The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume V Part 12

"Aranjuez, the 18th of April, 1780.

DE FLORIDA BLANCA."

There are two articles worth translating from the foreign gazettes, if it were only as specimens of the art, which is employed to keep the enemy in uncertainty about the designs of this Court, and the destinations of their fleets, whether successfully or not.

The first is, Amsterdam, 29th of May. A letter from Toulon, of the 8th of this month, contains the following details. "Orders have arrived here from Court, to send out into the Road, as soon as may be, the s.h.i.+ps of the line, the Zele and the Ma.r.s.eillois; but as the destination of these two s.h.i.+ps is kept extremely secret, we exhaust ourselves in conjectures concerning the object of the operations, which they are ordered to execute. Some will have it, that they have orders to go and join the squadron of Don Solano, which sailed from Cadiz the 28th of last month, which it is pretended is bound to Brest.

Others presume, that they have no other commission, than to go and cruise in the neighborhood of Mahon, to keep in the privateers, which frequently come out from thence, and which give extreme trouble to the navigation of the ports of the Mediterranean; in fine, there are some who believe that these vessels are to co-operate in an important enterprise, which is to be attempted in that sea. However this may be, as we know that a number of vessels have been taken up upon freight, on account of the King, and that they may easily embark in our port eleven or twelve thousand men; as moreover, it is more than probable that on the one hand, the entrance of the Straits of Gibraltar being sufficiently guarded by the Spaniards, so that there will not be occasion for a strong squadron to protect the transport vessels, which may be employed in an expedition against Mahon; and that on the other hand, the English being sufficiently occupied on diverse sides, may not be able easily to send to the relief of this island, we conclude from the combination of these different circ.u.mstances, that it may very well happen, that they may attempt this conquest, the success of which does not appear in effect to present any very insurmountable difficulties, and which would procure, after all, an advantage sufficiently important to the good of our commerce in general to merit that at least we should make the essay."

The other article is in the Amsterdam Gazette of the 30th of May, and from Paris the 23d of May, 1780.

"We are of opinion here, that M. de Ternay is ordered to conduct the division of M. de Rochambeau to Canada, and that with so much the more foundation, as we see everywhere what M. de Sartine has published of the despatches of the Count de Guichen, that the arrival of his squadron in the seas of the Antilles, was sufficient to give us there a decided superiority. We cannot, moreover, but applaud the prudence of M. de Guichen and M. de Bouille, in not sacrificing, perhaps in vain, a great many lives, to expel the English from the island of St Lucia, these two Generals having, without doubt, designs more important, and the success of which appears to them more certain, which naturally raises conjectures, that M. de Guichen proposed very soon to put to sea. However this may be, there are, nevertheless, other people who presume, that if the Count de Rochambeau does not go directly to Canada, he may very well go and disembark at Rhode Island, where he may make a place of arms, in order to go from thence, and join himself to General Was.h.i.+ngton, and attack New York together, while it is unfurnished with a strong garrison."

In this manner it is, that some person or other is employed to give scope to the speculations and conjectures of the public, while the Courts of Europe flatter themselves, that their real Councils are kept secret. There is reason, however, to believe that, in fact, the Councils of all the Courts of Europe are penetrated by their enemies.

The Councils of Congress, in many striking and important instances, although necessarily confided to such numbers, have been much more inviolably kept, without the aid of hired paragraph writers to disguise them. Our character and interest depend upon improving this fidelity, as well as upon discountenancing both by manners and authority, that base art so prevalent in Europe, that of political lying.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 2d, 1780.

Sir,

When a Minister of an ancient nation, which has been renowned for its wisdom and virtue, as well as power, rises in a popular a.s.sembly, which is the most conspicuous theatre in Europe, and declares, as it were, in the face of all the world, and with an air of reflection, of deliberation, and of solemnity, that such and such are his own opinions, concerning the truth of facts, and the probability of future events, one cannot call in question his good faith, although we may know his information to be false, and his judgment erroneous.

