The Essential Writings Of Machiavelli Part 14

PERUGIA, MID-SEPTEMBER 1506 1506Machiavelli's letter to Giovan Batista Soderini, the twenty-two-year-old nephew of the Gonfalonier of Florence, for whose government Machiavelli was working, opens with a witty response to the young man's short letter of September 12, 1506, and segues into a lengthy discourse on Fortune. The ideas Machiavelli expounds in this letter are mirrored (in some cases almost verbatim) in chapter 25 of The Prince, Prince, which it is believed Machiavelli worked on some seven years later. In the letter Giovan Batista Soderini had sent to Machiavelli, he had written: "If my affection for you did not lead me to doing many things without purpose, I would beg your pardon for writing you, or would find some pretext or excuse. But I do not have anything to tell you, nor do I want you to write back to me which it is believed Machiavelli worked on some seven years later. In the letter Giovan Batista Soderini had sent to Machiavelli, he had written: "If my affection for you did not lead me to doing many things without purpose, I would beg your pardon for writing you, or would find some pretext or excuse. But I do not have anything to tell you, nor do I want you to write back to me. [...] I cannot tell you how much Filippo di Banco and I want to go to Piombino [to meet King Ferdinand the Catholic], but if one of us is impeded by the stars, the other is impeded by the sun." I cannot tell you how much Filippo di Banco and I want to go to Piombino [to meet King Ferdinand the Catholic], but if one of us is impeded by the stars, the other is impeded by the sun."

