A Political Diary, 1828-1830 Part 48

Cabinet at 3. Aberdeen read the proposed letter from the King to King Louis Philippe. With a few trifling alterations it was adopted.

The Duke called on Marmont to-day, and received from him a military account of the affair at Paris. Marmont said he knew nothing of the Ordonnances, and disapproved of them. He was at the King's levee on the Tuesday, and was told there were _quelques inquietudes_ at Paris, and to take the command of the troops. He found only 7,000 men. Polignac, forgetting any were _en conge_, thought there were 12,000. He occupied the Places de l'Hotel de Ville, de la Bastille, de Victoire, and de Vendome in sufficient force. His troops were not attacked. He withdrew them at night, and reoccupied the Posts in the morning. Then the attack began. The troops maintained themselves, but he found it necessary to withdraw them to the Louvre, the Tuileries, the Pont Neuf, and the Place de Vendome. In the Louvre he had two battalions of Swiss; two battalions of the Line in the Place de Vendome; the Guards in the Tuileries. He kept open his communication with the country by posts at all the avenues leading to the garden of the Tuileries and the Bois de Boulogne, Champs Elysees, &c. The battalion at the Place de la Bastille could not retreat by the straight road, and was obliged to march all round Paris, crossing the river at the bridge nearest Charenton, and coming to the Tuileries by the Faubourg.

The two battalions in the Place de Vendome went over to the people. He then sent one battalion from the Louvre to the grille of the Tuileries garden, opposite the Rue de Rivoli, and so protected his flank. On Thursday he had lost 1,800 men, killed and wounded; and 1,200 _egares_--besides the two battalions; but he had received a reinforcement of 3,000 men. The troops were _extenues de fatigue_. When Lafitte and the others came to him he told him he could not order the fire to cease. He was attacked.

If the fire of the people ceased, his troops would not fire. He fairly told the King it was not _une commotion_, nor even _une insurrection_, but _une Revolution_. There were not above thirty or forty people behind the barriers, but all the windows were occupied by armed men. He counselled concession, but Polignac would not hear of it. He said Polignac was _l'homme le plus presomptueux_ he had ever seen.

When the Louvre was attacked the Swiss ran out towards the Tuileries and carried with them a battalion he had in the Place de Carrousel, as well as two guns he had with him. The rush was such he could hardly get upon his horse, and the men ran so fast that a person he sent after them on horseback found them almost at the extremity of the Tuileries garden.

However, some returned to protect the retreat of about sixty men whom he had got together to defend the grille at the Arc de Triomphe in the Place de Carrousel. They were just enabled to retreat.

Marmont is violent against the Swiss, who were, he says, retained in the French service by higher pay and privileges for _this very thing_, and yet they ran away in this shameful manner.

Marmont means to go to Italy for a year. After that he hopes he can return to France. He has no wish to emigrate.

If the account in Lord Stuart's report be correct, France is in a deplorable state. In many parts of the country no taxes are paid, and the Republican party has not lost hope.

The conditions of what Don Pedro considers a conciliatory arrangement are entirely inadmissible. They are founded upon the marriage of Donna Maria da Gloria, and England, France, and Austria are to guarantee her against any _injure_ she may receive from her husband. Certainly we may safely say these terms are inadmissible, and so break off all negotiations with Don Pedro, who, since these terms were proposed by him, has recognised the independent Regency of Terceira. By-the-bye, one of his terms is the payment, by Portugal, of all the expenses incurred by himself for Donna Maria.

It seems the draft of a decree of amnesty has been sent to Lisbon, and if Miguel will pa.s.s that decree we are to recognise him.

The Chancellor and others seemed to think this was an awkward time, and we had better wait a little. I think so too. However, undoubtedly our early recognition of Miguel might lead to the prevention of a Portuguese Revolution.

