The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume VI Part 34

The Spanish Minister, D. Llano, Count de Sanafee, has at last got over all his punctilios, and I had the honor to dine with him, in company with all the foreign Ministers and four or five officers of rank in the Russian service, on Tuesday last. He and his Secretary had dined with me some time ago. I shall, therefore, be upon a more free, if not familiar, footing with him in future. He has indeed been always very complaisant and friendly, though embarra.s.sed with his punctilios of etiquette. There is one anecdote, that in justice to myself and my country I ought not to omit. The first time I ever saw him was at his house, a day or two after my reception by the States. He sent for me.

I went, and had an hour's conversation with him. He said to me, "Sir, you have struck the greatest blow of all Europe. It is the greatest blow that has been struck in the American Cause, and the most decisive. It is you who have filled this nation with enthusiasm; it is you who have turned all their heads." Next morning he returned my visit at my lodgings, for it was before my removal to this house. In the course of conversation upon the subject of my success here, he turned to a gentlemen in company, and said to him, "this event is infinitely honorable to Mr. Adams. It is the greatest blow (_le plus grand coup_) which could have been struck in all Europe. It is he, who has filled this nation with enthusiasm; it is he, who has disconcerted the admirers of England (_Anglomanes_); it is he, who has turned the heads of the Hollanders. It is not for a compliment to Mr Adams that I say this, but because I believe it to be his due."

I wish for some other historiographer, but I will not, for fear of the charge of vanity, omit to record things, which were certainly said with deliberation, and which prove the sense, which the Ministers of the House of Bourbon had of the stream of prejudice here against them, and of the influence of America and her Minister, in turning the tide.

I hope, Sir, that these sketches will satisfy you for the present; if not, another time I will give you portraits at full length. In the meantime, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTE:

[8] These letters were afterwards printed under the t.i.tle of _Twentysix Letters upon Interesting Subjects, respecting the Revolution in America_.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, September 6th, 1782.

Sir,

In your letter of the 5th of March, you ask "whether this power has entered into any treaty with France since the war, and whether any such thing is in contemplation?"

They have made no treaty, but a convention concerning recaptures, which you must have seen in the papers. The East India Company have concerted operations with France in the East Indies, and the Prince, by the resolution of the States, has concerted operations in these European seas for this campaign, and the city of Amsterdam has lately proposed in the States of Holland, to renew the concert for next year, and to revive an old treaty of commerce with France. In my letter of the 18th of August, I have sent you a copy of the instructions to their Ministers for peace, "not to make peace, truce, or armistice, but with the simultaneous concurrence of all the belligerent powers,"

among whom the United States of America are certainly one in the sense and meaning of their High Mightinesses.

You observe, Sir, "that France is interested with us, in procuring a public acknowledgment of our independence." You desire me to write freely, and my own disposition inclines me to do so. This is a delicate subject, and requires to be cautiously handled. Political jealousy is very different from a suspicious temper. We should contemplate the vices naturally allied to the greatest virtues. We should consider the fevers that lie near a high state of health. We should consider the maxim that is laid down by all the political writers in the world, and the fact that is found in all histories, "that in cases of alliance between unequal powers, almost all the advantages ever did and ever will accrue to the greatest." We should observe in the Abbe Raynal's history of this revolution, that there is a party in France that blames the Ministry for putting themselves into the chains (_fers_) of Congress, and for not keeping us dependent enough upon them. Is it not natural for them to wish to keep us dependent upon them, that we might be obliged to accept such terms of peace as they should think would do for us? If the House of Bourbon should be suspected by any neutral power to grow too fast in wealth and force, and be disposed to form a league against it, is it not natural for it to wish that we may be kept from any connexions with such powers, and wholly connected with it, so as to be obliged to engage with it in all its wars.

It is impossible for me to prove, that the delay of Spain to acknowledge our independence, has been concerted between the French and Spanish Ministry; but I candidly ask any man, who has attended to the circ.u.mstances of this war, if he has not seen cause to suspect it!