Lord George Germain, in the debate in the House of Commons, on the 6th of May, declared, that "he flattered himself the completion of the chief wish of his heart, peace with America, on what he thought good and honorable terms for Great Britain, was not far off. He verily believed, and his belief was not merely speculative, but founded on recent information, that the moment of conciliation was near. His Lords.h.i.+p described the misery, which the Americans felt at this time, and stated, that the greatest majority of the people there were ready and desirous to return to their allegiance, but that they were prevented by the tyranny of those, who had got the power of government into their own hands. He did not believe the Congress would ever treat for peace, but from the condition of affairs in America, from the depreciation of their paper currency, from the poverty and distress of the country, from the great debt it groaned under, from the dissatisfaction, which all ranks of people expressed at the alliance with France, from the little benefit America had derived from that alliance; from all these considerations he did believe, that the people of America and the a.s.semblies of America would soon come to terms."

There may be some ambiguity in the phrase, "good and honorable terms for Great Britain;" but there can be no reasonable doubt, that his Lords.h.i.+p meant either to return to their allegiance to Great Britain, or at least to make a peace with her, separate from France. Whether the Americans ever will agree to such terms or not, being a question concerning a future event, cannot be decided by witnesses, nor any other way, but by probable arguments. There is one argument, which his Lords.h.i.+p does not appear to have considered. It is of some weight. It is this, that in order to return to their allegiance to the King of England, or make a peace with him, separate from France, they must involve themselves in a certain war with France and Spain, at least, and indeed, according to present appearances, with Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and Portugal, for every one of these powers appear to be as decided against the claims, pretensions, and usurpations of Great Britain upon the seas, as France and Spain are. There is not an American merchant, yeoman, tradesman, or seaman, but knows this, or will know it very soon. Americans must therefore be dest.i.tute of that common share of reason, which G.o.d has given to men, to exchange the friends.h.i.+p of all the nations of the world for their enmity, merely for the sake of returning to a connexion with Great Britain, which could not protect them, and which they have the best reasons to dread as the greatest evil that could befal them, from the unheard of tyrannies and cruelties they have already experienced from her. His Lords.h.i.+p is desired to consider this, and to ask himself if he was an American, whether he would wish to run under the broken fragments of an empire, that is dashed in pieces, like a china vase, and commence a fresh war against a combination of all the nations of the world, who discover a degree of esteem and regard for America.

If the Americans are as miserable as his Lords.h.i.+p represents them, will they be likely to increase that misery tenfold, and make it perpetual, by exposing the cause of a ruined empire, and going to war with half a dozen that are not ruined?

If we believe the testimonies of witnesses, who come from all parts of America, we shall be convinced, that his Lords.h.i.+p deceives himself.

Every man from that country, who knows the principles and opinions of the people, declares, that they are, with an unanimity, that is unexampled in any other revolution, firmly determined to maintain their sovereignty and their alliances, and that there is n.o.body there who utters a wish of returning to the government of Great Britain, or even of making a separate peace.

But if his Lords.h.i.+p was a candid inquirer after truth, and had a mind sufficiently enlightened to discover the means, that are in the power of all men, of obtaining it, he might have seen his error. There are certain marks, by which the opinions, principles, inclinations, and wishes of a people, may be discovered with infallible certainty, without recurring to witnesses, or to far fetched arguments.

The press, the towns, the juries, and the a.s.semblies, are four sources, from whence an unerring demonstration of the true sentiments of the people of America may be drawn. There is not in any nation of the world so unlimited a freedom of the press as is now established in every State of America, both by law and practice. Every man in Europe, who reads their newspapers, must see it. There is nothing that the people dislike, that they do not attack. They attack officers of every rank in the militia, and in the army; they attack judges, governors, and magistrates, of every denomination. They attack a.s.semblies, and Councils, members of Congress, and Congress itself, whenever they dislike their conduct. But I appeal to every newspaper upon the Continent, whether one paragraph, one wish, or hint of returning to the government of Great Britain, or of making a separate peace, has ever appeared.