There was much conversation respecting the Bank Charter. It seemed to be the general opinion that Government should take it upon itself to arrange terms with the Bank, which terms will be prohibition to any other Bank to issue notes within twenty-five miles of London. This being granted, the Bank will do the public business for 100,000 a year less. The whole question of country banking, whether it is to be with limited or unlimited responsibility, a limited or an unlimited number of partners, is to be left open to Parliament.

I suggested that the most important question was the revision of taxation.

My view now is that we must take off some of the taxes which press most on the poorer cla.s.ses, and have an income tax. I dislike an income tax as much as any one. To me it is a very oppressive tax, but I believe it may become necessary.

Walked to the corner of Hyde Park with Lord Rosslyn. Had some conversation with him respecting the changes necessary in the Government before we meet Parliament. He says Lord Althorpe will not come in without Lord Grey, and he is not sure Lord Grey would not stipulate for Lord Durham. The latter is out of the question on account of his temper. I do not think the Government could go on with the Duke and Lord Grey. Of the Huskissonians, Palmerston is the only one. To E. Stanley there is no objection.

_August 26._

At 3 Count Moltke came to the office. He had two Danish claims to speak about.

Dinner at the Albion for Clare. There were present of the Ministers, Peel, Rosslyn, Goulburn, Herries; then Lord F. Leveson, Calcraft, the Solicitor- General, W. Peel, Lord G. Somerset, Planta, Gen. Macdonald, Col. Fitz- Clarence, Lord Tenterden. Of Clare's friends Glengall, Agar Ellis, Sneyd, Lord Templeton, besides H. Vyner, and Upton, who go with him.

I spoke feebly, not being well; besides, I did not think it in good taste to make a great speech; but to leave Clare's the first speech of the day.

Peel made a very good speech; but too much of it. Clare really spoke very feelingly and well. He spoke a little too much of his grat.i.tude to the Court.

I had some conversation with Loch. I was as well received as I expected, and better, considering the run that has been made at me. The Duke went off to Walmer Castle, very wisely, for he wants sea air; but Clare would have been more pleased had he been present, and the Directors too. The Ministers' healths were well received.

_August 28._

Received from Elphinstone his remarks upon the proposed letter to Bombay, respecting native education, of which he generally approves. He strongly urges the sending out of European professors, young men, acquainted with English literature, to learn the language there, and teach the natives. I have sent the extract from his letter to Astell, suggesting that the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin, and Edinburgh should each name those from whom should be selected the necessary number. I have observed that the object of native education is of such importance that the state of the finances must not prevent its accomplishment.

_August 30._

Wrote a very long letter to Hardinge on the present position of the Government and our policy. I gave my opinion that any accession of men which destroyed the unity of the Duke's Government would do harm. That we must meet our difficulties by measures. That the first was a revision of taxation, that no men we could get would add moral strength to the Government, and the Whigs would not support unless they had half the Government. That the question of Reform could not be made an open question.

It was best for the country that parties should be decidedly separated. It might then choose which it preferred, and men would be obliged to take a side. We had better be out with character than in with a detachment of the enemy, in possession of a gate. Still TALK we must have, and we want a financier. I said of myself that I cared little about office. I should without reluctance acquiesce in retirement if the Duke could fill my office more advantageously, and I believe Rosslyn would do. I thought Rosslyn would like Ireland or Paris.

I do not think it improbable Hardinge may send this letter to the Duke.

_August 31._

An insurrection at Brussels, the houses of the Ministers burnt. The troops fired and killed many. They, not being 1,500, retired to the park, and formed before the palace. An evening paper I got at Ashford says the n.o.bility had joined the people, and the troops had acceded on condition of keeping their arms, and guarding the palace. If this Revolution takes the line of union with France, war is almost inevitable. It may be only for a more popular form of Government, but what the people of the Netherlands desire is annexation to a great State. They are ashamed of being Dutch.

Most fortunately all our manufacturers are in full employment, and the harvest is abundant. The peace and const.i.tution of England have depended upon fine weather.

