as disrespectful to themselves, or a breach of duty. It is truly, Sir, an act of absolute necessity, which Congress, doubtless without intention, have imposed upon me, by annexing an appointment to my office, which is not more than half sufficient to defray the expenses of it. As I can now do it with more freedom, not being interested in the matter, I take the liberty to acquaint you, that if Congress should think proper to send another Minister to this Court, of the second cla.s.s, they should grant him at least 2500 sterling fixed appointment. I think 3000 will not be too much, or more than put him upon an equality with their other Ministers in Europe, or the Ministers of the lesser Sovereigns at this Court, leaving him to pay his Secretary out of the last sum. It will be further necessary to grant him at least 1000 more for his equipage and household furniture. He will find it exceedingly difficult with the best economy, to provide himself but decently with those articles, according to the fas.h.i.+on of this country with that sum. And he must, in some measure, adapt himself to this fas.h.i.+on or manner of living, or, in the eyes of those among whom he is obliged to live, disgrace his country.

My ideas of these matters are not extravagant. I find them fully supported by my own observations, and by the inquiries I have made respecting the appointments of the other foreign Ministers residing at this Court, as well as by the opinion of my correspondent, to whom, feeling the necessity of my situation, I have communicated my intention of returning to America, and disclosed to him the reasons of a conduct, which he might otherwise think unaccountable. I have consulted him as a private friend only. An ill state of health, the distance of America, the dangers of a winter pa.s.sage, &c. &c. must be the ostensible reasons why I quit this Court without being relieved by another Minister, or waiting for the permission of Congress. I shall take the whole upon myself, and hope to be justified in the measure by Congress, when they shall be still more particularly informed of facts. It is necessary Congress should be acquainted with the foregoing facts, that if they should think proper to send another Minister before my arrival in America, he may not be obliged to follow the example I shall have set him, by quitting his station without leave.

I am, Sir, with the greatest respect, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

St Petersburg, April 17th, 1783.

Sir,

My letter of the 7th of March will have advised you, that on that day I communicated my mission to the Vice Chancellor by a letter, the translation of which was enclosed. By that of the 12th of March, you will have a particular account of the a.s.surances mentioned in the former, and which, together with the general state of affairs, confirmed me in the opinion, that I ought no longer to delay taking that step. I have not, however, yet had an answer to my letter. That the a.s.surances I received were well founded at the time, I think, may not be doubted. What, it may be asked, has since taken place which could occasion any change? All that I know, or have heard of is, that on the 7th of February, three days after, and before my letter had been laid before her Majesty, a courier arrived with despatches for the French Minister, inviting her Imperial Majesty to mediate, in conjunction with the Emperor at the conclusion of the definitive treaty of peace, between the Courts of Versailles, Madrid, and London; this invitation was immediately accepted; that an account has been received, that the King of Sweden has concluded a treaty of commerce with the United States, at Paris, or is at least in treaty with them for that purpose; that the King of France has signified to the Emperor, that since the Porte has made the concessions required by the Empress, and supported by himself, he had reason to expect all military preparations would have ceased; that he cannot regard the continuance of them with indifference, &c. &c. Add to these things, that her Majesty has been either so much indisposed, or particularly engaged, that she has not appeared at Court for more than a month past.

Whether either of these circ.u.mstances has occasioned this delay, is to me as yet uncertain. I wait to see the effect of a second letter, which I propose to send to the Vice Chancellor before I attempt to account for it. I have delayed this more than a fortnight, having been in daily expectation of an event which has not taken place, and which may have an influence in the case. I have omitted to write you by several posts, because I was in hopes all things which respect us would have been adjusted to mutual satisfaction, and I was unwilling to suggest anything to the contrary. But as Congress, from my former letters may have expected, that I might soon be on my way to America, and may perhaps name another Minister to this Court, before they receive any intelligence of my reception, I think it inc.u.mbent on me to make the present communication, that they may consider the expediency of sending another till they receive a certain account of my reception.

Whatever may be the event, I flatter myself if the general state of affairs at the time of the communication of my mission be considered, and especially the a.s.surances which were given to me, it will not be thought that I have rashly precipitated that measure. It is difficult to conceive one solid objection against the admission of an American Minister into any Court of Europe, after the acknowledgment of our independence by the King of Great Britain, and the cessation of hostilities, which of course puts an end to all ideas of neutrality.

In this instant I am informed, that the event above alluded to has taken place, I shall therefore send my second letter tomorrow, a copy of which I will forward by the next post, when I shall hope to have an answer to my first, which will make known the pleasure of her Majesty concerning my mission. I have purposely avoided waiting upon the Vice Chancellor in person, that I might obtain his answer, if possible, in writing. When I shall have received it, whether it be favorable or not, I shall desire an interview with him. In this course my correspondent agrees with me in opinion. I have only to pray, Congress would be pleased to suspend their judgment upon this matter, and particularly upon my conduct in it, till they shall be fully informed of facts. All may yet end as we wish, it may end otherwise.

I have the honor to be, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

_P. S._ I make use of the cypher I sent you by Mr Adams's son, having laid yours aside for the reason there mentioned. Your printed one has not come to hand with your letter. Count Panin died since my last, much lamented. He had long lived a retired life in the city. His death, therefore, makes no change.

F. D.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

St Petersburg, April 22d, 1783.

Sir,

In my last I acquainted you, that I proposed to send a second letter to the Vice Chancellor the next day. I did not do it, however, till yesterday morning, when he sent me his compliments, and said he would present it to her Majesty. The following is a copy of it.