- A disguised letter of yours reached me, but I recognized your hand within ten words. Knowing you, I believe you will manage to get to Piombino, though I am also certain of your impediments and Filippo's, one of you challenged by too little light, the other by too much.11 I do not mind returning in January, though I know by February I'll be sinking with all hands. I am sorry about Filippo's misgivings, and await the outcome with suspense. I do not mind returning in January, though I know by February I'll be sinking with all hands. I am sorry about Filippo's misgivings, and await the outcome with suspense.12 Your letter was short, but I made it longer by rereading it. I was grateful, because it gave me the opportunity to do what I might not have done and which you suggested I not do Your letter was short, but I made it longer by rereading it. I was grateful, because it gave me the opportunity to do what I might not have done and which you suggested I not do13-that was the only part of your letter I found without purpose. This would have surprised me, had Fate not shown me so many and varied things that I am rarely astonished and can seldom confess that I have not savored-through reading or experience-the deeds of men or their manner of behaving. I know you and the compa.s.s of your navigation, and how it might be blamed, though in fact it cannot be, nor would I blame it, considering what ports it has steered you to and what hope it can nurture in you (hence I do not think from your perspective, where one can see only wisdom, but from the perspective of the mult.i.tude where one sees the ends and not the means). One can see that various kinds of action achieve the same outcome, and acting in different ways the same result.14 If this idea was untested, the actions of our pope and their results have proved it true. If this idea was untested, the actions of our pope and their results have proved it true.15 Hannibal and Scipio excelled equally in their military approach, but Hannibal kept his army in Italy united by means of cruelty, deceit, and unscrupulousness, attracting the admiration of the people who rebelled against the Romans in order to follow him, while in Spain, Scipio achieved the same admiration through kindness, loyalty, and scrupulousness. Both achieved countless victories. But as we have a tendency to ignore Roman examples,16 let me provide some from our times: Lorenzo de' Medici disarmed the populace in order to hold Florence, while Messer Giovanni Bentivogli armed it in order to hold Bologna; Vitelli of Citta di Castello and the current duke of Urbino destroyed their fortresses in order to hold on to their states, while Count Francesco [Sforza] in Milan and many others built fortresses in order to secure their states. let me provide some from our times: Lorenzo de' Medici disarmed the populace in order to hold Florence, while Messer Giovanni Bentivogli armed it in order to hold Bologna; Vitelli of Citta di Castello and the current duke of Urbino destroyed their fortresses in order to hold on to their states, while Count Francesco [Sforza] in Milan and many others built fortresses in order to secure their states.17 Emperor t.i.tus believed he would lose his state the day he did not do something good for someone, while another might believe he would lose his the day he did something good. Many achieve their aims by measuring and pondering over every matter; but our current pope, who has neither scales nor yardstick in his house, with a flick of the wrist achieved, unarmed as he was, what he would have been hard put to obtain through organization and arms. Emperor t.i.tus believed he would lose his state the day he did not do something good for someone, while another might believe he would lose his the day he did something good. Many achieve their aims by measuring and pondering over every matter; but our current pope, who has neither scales nor yardstick in his house, with a flick of the wrist achieved, unarmed as he was, what he would have been hard put to obtain through organization and arms.18 We see in all the examples I have cited, and in countless other examples I could give, that you acquire states, are subjugated, or are chased out of them depending on the turn of events. Often the same approach that was praised when you conquered the state is condemned when you lose it, and sometimes, when you lose a state after a long period of prosperity, you will not blame your own actions but accuse Heaven and Fate. We see in all the examples I have cited, and in countless other examples I could give, that you acquire states, are subjugated, or are chased out of them depending on the turn of events. Often the same approach that was praised when you conquered the state is condemned when you lose it, and sometimes, when you lose a state after a long period of prosperity, you will not blame your own actions but accuse Heaven and Fate.19 I do not know why different courses of action sometimes succeed and sometimes fail, though I would like to. So in order to hear your opinion on this I shall presume to tell you mine. I believe that just as Nature has given man different faces, she has also given him different kinds of intelligence and imagination. The result is that everyone comports himself according to his own intelligence and imagination. But on the other hand, because the times and the order of things vary, some men's aims succeed according to their wishes: He who conforms his course of action to the times will fare well, and conversely, he whose actions go against the times and the order of things will fare badly I do not know why different courses of action sometimes succeed and sometimes fail, though I would like to. So in order to hear your opinion on this I shall presume to tell you mine. I believe that just as Nature has given man different faces, she has also given him different kinds of intelligence and imagination. The result is that everyone comports himself according to his own intelligence and imagination. But on the other hand, because the times and the order of things vary, some men's aims succeed according to their wishes: He who conforms his course of action to the times will fare well, and conversely, he whose actions go against the times and the order of things will fare badly20 Hence it can come about that two men acting differently might achieve the same result, because each man can conform to what he encounters, there being as many orders of things as there are states and countries. Times and events change often, both in general and in particular, and yet men's imagination and behavior do not change, and so it comes about that one man at one time has good fortune while another has bad. In fact, he who is so wise that he understands the times and the order of things and can adapt to them will always have good fortune or guard himself against bad, and would learn that it is true that wise men can control the stars and the fates. But because one cannot find such wise men, as man tends to be shortsighted and unable to control his nature, we see that changing Fortune controls men and keeps them under her yoke. Hence it can come about that two men acting differently might achieve the same result, because each man can conform to what he encounters, there being as many orders of things as there are states and countries. Times and events change often, both in general and in particular, and yet men's imagination and behavior do not change, and so it comes about that one man at one time has good fortune while another has bad. In fact, he who is so wise that he understands the times and the order of things and can adapt to them will always have good fortune or guard himself against bad, and would learn that it is true that wise men can control the stars and the fates. But because one cannot find such wise men, as man tends to be shortsighted and unable to control his nature, we see that changing Fortune controls men and keeps them under her yoke.21 I would like the examples I have offered to suffice as proof of my view. I have based it on them and hope that they will sustain each other. Cruelty, deceit, and unscrupulousness do much to give standing to a new ruler in a land where kindness, loyalty, and scrupulousness have thrived for a long time, just as kindness, loyalty, and scrupulousness give standing where cruelty, deceit, and unscrupulousness have reigned for a time. Just as bitter things perturb the taste and sweet things cloy, men become weary of the good and are irked by the bad. It was this, among other things, that opened up Italy to Hannibal and Spain to Scipio, both men adapting their course of action to the situation and the times. Someone like Scipio would not have been able to achieve Hannibal's success in Italy during that era, just as someone like Hannibal would have been unable to achieve Scipio's success in Spain.