The towns in many parts of America are small districts of territory, on an average perhaps six miles square. By the ancient laws of the country, which are still in force, any seven inhabitants of one of these towns have a right to demand of the magistrates a public a.s.sembly of all. There are necessarily several of these town meetings every year, and generally a great number of them. In these a.s.semblies, every man, high and low, every yeoman, tradesman, and even day laborer, as well as every gentleman and public magistrate, has a right to vote, and to speak his sentiments upon public affairs, to propose measures, to instruct their representatives in the Legislature, &c.

This right was constantly and frequently used under the former government, and is now much more frequently used under the new. The world has seen some hundreds of sets of instructions to representatives under the former government, wherein they enjoined an open opposition to judges, governors, acts of Parliament, King, Lords, and Commons of Great Britain. What is there now to prevent them from opposing Congress? Nothing. Has a single vote of any one of these towns been read, or one speech heard, proposing, or uttering a wish to return to the government of Great Britain? Not one. Is not this a demonstration of the sentiments of the people?

Juries in America were formerly another organ, by which the sentiments of the people were conveyed to the public. Both Grand Juries and Pet.i.t Juries, have expressed themselves in language sufficiently bold and free, against acts of Parliament, and the conduct of Great Britain.

But has any one ever uttered a word against Congress, or the a.s.semblies, or the judges, under their new governments? or a wish to return to the obedience of England? Not one. But it is said, the paper money embarra.s.ses Congress. What then? Does this tend to make them dissolve their union? To violate their alliances? Would the paper money embarra.s.s Congress less if they had a war to maintain against France and Spain, than it does now? Would not the embarra.s.sment be much greater? Does the paper money prevent the increase and the population of the States? No. Does the war prevent it? No. Both the population and the property of the States have increased every year, since this war began. And all the efforts of Great Britain cannot prevent it. On the contrary, has the wealth and population of Great Britain increased? Has her commerce increased? Has the political weight of the nation in the scales of Europe increased? Let a melancholy Briton tell.

His Lords.h.i.+p talks about the misery of the people in America. Let him look at home, and then say, where is misery! where the hideous prospect of an internal civil war is added to a war with all the world. The truth is, that agriculture and manufactures, not of luxuries, but of necessaries, have been so much increased by this war, that it is much to be doubted, whether they ever fed or clothed themselves more easily or more comfortably. But, besides this, the immense depredations they have made upon the British trade, have introduced vast quant.i.ties of British merchandises of every sort. And in spite of all the exertions of the British fleet, their trade is opening and extending with various countries every year, and Britain herself is forced to aid it, and will be more and more; a recent proof of which, is the permission to import American tobacco into the kingdom from any part of the world in neutral bottoms.

The great debt is also mentioned. Do they pay an interest for this debt? Is every necessary and convenience of life taxed to perpetuity, to pay this interest? Is the whole equal in proportion to their abilities to the debt of England? Would the debt be rendered less, by joining Great Britain against France and Spain? Would the war against France and Spain be shorter, less expensive, or less b.l.o.o.d.y, than the war against England? By returning to England, would not their debt be ten times more burdensome? This debt is as nothing to America, once give her peace, let the Americans trade freely with one another, and with all other nations, and this debt would be but a feather. Let them come under Great Britain again, and have the communication between one Colony and another obstructed, as heretofore, and their trade confined to Great Britain, as heretofore, and this debt would be a heavier millstone about their necks, than that of England is about theirs.

A general repugnance to the alliance with France, is mentioned. A greater mistake was never made. On the contrary, every step of Congress, every proceeding of every a.s.sembly upon the continent, every prayer that is made in the pulpit, and every speculation in the newspapers, demonstrates the high sense they have of the importance of this alliance. It is said, that this alliance has been of little utility. Has it not employed the British army? has it not cut out work enough for the British navy? has it not wasted for England her annual twenty millions? has it not prevented these from being employed against America? has it not given scope to American privateers? has it not protected the American trade? has it not hurt that of Great Britain? has it not engaged Russia, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, and Portugal, at least to a neutrality? at least has it not contributed much to these vast advantages to America? has it not taken away from Great Britain the dominion of the sea, so far as to allow liberty of navigation to others? It is true, the alliance might have been of more utility to all the allies with the same expense, if France and Spain had sooner adopted the policy of sending more of their forces to America. But they are now so well convinced of it, that unless miracles are wrought to prevent it, America and England too will soon see more of the effects of this alliance. Let Britain tremble at the consequences of her own folly and her own crime.