For my own part, I have no doubt of it, and I do not know that we can justly censure it. I have ten thousand reasons, which convince me that one Minister at least has not wished that we should form connexions with Holland, even so soon as we did, or with any power; although he had no right, and therefore would not appear openly to oppose it. When I took leave of that Minister to return to America, in the spring of 1779, he desired me expressly to advise Congress to attend to the affairs of the war, and leave the politics of Europe to them, (_et laisser la politique a nous_). In 1778 or 1779, when Mr Lee and I proposed to Dr Franklin to go to Holland, or to consent that one of us should go, the Doctor would not, but wrote to that Minister upon it, and received an answer, which he showed me, advising against it; and when I received my letter of credence here, the Minister here, who follows the instructions communicated by that Minister, took all possible pains to persuade me against communicating it; and Dr Franklin, without reserve in word or writing, has constantly declared, that Congress were wrong in sending a Minister to Berlin, Vienna, Tuscany, Spain, Holland, and Petersburg, and Dr Franklin is as good an index of that Minister's sentiments as I know.

Now I avow myself of a totally opposite system, and think it our indispensable duty, as it is our undoubted right, to send Ministers to other Courts, and endeavor to extend our acquaintance, commerce, and political connexions with all the world, and have pursued this system, which I took to be also the wish of Congress and the sense of America, with patience and perseverance against all dangers, reproaches, misrepresentations, and oppositions, until, I thank G.o.d, he has enabled me to plant the standard of the United States at the Hague, where it will wave forever.

I am now satisfied, and dread nothing. The connexion with Holland is a sure stay. Connected with Holland and the House of Bourbon, we have nothing to fear.

I have entered into this detail, in answer to your inquiry, and the only use of it I would wish to make is this, to insist upon seeing with our own eyes, using our own judgment, and acting an independent part; and it is of the last importance we should do it now thus early, otherwise we should find it very difficult to do it hereafter. I hope I have given you my sentiments, as you desired, with freedom, and that freedom, I hope, will give no offence, either in America or France, for certainly none is intended.

In your favor of the 22d of May, you direct me to draw upon Dr Franklin for my salary, and to send my accounts to you. My accounts, Sir, are very short, and shall be sent as soon as the perplexity of the treaty is over. As to drawing on Dr Franklin, I presume this was upon supposition, that we had no money here. There is now near a million and a half of florins, so that I beg I may be permitted to receive my salary here.

I have transmitted to Mr Dana your despatches, as desired in yours of the 29th of May, reserving an extract for publication in the gazettes, which the French Amba.s.sador is of opinion, as well as others, will have a great effect in Europe. Your letter is extremely well written, and M. Dumas has well translated it, so that it will appear to advantage. Yours of the 30th of May affords me the pleasure of knowing, that you have received some letters from me this year, and I am glad you are inclined to lay that of the 21st of February before Congress. By this time I hope that all objections are removed to the memorial; but in order to judge of the full effect of that memorial, three volumes of the _Politique Hollandais_, several volumes of _De Post Van Neder Rhin_, all the Dutch gazettes for a whole year, and the pet.i.tions of all the cities should be read, for there is not one of them but what clearly shows the propriety of presenting that memorial, whose influence and effect, though not sudden, has been amazingly extensive. Indeed the French Amba.s.sador has often signified to me lately, and more than once in express words, _Monsieur votre fermete a fait un tres bon effet ici_.

The cypher was not put up in this duplicate, and I suppose the original is gone on to Mr Dana in a letter I transmitted him from you sometime ago, so that I should be obliged to you for another of the same part.

Rodney's victory came, as you hoped it would, too late to obstruct me.

I was well settled at the Hague, and publicly received by the States and Prince before we received that melancholy news. If it had arrived sooner, it might have deranged all our systems, and this nation possibly might have been now separately at peace, which shows the importance of watching the time and tide, which there is in the affairs of men.