11. A pun on Soderini's mention in his letter that the stars and the sun were impeding them. A pun on Soderini's mention in his letter that the stars and the sun were impeding them.12. Soderini mentions in his letter to Machiavelli that Filippo "is expecting any moment now a verdict against him." Soderini mentions in his letter to Machiavelli that Filippo "is expecting any moment now a verdict against him."13. Soderini's letter gave Machiavelli the opportunity to respond (which he would perhaps not have done), despite Soderini's having written that Machiavelli need not bother responding. Soderini's letter gave Machiavelli the opportunity to respond (which he would perhaps not have done), despite Soderini's having written that Machiavelli need not bother responding.14. See See The Prince The Prince, chapter 25: "Hence two men operating differently can obtain the same result, while when two men operate in the same way, one might achieve his goal, the other not."15. Machiavelli is referring to Pope Julius's victory over Giampaolo Baglioni, the particularly ruthless tyrant of Perugia. Machiavelli is referring to Pope Julius's victory over Giampaolo Baglioni, the particularly ruthless tyrant of Perugia. Discourses Discourses, Book I, chapter 27: "[Pope Julius II], escorted only by his personal entourage, and driven by the rage with which he conducted all his affairs, put himself in the hands of his enemy Giampaolo, who then meekly followed him out of the city."16. Discourses Discourses, Preface: "The most skillful actions that the histories show us [...] are admired rather than imitated-or, I should say, they are avoided in every way."17. Niccolo Viteli and Guido Ubaldo da Montefeltro, the last of his family to rule Urbino. Machiavelli makes the same argument in Niccolo Viteli and Guido Ubaldo da Montefeltro, the last of his family to rule Urbino. Machiavelli makes the same argument in The Prince The Prince, chapter 20: "And yet in our own times Niccolo Vitelli tore down two fortresses in Citta di Castello in order to hold on to that state, while Guido Ubaldo, the Duke of Urbino, when he returned to his dominions from which Cesare Borgia had driven him, razed all the fortresses of that province to the ground, judging that he would be less likely to lose his state a second time without them. [...] The Castle of Milan built by Francesco Sforza has done and will do more harm to the house of Sforza than any turmoil in that state."18. Machiavelli is again referring to Pope Julius's capture of Giampaolo Baglioni, the tyrant of Perugia. Machiavelli is again referring to Pope Julius's capture of Giampaolo Baglioni, the tyrant of Perugia.19. Machiavelli develops this idea in Machiavelli develops this idea in The Prince The Prince, chapter 25, t.i.tled "On the Extent to Which Fortune Wields Power in the Affairs of Men, and on How This Is to Be Resisted."20. This line appears almost verbatim in This line appears almost verbatim in The Prince The Prince, chapter 25: "In my view, he who conforms his course of action to the quality of the times will fare well, and conversely he whose course of action clashes with the times will fare badly."21. This idea is also reflected in This idea is also reflected in The Prince The Prince, chapter 25: "One cannot find a man prudent enough to be capable of adapting to these changes, because man cannot deviate from that to which nature inclines him."

TO A ALAMANNO S SALVIATI.

FLORENCE, 28 SEPTEMBER 1509 1509In 1509 Pisa capitulated to Florence after more than ten years of war and siege22 (The city's surrender on June 4 had been signed by Florence's First Secretary and Machiavelli.) The following letter to Florence's new governor of Pisa, Alamanno Salviati, demonstrates Machiavelli's lucid tactical a.n.a.lysis as he informs the governor of the immediate details of the progress of Emperor Maximilian I's invasion of Padua and the dangers this presents to Florence. Maximilian had entered into the League of Cambrai with Pope Julius II, France, and Spain, their aim being to conquer and destroy the Republic of Venice and part.i.tion its territories (to which Padua belonged). Thirty years later, Francesco Guicciardini, the foremost historian of the Renaissance, confirmed in his book (The city's surrender on June 4 had been signed by Florence's First Secretary and Machiavelli.) The following letter to Florence's new governor of Pisa, Alamanno Salviati, demonstrates Machiavelli's lucid tactical a.n.a.lysis as he informs the governor of the immediate details of the progress of Emperor Maximilian I's invasion of Padua and the dangers this presents to Florence. Maximilian had entered into the League of Cambrai with Pope Julius II, France, and Spain, their aim being to conquer and destroy the Republic of Venice and part.i.tion its territories (to which Padua belonged). Thirty years later, Francesco Guicciardini, the foremost historian of the Renaissance, confirmed in his book The History of Italy The History of Italy many of the details of Machiavelli's firsthand evaluation of the siege many of the details of Machiavelli's firsthand evaluation of the siege.

