The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume VI Part 20

JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, December 26th, 1781.

Sir,

It is very long since we had the pleasure of hearing from you. Before this you will probably have received two letters of mine; a duplicate of the last goes with this.

Nothing material has happened since the date of that, except the evacuation of Wilmington, which was, as you know, a very important post, as it checked the trade of North Carolina, and kept up a dangerous connexion with almost the only tories on the Continent, who have shown spirit enough to support their principles openly.

This new sacrifice by Britain of their partizans, conspiring with that made by the capitulation of York, must open their eyes, and teach them what the experience of ages should have taught, that those friends.h.i.+ps are weak, which arise, from a fellows.h.i.+p in guilt.

Our army, and the French troops are in quarters. The first in the Jerseys, and upon the Hudson river; the last in Virginia. General Greene will be reinforced by about eighteen hundred men, under St Clair. The enemy are shut up in New York, Savannah, and Charleston, though I believe they may yet have one or two posts, near the latter, which they will keep till St Clair joins Greene. Count de Gra.s.se is in the West Indies, with so formidable an armament as promises the most important successes, during the winter; when joined by the force, that has sailed from Brest, and so many of the Spanish fleet as are prepared to co-operate with him, he will have about fifty sail of the line under his command.

I enclose several resolutions of Congress, which will convince you that their late successes have not rendered them supine or negligent.

The spirit which animates them will pervade most of the States. I need not suggest to you, the use that should be made of this information. I am persuaded, that your own knowledge of the world, and the particular situation of the government you are in, will direct you to the best means of rendering them useful to this country. I also enclose an ordinance relative to captures and recaptures lately pa.s.sed by Congress. You will observe, that it is formed upon the plan recommended by the armed neutrality. It does credit in that view to our moderation. Perhaps the conduct of Britain, and the neglect of the neutral powers to enforce their own regulations, may render the policy of the measure doubtful. This, however, gives new force to the deductions drawn from it in favor of our moderation and justice.

You will also observe, that it uses means to put an entire stop to all kind of commerce with Britain, or in British manufactures. In consequence of this, new habits and new fas.h.i.+ons must be introduced.

Wise nations will not neglect this favorable moment to render them subservient to the interest of their own commerce and manufactures.

This affords you a topic which need not be urged to enlarge upon. I am very fearful that you will not fully understand the cyphers in which my last letters are written. I had them from the late committee of Foreign Affairs, though they say they never received any letters from you in them. Mr Lovell has enclosed what he thinks may serve as an explanation. I would recommend it to you to write to me in M. Dumas's cypher, till I can send you, or you send me one, by a safe hand.

Should you be at Paris, Dr Franklin has Dumas's cypher.

And now, Sir, for all this American intelligence, let me receive from you a full return in European commodities of the like kind. I do not hesitate to impose this task upon you, because I know it is one that you have never neglected, and that you are fully impressed with the idea of its importance to us. Among other things, I am persuaded Congress would wish to know the success of your loan, and your prospects; the disposition of the government, and the strength of the Marine of the United Provinces; its objects and preparations for the ensuing campaign; the negotiations which may be carrying on at present, either for peace or war; the designs, finances, and Marine of Russia. I shall also apply to Mr Dana for information on this subject, as it will be much more practicable to correspond with him through you, than to get letters to him at this season of the year from here.

I shall, however, attempt both.

I am too well acquainted with your industry and patriotism to think that you will repine at any trouble that this may give you. You know that Congress have a right to the fullest information from their Ministers, and that their Ministers have similar demands upon them. I shall endeavor, as far as lies in my power, to satisfy the last in future, since that charge has devolved upon me.

I enclose a number of newspapers that may afford you some information and amus.e.m.e.nt, and have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 29th, 1781.

Sir,

The Minister of the Court of Vienna has announced to their High Mightinesses, the accession of the Emperor to the armed neutrality, in the following manner.

ACCESSION OF AUSTRIA TO THE ARMED NEUTRALITY.

"The Emperor having been invited by her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, to accede to the principles of neutrality, which have been laid down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780, transmitted to the belligerent powers, his Majesty has accepted of this invitation, so much the more willingly, as he is convinced of the justice and equity of these principles. In consequence, their Imperial Majesties have resolved between themselves, and caused to be exchanged at St Petersburg, acts of accession on one part, and of acceptation on the other, of which the subscriber, Envoy Extraordinary, has the honor to transmit copies, by order of his Court, to their High Mightinesses, requesting them to accept of this communication, as a fresh testimony which the Emperor is pleased to give them of his affection, and of his most perfect confidence.