You require, Sir, to be furnished with the most minute detail of every step, that Britain may take towards a negotiation for a general or partial peace. All the details towards a partial peace, are already public in the newspapers, and have all been ineffectual. The States-General are firm against it, as appears by their instructions to their Ministers. Since the conversations between me and Digges first, and Mr Laurens afterwards, there has never been any message, directly or indirectly, by word or writing, from the British Ministry to me. It was my decided advice, and earnest request by both, that all messages might be sent to Paris to Dr Franklin and the Count de Vergennes, and this has been done. Dr Franklin wrote me, that he should keep me informed of everything that pa.s.sed by expresses; but I have had no advice from him since the 2d of June. Your despatches have all gone the same way, and I have never had a hint of any of them. I hope that Dr Franklin and Mr Jay have had positive instructions to consent to no truce or armistice, and to enter into no conferences with any British Minister, who is not authorised to treat with the United States of America.

Some weeks ago I agreed with the Duc de la Vauguyon to draw up a project of a memorial to their High Mightinesses, proposing a triple or quadruple alliance, according to my instructions to that purpose.

The Duke, in his private capacity, has declared to me often that he is of opinion, that it would be advisable to make this proposition as soon as the treaty of commerce is signed; but could not give me any ministerial advice without consulting the Count de Vergennes. We agreed that he should transmit the project to the Count. Two days ago, the Duke called upon me, and informed me, that he had the Count's answer, which was, that he did not think this the time, because it would tend to throw obscurity upon the instructions lately given by the States-General to M. Brantzen, not to make any treaty or armistice, but simultaneously with all the belligerent powers.

By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance, the invitation or admission is to be made by concert. From my instructions, I supposed, and suppose still, that the concert was made at Philadelphia, between Congress and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, by the order of the King, his master; and my instructions being positive and unconditional to make the proposition, I shall be somewhat embarra.s.sed. On the one hand, I would preserve not only a real harmony, but the appearance of it, between all steps of mine, and the Councils of the French Ministers. On the other, I would obey my instructions, especially when they are so fully agreeable to me, at all events. The proposition would have a good effect in England, in Holland, in France, America, and in all the neutral countries, as I think, and it could do no harm, that I can foresee. Nay, further, I am persuaded, that the French Ministry themselves, if they were to give me their private opinions, as the Duc de la Vauguyon does, would be glad if I should make the proposition against their advice.

It is possible, however, that they may secretly choose (notwithstanding the offer made at Philadelphia) not to be bound in an alliance with America and Holland. They may think they shall have more influence with their hands unbound, even to a system that they approve and mean to pursue. It is amidst all these doublings and windings of European politics, that American Ministers have to decide and act. The result is clear in my mind, that although it is proper to be upon good terms, and be communicative and confidential with the French Ministers, yet we ought to have opinions, principles, and systems of our own, and that our Ministers should not be bound to follow their advice, but when it is consonant to our own; and that Congress should firmly support their own Ministers against all secret insinuations.

They must see, that a Minister of theirs, who is determined, as he is bound in honor, to be free and independent, is not in a very delectable or enviable situation in Europe, as yet.

There is but one alternative. Either Congress should recall all their Ministers from Europe, and leave all negotiations to the French Ministry, or they must support their Ministers against all insinuations. If Congress will see with their own eyes, I can a.s.sure them, without fear of being contradicted, that neither the color, figure, nor magnitude of objects will always appear to them exactly as they do to their allies. To send Ministers to Europe, who are supposed by the people of America to see for themselves, while in effect they see, or pretend to see nothing, but what appears through the gla.s.s of a French Minister, is to betray the just expectations of that people.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, September 7th, 1782.

Sir,

In answer to your letters, demanding my accounts, I have the honor to enclose the three numbers, 1, 2, 3.