- Honored Sir. Since I do not believe I can offer you a more welcome gift than to inform you of the matters of Padua and the emperor, I shall write you about the circ.u.mstances and what evaluation is made and could be made of their aim and outcome. Should my opinion seem in any way presumptuous, I crave Your Magnificence's forgiveness, and beg you to take for granted that I speak with utter frankness.

On the tenth of this month, the emperor and his army were in Sancta Croce, about a mile from Padua, but he sought to move his forces to a position both more favorable for striking Padua and suitable for blocking any supplies that might come from Venice. He therefore had to make a large arc around the city in order to avoid the marshes. He finally set up camp at Bovolento on the river Bacchiglione, seven miles from Padua, where his army plundered and slaughtered many peasants who had taken refuge there with their livestock.

He then set up another camp at Stra, an estate four miles from Padua where the Bacchiglione and Brenta rivers meet. From there he approached the city and began battering it on the 21st.

He positioned his army from the gates of Portello to the gates leading to Treviso, which I hear is a stretch of about three miles, and in width his men have taken up a mile. They say his army has thirty thousand foot soldiers, of which seventeen thousand are German, the rest having been sent to him by Ferrara, the pope, and France. The word is that every day new German infantrymen arrive, their only pay being present plunder and the hope for more. There are in addition twelve thousand or so hors.e.m.e.n, half Burgundians and Germans, the rest all Italian and French, and forty pieces of heavy artillery and up to a hundred pieces of medium and light artillery.

Our Florentine emissaries arrived in the field on the 21st, and their letters are from the 24th. They inform us that the emperor has set up the majority of his artillery during this time, that he has already demolished Padua's wall from Sancto Stefano to Mercato Nuovo, and that some of his heaviest artillery has shot three hundred pounds of iron. They make admirable strikes and no defense can resist them, and those who have managed to flee Padua have reported that many people have been killed, among them, they say, II Zitolo23 and Messer Perecto Corso. and Messer Perecto Corso.

Our emissaries report that the emperor is resolved to conquer Padua and excel as a military man and general, and that his army is thoroughly united and extremely well-provisioned.

Our emissaries write nothing of the goings-on inside Padua, except that their army is continually firing at the emperor's camp and has caused much damage, and that Messer Lucio Malvezzo went to Venice for funds with a good escort and returned to Padua without much hindrance.24 That is what our emissaries have reported. We have also been apprised of the city's military setup and defenses by a friar who came from Padua eight days ago. He informs us that they first filled the moats surrounding the city with water, and have erected fortifications by the walls to defend the moats and the outer walls. Then there are the inside walls, which they have bolstered with logs that are six feet from the walls and linked to each other with beams and girders, creating a barrier. The s.p.a.ce beyond this barrier is heaped with earth that they have pummeled as flat as they can. Furthermore, they have dug a deep moat-also on the inside-the way the French do, about 22 feet deep, beyond which they have raised a twelve-foot barrier above the moat. On the inside this barrier is leveled in such a way that horses can gallop on top. Behind this barrier they have set up wide s.p.a.ces for grouping the horses.

The friar reports that there is a swarm of munitions and artillery spread out over the ramparts and the defenses of the moats I have mentioned. He says that there is a paid infantry often thousand, four thousand horses, ten thousand men brought in from Venice, and more than four thousand peasants, all united and set on defending Padua, showing every confidence in the preparations and in the weather, which is turning bad for the siege.

This is how things stand, while here in Florence the argument is first whether Padua should be lost or not, and then, in either event, whether one need fear that the emperor will now bring turmoil to Tuscany and Rome.