TO COUNT OSTERMANN.

"I did myself the honor to write to your Excellency on the 7th of March, to inform you of my mission on the part of the United States of America, to reside near her Imperial Majesty, in the character of their Minister, and to request the honor of an audience of your Excellency, that I might present to you a copy of my letter of credence to her Imperial Majesty. I have not yet been honored with an answer to my letter, having had only a verbal message from your Excellency, on the 10th of the same month that you had received it, but it being the first week in Lent, you had not had an opportunity to lay it before her Imperial Majesty.

"After the King of Great Britain has in form acknowledged the independence of the United States of America, and concluded a provisional preliminary treaty of peace with them, which has taken effect by the signing of the preliminary treaty of peace between their most Christian and Britannic Majesties, after those treaties have been ratified on the part of their Majesties, and proclamations in pursuance thereof have been issued by them, and also by the Ministers of the United States of America, ordering a cessation of hostilities, and after the British Parliament have solemnly engaged to observe and maintain those treaties; after such national transactions on both parts, I flatter myself it is not doubted, that the course of events has prepared the way for her Imperial Majesty to receive a Minister from the United States of America, without the least infraction upon the system of neutrality, which she had adopted and so gloriously maintained through the late war. Presuming, from your Excellency's message, that my letter was laid before her Imperial Majesty the week after, I take the liberty to request that you would be pleased to inform me of her pleasure thereupon, as well for the government of my own conduct, as for the certain information of the United States of America.

"I have the honor to be, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

"_St Petersburg, April 21st, 1783._"

I have some intimations of a very extraordinary objection, which has been suggested to my present admission into this Court, viz. that my letter of credence must necessarily bear date prior to the acknowledgment of the independence of the United States by the King of Great Britain. Should the answer to my communication be of that nature, I will let you know from whence I think it originates. But I shall think it my duty to leave this Court as soon as possible. For I should not dare to apply to Congress to revoke their first letter of credence, and send me another bearing date since that period, for the following reasons, which occur to me at once.

1st. Because it would be to desire the United States to strike off seven years of their existence, as free, sovereign, and independent States.

2dly. Because their compliance with it would, in effect, annul their resolution contained in the declaration of their independence, viz.

"that as free and independent States they had full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things, which independent States may of right do."

3dly. Because it would imply on their part, that they owed their existence as a free nation, to the acknowledgment of their independence by the King of Great Britain.

4thly. Because as a consequence of this last position, it would go to annul all their acts of sovereignty prior to that period, and among others, the most important ones of their treaties with France and Holland, as well as their commissions granted to their Ministers at the Court of Madrid and other Courts, and such treaties as they have already made, or shall hereafter make in virtue thereof.

5thly. Because the requisition of new letters of credence bearing date since the period abovementioned, involves in itself a decision on the part of her Imperial Majesty, that the United States of America ought of right to be considered as a free, sovereign, and independent power, but in virtue of the acknowledgment of them as such by the King of Great Britain.

6thly. Because the granting of new letters of credence, would amount to a confession on the part of the United States, of the justice of such a decision.

7thly. Because a compliance with such a requisition would, in my opinion, in every point of view, be highly derogatory to the dignity of the United States, and is a sacrifice, which circ.u.mstances by no means require to be made.

But I hope for more wisdom, justice, and impartiality from her Majesty; and that I shall receive in a day or two, a satisfactory answer to my first letter.

I have the honor to be, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

St Petersburg, April 25th, 1783.

Sir,

In consequence of my second letter to the Vice Chancellor, of the 21st instant, he sent me a verbal message with his compliments on the 23d in the morning, and desired to see me at four o'clock in the afternoon. I waited upon him accordingly, and had a conference with him upon the subject of my mission. He began by saying that he had received the letters I had done him the honor to write him; that her Majesty had been invited by the Courts of Versailles, Madrid, and London, to mediate in conjunction with the Emperor, at the conclusion of the definitive treaty of peace between them; that till those affairs were arranged, and the definitive treaty signed, her Majesty could not, consistent with her character of mediator, receive a Minister from America without the consent of those powers; that the treaty of America was provisional only, and dependent upon those arrangements; and though there was no doubt but they would take place, and that the definitive treaty would be concluded, yet, till that was done, her Majesty could not consider me in my character as the Minister of America.

Here he made a long pause, as if waiting for an answer, but knowing that the whole had not yet come out, I made no attempts to reply. He then added, that he supposed my letter of credence bore date before the acknowledgment of the independence of America by the King of Great Britain, and asked me if that was not the fact. I told him that it must necessarily be so, as a sufficient time had not since elapsed to receive one from America. He then said, that when the above arrangements should be completed, if I should produce new letters of credence, bearing date since the King of Great Britain had acknowledged the independence of America, her Majesty would be very willing to receive me as the Minister of America, but that it would be incompatible with that exact neutrality, which her Majesty had hitherto observed, to do it before; that it would be irregular also for her Majesty to admit a Minister from a power, whose letter of credence bore date before she had acknowledged the independence of that power; that besides, no Minister had been received from America at the Court of Great Britain yet, and that I must be sensible it would not be consistent for her Majesty to receive one before the King of Great Britain had done it. Here he stopped again; and knowing that he had gone through his whole subject, which comprises these simple matters only, viz.

1st. That her Majesty could not, consistent with the character of a mediator as above, receive a Minister from the United States, till the conclusion of the definitive treaty between France, Spain, and Great Britain;