No 1, is the account of my salary for two years and a half, and the payment of it by Dr Franklin, in obedience to the orders of Congress, the whole amounting to 6,250 sterling.[9]

No 2, is the account for the purchase of the _Hotel des Etats-Unis de l'Amerique_, which amounts to fifteen thousand two hundred and seven florins, seven stivers, and eight duits. Over against it I have given credit for the cash I received of Messrs de Neufvilles' loan, six thousand six hundred and fifty florins. I have also given credit for twelve thousand four hundred and twentyeight French livres and five sols, which I received of M. Lagoanere in Spain. I have been informed, it was the intention of Congress, that the expenses of their Ministers to the places of their destination should be borne in addition to their salaries. The expenses, made by the Continental Navy Board, for the accommodations of the voyage, were, no doubt, intended to be so, for which reason I have taken no notice of them in my accounts, either of the first or second voyage. But whether the expenses of our horrid journey through Spain come within the intention of Congress or not, I cannot tell. It was our misfortune to be cast, in a leaky s.h.i.+p, on the Spanish coast, and to make a very distressing, and very expensive journey by land to Paris; but whether it is the design of Congress to allow us this expense or not, I know not, and very cheerfully submit to their decision. If they should allow it, they will erase it from this account, No. 2. But in that case they should erase another article from No. 3.

No. 3. That article is the first; four hundred dollars stolen out of my chest at Dr Franklin's. After I received my commission from Congress to borrow money in Holland, Mr Thaxter was obliged to come to a.s.sist me; but as it was not certain I should stay in Holland, it was not proper to remove my baggage from Paris. Accordingly, I wrote to Dr Franklin, requesting him to give house-room to my chests, which he was kind enough to agree to. They were all accordingly carried there; but while there, some thief broke out the bottom of one of my chests and carried off four hundred dollars, which I could never hear of. Mr Dana and Mr Thaxter knew, that the money was there, and Dr Franklin knows it was stolen; and as this misfortune has happened from my having two commissions, that called my attention different ways, and from no fault of mine, I think it is but reasonable I should be allowed it, provided Congress shall charge me with the whole sum of money received of M. Lagoanere. If they allow me that sum, I do not desire to be allowed this four hundred dollars.

The second article in No. 3, is my journey to Paris. As this was an additional and double expense, arising necessarily from my having two departments, one for peace, and one for Holland; and as it was a heavy expense, I submit to Congress the propriety of allowing it.

The other articles in No. 3, are deductions from my salary, which Dr Franklin wrote me ought to be allowed me by Congress, but he did not think himself authorised to pay any more than my net salary; so that all charges must fall upon me; whereas I apprehended the intention of Congress was, that the net salary should be paid me, and all necessary charges attending the payment of it, to be borne by the public. I submit it, however, to their decision.

The other articles, of house rent, stationary, salaries of clerks, postage of letters, and extra entertainments, are articles, which Dr Franklin wrote me he had charged to Congress, and since told me, that Mr Jay was of the same opinion with him and me, that they ought to be.

I have not sent any particular account of these things, and shall not, until I know the determination of Congress; because it is extremely difficult for me to make out an account of them. My life has been such a wandering pilgrimage, that I have not been able to keep any distinct account of them. They are scattered about in thousands of receipts, with other things, which will require more time to bring together than I will spend upon it, until I know the pleasure of Congress. My house rent has, on an average, cost me more than one hundred and fifty pounds sterling a year, although mostly I have lived in furnished lodgings. I have had but one clerk, Mr Thaxter, to whom I hope Congress will make some compensation for his faithful and industrious services, in addition to what I have paid him, which has been only one hundred pounds sterling a year. If Congress will allow this to me, it may be easily added by them to the account.

The purchase of the house is a very good bargain. If Congress should pay the house rent of their Ministers, it will be cheaper here than anywhere, by reason of this purchase; if not, their Minister here may pay interest of the purchase money for rent, to Congress, as well as another. But in that case he will live at a cheaper rate than any other Minister. I have been at a small additional expense for repairs, which has put the house in order; but as the accounts are not yet brought in, I cannot exactly tell the sum. When they come in, I shall draw on the Messrs. Willinks, Van Staphorsts, and de la Lande and Fynje, for the money, unless I shall have contrary orders from Congress.

I have ever made a large expense for newspapers, for the sake of public intelligence, and have sent them as often as I could, and in great numbers, to America. As I ever have, I ever shall send them all there, and if Congress shall think this a proper charge to the public, it may be added hereafter.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTE:

[9] The salary allowed the Ministers abroad at that time, was two thousand five hundred pounds sterling a year.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.