I shall pa.s.s over what is said for and against the loss of Padua, because I do not see anyone informed discussing it-everyone talks about it according to his opinion-but propose that we consider only whether one ought to fear either outcome.

First, most people here in Florence are extremely worried about the emperor's conquering Padua, but they are also worried about his not managing to conquer it. They believe that if he is successful, his standing will increase to such an extent that France will side with him and he will be given the Holy Roman crown by the pope without hindrance,25 and we and the rest of Italy will be at his disposal. If, on the other hand, he does not manage to conquer Padua, he might reach an agreement with Venice to our detriment with the same result: Because he is so well armed, no one will be able to stand up to him should he unite his army with that of Venice. and we and the rest of Italy will be at his disposal. If, on the other hand, he does not manage to conquer Padua, he might reach an agreement with Venice to our detriment with the same result: Because he is so well armed, no one will be able to stand up to him should he unite his army with that of Venice.

But I am of the opposite opinion, and do not fear the emperor whether he conquers Padua or not. Let me say to begin with that if he does not take Padua, he must do one of three things: return to Germany and leave Italian matters in the hands of others; retreat to Vicenza and Verona, shedding to a large extent the expense of the infantry and expecting instead with the aid of the French to wage a sustainable war with the Venetians during the winter; or, indeed, to enter into a treaty with the Venetians.

In the first two cases there is no need to fear him. As for the third-his entering into a treaty with the Venetians-this would have to be done either with the consent of his allies or against the will of all or some of his allies. In the first case there is not much to fear, because his allies will hold him back and will want to secure themselves entirely and their protectorates at least in part. If he reaches an agreement with Venice against the will of his allies, I cannot see what harm that could do us, nor do I see how such an agreement could be reached that would be in his and Venice's interest, because wanting to see if a treaty should ensue, one must examine first what motives move the parties and then, if there are such motives, to believe them.

The motives that would move the emperor are honor and profit. Those that would move the Venetians are the opportunity to gain time, temporarily sidestepping the dangers that shadow their liberty, and also the opportunity to lighten their expenses.

I cannot see at this stage what kind of treaty could be entered into against the wishes of the emperor's allies that would be of advantage to the emperor and to Venice, or that would serve the motives of either side. First, for the emperor to have his profit and honor, the Venetians must give him Padua, or at least so much money that he and his army would make the kind of profit that would correspond to the campaign for Padua he will have renounced. In either of these two cases it seems to me that the Venetians gain neither time nor money, because while right now they have only a single enemy on their backs, they will then have three-France, Spain, and the pope-who have all but sheathed their swords, but will be very quick to unsheath them. Hence, such an accord between the emperor and Venice will alleviate neither danger nor expense but will in fact double both, because besides the great amount of money the Venetians would have to give the emperor, they would also have to continue paying the army they have now, in order not to find themselves at the mercy of someone they cannot trust.

Consequently, I do not know how or why Venice would enter into a treaty with an emperor who cannot conquer Padua, only to double their expenditure and end up in a greater war than before. Hence, in conclusion, I do not see how this treaty could be made against the wishes of his allies, and, even if it were to be made, I cannot see that it should be feared. Nor can I see either how it could be reached with the consent of only a part of his allies, since for the emperor to achieve greatness in Italy is not to the advantage of France, Spain, or the pope, for reasons so obvious that I need not mention them. Thus, if the emperor does not conquer Padua we need not fear him, regardless of whether or not he enters into a treaty with Venice.

Nor is he to be feared if he does conquer Padua, because should he do so, he will have to undertake one of two things: either conform to the treaty entered at Cambrai, or break the treaty.