His Lords.h.i.+p says, that the people would return to their allegiance, if they were not restrained by the tyranny of those who have got the powers of government. These are the a.s.semblies, Senates, Governors, and Congress. Now what power have any of these, but what the people please to allow them? By what engine is this tyranny exercised? Is it by the militia? In order to judge of this, let us consider the const.i.tution of the militia. The militia, is in fact the whole people, for by the laws of every State, every man from sixteen to sixty years of age, belongs to the militia, is obliged to be armed, to train and march upon occasion, or find a subst.i.tute. The officers are chosen by the men, except the General officers, who are appointed by the a.s.semblies. It is this very militia which forms the body of voters, who annually choose the members of the a.s.sembly, and the senators, and governors. Is it possible these men should tyrannise over men upon whom they are so entirely dependent? As well might it be reproached to his Lords.h.i.+p and his colleagues in administration, that they tyrannised over their royal master, who can displace them at his pleasure. The a.s.semblies thus annually chosen by the people, or militia, annually choose the delegates in Congress, and have power to recall them at pleasure. Will the militia then obey either a.s.semblies or Congress in the execution of tyrannical orders, or any orders that are not generally agreeable to them? The thing speaks for itself. Is it the Continental army then, that is the instrument of their own servitude and that of their country? Every officer holds his commission at the pleasure of Congress. But his Lords.h.i.+p and his colleagues often represent the Continental army as so small and feeble, as to be unable to make head against the British troops, and it is true that they are constantly employed in that service, and it is true that they are nothing in comparison with the militia. What would become of them then, if the militia or any considerable number of them were to join the British troops?

There has never been any part of the Continental army in more than three or four of the thirteen States at a time, watching the motions of the British army and confining them to the protection of their men-of-war. What has there been then in the remaining nine or ten States for an instrument of tyranny? This is too ridiculous to need many words.

His Lords.h.i.+p concludes, with a distinction, if possible, less grounded than his a.s.sertions. He says, that Congress will never treat, but that the people and the a.s.semblies will. Where does his Lords.h.i.+p find the ground of his difference between the Congress and the a.s.semblies? Are not the members of Congress made of the same clay? Are they not themselves members of the a.s.semblies? Are they not the creatures of the a.s.semblies? Are they not annually created? Are they not dependent every moment upon the a.s.semblies for their existence? Have not the a.s.semblies a right to recall them when they please, and appoint others by law and the const.i.tution? Have not the a.s.semblies a right to instruct them how to act? If they do not obey these instructions, cannot the a.s.semblies displace them and appoint others who will be more obedient? If the a.s.semblies desired a reconciliation with England, would not they appoint a Congress who desired it too? If the people desired it, could not they appoint a.s.semblies who would soon make a Congress suitable for their purpose? But I have been too long; his Lords.h.i.+p betrays such misinformation of facts, such an inattention to those obvious marks of the feelings of a people, as are infallible indications of their designs, and such a want of knowledge of the laws and const.i.tution of the United States, as excite astonishment in an impartial examiner, and a real commiseration for the unhappy nation, who are devoted to destruction from his errors and delusions.[4]

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

[4] _Barriers between Great Britain and the United States of America to a Reconciliation, Alliance, or even Peace._

1. The malice, revenge, pride, obstinacy, and absurdity of the King and royal family.

2. The guilt and danger of the Ministry, danger to their lives and present safety, as well as of ruin to their fortunes, characters, and reputations.

3. The ambition and avarice of the Ministry, whose chiefs have the same hunger for the loaves and fishes as the Ministers; as little attention to, and affection for the public as they; and, therefore, dare not displease the King, and so give up their hopes of his favor, by adopting any principles, or espousing any system, that could lead to reconciliation, or to peace.