"His Imperial Majesty hopes that this step will be considered as a new proof of his sincere and unalterable intentions to observe the strictest neutrality, and the most exact impartiality towards the belligerent powers. And as he has not ceased to give proofs of it through the whole course of this war, he flatters himself he shall be able to find in it sufficient pledges of that attention and regard, which he has a right to require in return on their part for the rights and liberties of neutral nations.

"Done at the Hague, this 11th day of December, 1781.

THE BARON DE KEISCHACH."

The act of accession, presented with the foregoing note, is of the following tenor.

"Joseph the Second, by the grace of G.o.d, &c. having been invited amicably by her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, to concur with her in the consolidation of the principles of the neutrality upon the sea, tending to the maintenance of the liberty of the maritime commerce, and of the navigation of neutral powers, which she has laid down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780, presented on her part to the belligerent powers, which principles imply in substance,

"1. That neutral vessels may navigate freely from port to port, and upon the coasts of the nations at war;

"2. That effects belonging to the subjects of powers at war be free upon neutral vessels, excepting merchandises of contraband;

"3. That no merchandises be considered as such, but those enumerated in the tenth and eleventh articles of the Treaty of Commerce, concluded between Russia and Great Britain the 28th of June, 1766;

"4. That to determine what characterises a port blocked, this denomination is only to be given to that, where, by the disposition of the power, which attacks it, with vessels sufficiently near, there is an evident danger of entering;

"5. Finally, that these principles serve as rules in proceedings and judgments concerning the legality of prizes.

"And her said Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having proposed to us, to this effect, to manifest by a formal act of accession, not only our full adhesion to these same principles, but also our immediate concurrence in the measures to a.s.sure the execution of them, that we would adopt on our part, by contracting reciprocally with her said Majesty, the engagements and stipulations, following, viz.

"I. That on one part and on the other, we will continue to observe the most exact neutrality, and will carry into the most rigorous execution the prohibitions declared against the commerce of contraband of their respective subjects, with any of the powers already at war, or which may enter into the war in the sequel;

"II. That if, in spite of all the cares employed to this effect, the merchant vessels of one of the two powers should be taken, or insulted, by any vessels whatsoever of the belligerent powers, the complaints of the injured power shall be supported in the most efficacious manner by the other; and that, if they refuse to render justice upon these complaints, they shall concert immediately upon the most proper manner of procuring it by just reprisals;

"III. That if it should happen, that one or the other of the two powers, or both together, on occasion, or in resentment of this present agreement, should be disturbed, molested, or attacked, in such case they shall make common cause between themselves for their mutual defence, and labor in concert to procure themselves a full and entire satisfaction, both for the insult offered to their flag, and for the losses caused to their subjects;

"IV. That these stipulations shall be considered on one part, and on the other, as permanent, and as making a rule, whenever it shall come in question to determine the rights of neutrality;

"V. That the two powers shall communicate amicably their present mutual concert to all the powers who are actually at war.

"We, willing, by an effect of the sincere friends.h.i.+p, which happily unites us to her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, as well as for the well-being of Europe in general, and of our countries and subjects in particular, to contribute on our part to the execution of views, of principles, and measures, as salutary as they are conformable to the most evident notions of the law of nations, have resolved to accede to them, as we do formally accede to them, in virtue of the present act, promising and engaging solemnly, as her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias engages herself to us, to observe, execute, and warrant all the foregoing points and stipulations. In faith of which, we have signed these presents with our own hand, and have hereto affixed our seal.

"Given at Vienna, the 9th of October, 1781.

JOSEPH."

The Prince de Gallitzin has notified the acceptation of Russia nearly in the same words. By the fifth article the two Imperial Courts ought to notify this to Congress, for it is most certain that the United States are one of the powers actually at war. Whether they will or no, time must discover; but by the articles, to serve as a basis of peace at the proposed Congress at Vienna, these two Courts have certainly acknowledged the American Colonies to be a power at war, and a power sufficiently free to appear at Vienna, and make peace with Great Britain.

The confederation for the liberty of navigation of neutral nations, is now one of the most formidable that ever was formed in the world. The only question is, whether it is not too complicated and various to be managed to effect. The conduct of the Empress of Russia towards this Republic, and especially in offering her mediation for a separate peace between England and Holland, has excited some jealousies of her sincerity or her constancy. But I think it will appear in the end, that she intends that Holland shall enjoy the full benefit of this confederation, which will effectually deprive England of that sovereignty of the sea, which she so presumptuously claims and boasts.

But if it should appear, which I do not expect, that the Empress should advise the Dutch to give up the right of carrying naval stores, after the example of Denmark, her glory will suffer no small diminution, and I presume that Holland, humble as she is, will not submit to it, but make immediately common cause with the enemies of her enemy.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.