If he abides by the treaty, he will have to be in agreement with the members of the league26 on what is to be done with the Venetians, and must put an end to the war with Venice either through a treaty with them or through their total destruction. Their destruction, however, seems difficult: first, because some of the emperor's allies want Venice to remain as it is, particularly Spain and the pope, who see Venice as an opportune thorn in the emperor's side and in that of France. The other problem is the season, which poses difficulties for the provision of water. This could lead to the dissolution of the army, with the result that the allies will have to opt for an agreement that the Venetians remain there and live under their own laws. In that case, the emperor might turn his thoughts to collecting his crown, which, once it is settled, is not to be feared much, as I have already pointed out. on what is to be done with the Venetians, and must put an end to the war with Venice either through a treaty with them or through their total destruction. Their destruction, however, seems difficult: first, because some of the emperor's allies want Venice to remain as it is, particularly Spain and the pope, who see Venice as an opportune thorn in the emperor's side and in that of France. The other problem is the season, which poses difficulties for the provision of water. This could lead to the dissolution of the army, with the result that the allies will have to opt for an agreement that the Venetians remain there and live under their own laws. In that case, the emperor might turn his thoughts to collecting his crown, which, once it is settled, is not to be feared much, as I have already pointed out.

If the emperor does not want to keep to the agreement of Cambrai, he will find himself suddenly lacking a third of his forces, because if you look at his army, as he has been given so many soldiers by France, the pope, and Ferrara, a third is not his. Should he seize Padua, these foreign soldiers will immediately draw together, as the rulers who sent them will be wary of his new eminence in Italy, which, as I have already pointed out, would not be to the advantage of any of them. And the French, one can say, are well armed indeed, as they are extensively equipped with soldiers and money and have the Swiss at hand, so that the emperor would have much to counter before he could come down to Tuscany at his leisure. Much time would pa.s.s before he could consider doing this, because I cannot see how he can move beyond Padua, should he occupy it, without having first settled things there; and settling things by force takes time and much expenditure. And if the emperor found himself alone and without the financial support of allies, he would doubtless be made to wait by whoever was in a position to fund him. In the shortest time he would find himself without an army, which has happened to him often enough in his campaigns. And I would laugh were someone to suggest that the Venetians might fund him, because their wound has already bled so much that whenever it begins to staunch they are in such a weakened condition that they would not dare reopen it (and we can presume that their wounds hurt them in the same way they would hurt anyone else).

That is how I see these matters, and while all these princes are alive I am not particularly afraid, even though that goes against the common opinion.

I was driven to write to you by my desire to hear your opinion, but also to amuse you with this whimsical trifle.

Farewell. From Florence. On the 28th day of September 1509.

Your servant, Niccolo Machiavelli, secretary.

22. See also "Discourse on Pisa." See also "Discourse on Pisa."23. Il Zitolo was a renowned general from Perugia who had come with his army to Padua's defense. Francesco Guicciardini in his Il Zitolo was a renowned general from Perugia who had come with his army to Padua's defense. Francesco Guicciardini in his History of Italy History of Italy (Book VIII, chapter 11) writes: "The fortification of the moat was impressive, as was the prowess of the defenders (among whom Il Zitolo of Perugia, fighting most gloriously, was gravely injured)." (Book VIII, chapter 11) writes: "The fortification of the moat was impressive, as was the prowess of the defenders (among whom Il Zitolo of Perugia, fighting most gloriously, was gravely injured)."24. A general and n.o.bleman from Bologna who had also been involved in the Pisan campaign. Guicciardini in A general and n.o.bleman from Bologna who had also been involved in the Pisan campaign. Guicciardini in History of Italy History of Italy (Book VIII, chapter 11) seconds Machiavelli: "Lucio Malvezzo also rode out of Padua with many hors.e.m.e.n in order to collect forty thousand ducats sent by Venice. Though on his return his rearguard was a.s.saulted by the enemy, he brought back the ducats safely despite losing a number of his hors.e.m.e.n." (Book VIII, chapter 11) seconds Machiavelli: "Lucio Malvezzo also rode out of Padua with many hors.e.m.e.n in order to collect forty thousand ducats sent by Venice. Though on his return his rearguard was a.s.saulted by the enemy, he brought back the ducats safely despite losing a number of his hors.e.m.e.n."25. Maximilian I had not actually been crowned Holy Roman Emperor, as Venice would not allow his progression to Rome. Officially, he held only the t.i.tle Emperor Elect, bestowed on him with the consent of Pope Julius II the previous year (1508). Maximilian I had not actually been crowned Holy Roman Emperor, as Venice would not allow his progression to Rome. Officially, he held only the t.i.tle Emperor Elect, bestowed on him with the consent of Pope Julius II the previous year (1508).26. Princ.i.p.ally Pope Julius II, Louis XII of France, and Ferdinand II of Aragon, but also Mantua and Ferrara. Princ.i.p.ally Pope Julius II, Louis XII of France, and Ferdinand II of Aragon, but also Mantua and Ferrara.