4. The general prevalence of profligacy.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 4th, 1780.

Sir,

We learn from the Hague, the 30th of May, that their n.o.ble and Grand Mightinesses have resolved since the offer of the Commerce, to take for the equipment of the vessels of war put into commission a certain portion of the crews of merchant s.h.i.+ps.

As I wish to inform Congress at some time or other of all the conspicuous characters in Europe, who have penetrated enough of the system of events, that compose the present great epoch, and have had sufficient firmness to resist the unnatural efforts and solicitations, which Great Britain has made to disturb it, I think it is proper to take notice, that the Count de Panin, who has been very ill of a chronical disorder, was on the 2d of May much better, and made his appearance at the Court of St Petersburg. This Minister, I fancy, will have great merit with posterity, for the part he has acted for several years in the politics of Europe.

Extract of a letter from Cadiz, 2d of May. "The convoy under the escort of Messrs de Thomasco and de Solano, continued in sight all day, the 28th of April; the 29th it went off with a fair wind, which continues to this time. We expect the division of Toulon in fifteen days. Then Don Gaston will go out with a squadron of twelve s.h.i.+ps, and all the French vessels, which may be collected in Cadiz. If the thirteen vessels, which are ready at Ferrol, join this commander, his fleet will be very respectable, and will not fear that the enemy should oppose his junction with that of Brest."

_Toulon, 10th of May._ "The order, which the King's s.h.i.+ps, the Zele and the Ma.r.s.eillois, of seventyfour guns, have received unexpectedly to sail, gives place to several conjectures. The most probable is, that they are to join the division of French vessels, which are in the bay of Cadiz; and that after they shall be united, they will go in concert with a Spanish squadron to Brest, to form a part of the fleet destined to cruise in the English Channel. There have been taken up in our port, several merchant vessels on account of the King, to the end to go and carry to Cadiz the provisions of the French division, commanded by the Chevalier Beausset. It is confirmed, that the Experiment, commanded by M. de Martelly Chautard, is arrived at Ma.r.s.eilles, to escort from thence in concert with the frigate the Graciente, and the cutter the Naiade, a considerable convoy of vessels, bound for the islands in America."

_Brest, 15th of May._ "The convoy, which was coming here from Bordeaux, to form the second division of the expedition under the command of Messrs de Ternay and de Rochambeau, escaped the gale of wind by taking shelter in L'Orient. The Magnanime, which was coming here from Rochfort, having lost an anchor, was obliged to return thither."

_Paris, 25th of May._ "Letters from Cadiz, dated the 5th of this month, announce the departure of the French squadron, which was in the Road, under the command of M. de Beausset. It was furnished with provisions for six months, and before it put to sea it took in more, for six weeks; it was to have sailed the 6th. We are absolutely ignorant of the object of his expedition. M. Beausset has despatches, which he is not to open until he arrives at a certain lat.i.tude. This squadron, composed of five s.h.i.+ps of the line, and loaded with provisions for seven and a half months, is it bound to the Indies? We do not believe that it is. But to combine with M. de Ternay at a certain lat.i.tude? Some persons presume so. Others maintain, that this squadron is to make part of the fleet of observation in the Channel, and that the circ.u.mstance of seven and a half months' provision is a falsity, which ought not to be believed."

They write from Rochfort, that the Invincible, a new s.h.i.+p, of one hundred and four guns, is actually in the Road. The command of this vessel has been given to M. de la Cary. The following article shows, that some foreign merchants are enterprising a trade towards America.

_Ostend, 23d of May._ "The s.h.i.+p, the City of Brussels, Captain Peter Voughen, of five hundred tons, belonging to merchants of Brussels, who had loaded her for St Eustatia, has had the misfortune to strike, the 20th of this month, in going out of the basin. In spite of the alacrity with which they labor to get her afloat, and repair the damage she has sustained on the occasion, we think she cannot again be put in a condition to proceed to her destination."