Clare, from whom I heard to-day, tells me Lord Wellesley a.s.sures him there is to be a Revolution in Spain, and named the day. The n.o.bles are supposed to be at the head of it. This may all be true, for our Ministers never find anything out; but my apprehension is that there will be a low, ill- supported revolutionary movement.

Received a letter from Lady Londonderry. She first wishes me to obtain, if I can, Ward's exchange to a better climate. This I have told her I have already endeavoured to do; but that I have no expectation of Aberdeen's doing it.

Lady L. says her brother was two hours with the Duke, and as long with Lord Grey. The latter would have acted a second part, but the Duke would not admit him. I have told her I think she must have misunderstood Lord Camden's account, and that she may be a.s.sured it is not the Duke's character to fear an equal.

I sent her letter to Hardinge, and asked him if he knew anything of the affair. I cannot imagine when it can have taken place. Lord Camden was an odd person to employ. He knows so little of Lord Grey. Rosslyn would have been the natural envoy if it proceded from the Duke; but I think it must have been a volunteer of Lord Camden's.

_September 2._

Read the papers relative to the Danish claims. Canning seems to have decided one case, that of the Danish East India Company, hastily. However, we cannot undo a decision of a Secretary of State.

The other case, that of the private individuals at Tranquebar, has been determined in their favour.

_September 3._

Had a long conversation with Herries, with whom I rode for a long time, respecting affairs, both here and abroad. He is rather downcast. However, he thinks this Belgian insurrection will be put down. Rothschild has exported 800,000 in silver and 400,000 in gold to meet his bills when they become due--diffident of having anything paid to himself.

_September 5._

Cabinet room. Found Lord Rosslyn there. He told me the substance of a report I did not see of Col. Jones, who was sent by the Duke to the Netherlands, and is returned. He says the Prince of Orange is with 1,600 men in the park and palace at Brussels; 5,000 men are close at hand under Prince Frederick of Orange, at Vilvorde, and two bodies of 10,000 each are marching upon the same point. The troops at the palace have twelve guns.

All the troops show a good disposition.

The first deputation from Brussels was rather insolent. They were treated accordingly, and told to return without c.o.c.kades, &c. They did so, and the Prince agreed to go into Brussels without troops. There was a great crowd, and for a moment he was separated from the staff and the Garde Bourgeoise, and alone in the midst of the people. He leapt his horse over a barrier and so got back. A Commission of very respectable men has been appointed to investigate grievances. So the thing will rest till the meeting of the States on September 13.

There is a letter from Lord Heytesbury giving an account of his conversations with the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor is violent against the Bourbons; says very correctly that his treaties only oblige him to maintain a const.i.tutional King. Still he may recognise, but shall always consider the Duke of Orleans as a usurper.

Prussia seems very prudent; disposed to recognise, but to state the condition of peace--that the territorial possessions of 1815 shall be maintained. Austria seems to be less prudent. Metternich sent to Bernstorff the answer he intended to give, which required a declaration of not having any intention to interfere in the affairs of France, but required a pledge as to the observance of the Treaty of 1815 before recognition. Bernstorff very prudently advised Austria to recognise unconditionally.

The Spaniards seem to have been in great consternation at first.

The Minister (Addington) thinks the King and Queen are so popular, and the public interest is so much directed to the Queen's approaching accouchement, that no revolutionary movement of importance is likely to take place. He deprecates, however, the commencement of any such movement, because he thinks it would enable the Apostolical Party [Footnote: The name given in Spain and Portugal to the Absolutist and Clerical Party.] to induce the King to dismiss his present quiet Ministers, and have recourse to measures of rigour, which would infallibly ruin the dynasty. Spain, and indeed all the Powers, seem to look for instruction to England, and there can be no doubt that all will recognise and all be quiet. Salmon, when he communicated to the King the events in France, said, 'Your Majesty sees how dangerous over-zeal is in a Minister. No one could be more devoted to the Royal Family than Prince Polignac.'

The King said, 'I see it.'