TO L LUIGI G GUICCIARDINI.

VERONA, 8 DECEMBER 1509 1509Luigi Guicciardini was the older brother of Francesco Guicciardini, Renaissance Italy's foremost historian. Luigi Guicciardini had written Machiavelli a letter describing a wonderful amorous adventure and how he yearned to encounter the lady again, to which Machiavelli sent the following scabrously satirical reply.

Well, I'll be hanged, Luigi! It is amazing how in the same situation Fortune can lead men to such different results! You f.u.c.ked that girl you met and are ready for another go. I, on the other hand, having been here for a few days and driven mad by the lack of matrimonial bliss, happened to run into the old woman who has been was.h.i.+ng my s.h.i.+rts. She lives in a hovel, really more of a cellar; the only light that enters it comes through the door. So there I was, walking past one day, when she recognized me and made quite a fuss. She asked if I wouldn't mind stepping inside, as she wanted to show me some nice s.h.i.+rts that I might like to buy. Innocent dupe that I am, I fell for her ruse. I followed her inside and saw a woman cowering in the dim light, covering her face with a towel in a great show of modesty. The old bawd took me by the hand, led me over to her, and said: "Here is the s.h.i.+rt I am selling. Wouldn't you like to try it on before you buy?" Timid man that I am, fear gripped me. But to cut a long story short, as I found myself alone with the girl in the dark (the old woman having quickly left, shutting the door behind her), I went ahead and f.u.c.ked her. Her thighs were flabby, her c.u.n.t soggy, and her breath somewhat ripe, but as my l.u.s.t was rampant I did the deed. Having had my way with her, I thought that I might as well view the merchandise, and so took a burning ember from the hearth and lit the lamp that was hanging above it. No sooner was it lit than it nearly fell from my hands. Woe and strife! The woman was so ugly that I was almost struck dead. The first thing I saw was a clump of hair wavering between white and black-in other words, gray-and, though she was hairless on top, her baldness revealing a procession of lice marching over her scalp, the few strands of hair she did have were tangled with whiskers sprouting all the way to her eyebrows. On top of her small wrinkled head was a burn scar that gave her the air of having been branded at the market. Her eyebrows were a clump of bristles filled with louse eggs; one eye pointed up, the other down-one eye very much larger than the other, her eyelids mangy. Though her nose hung low, it managed to curl upward, one nostril open and clogged with snot. Her mouth bore a great resemblance to that of Lorenzo de' Medici-but it was twisted to one side, and s...o...b..r was bubbling out of it, since she had no teeth that might keep the saliva in. Her upper lip had a long but spa.r.s.e mustache, and her chin jutted out sharply with a slight upward twist, folds of skin dangling from it to the base of her neck. I stood before this monster dumbfounded. Noticing my bewilderment she attempted to say "What is the matter, Signore?" but she could not because of her stammer. But the moment she opened her mouth, a surge of putrid breath hit my nose and mouth, the gateways to my two most offended senses. The surge a.s.saulted my stomach and I, unable to fend off the attack, heaved and gagged and retched all over her. Having paid her with the coin she deserved, I went on my way.

And by the Heaven I hope will one day receive me, I do not believe that my l.u.s.t will return while I am here in Lombardy. But you must thank G.o.d that you have the hope of having more such pleasure, as I thank G.o.d that I have lost the fear of ever again experiencing such displeasure.

I am hoping that I will have some money from this journey and I would like to do some business once I am back in Florence. I've been thinking of setting up a small poultry farm, but I would have to find a man to manage it for me. I hear Piero di Martino might be good. I'd like you to sound him out. If he's interested in the job, let me know, because if he is not, I'll try to dig up someone else.

Giovanni will fill you in on any other news from here. Greetings to Jacopo and give my best to him, and do not forget Marco.

In Verona, on the eighth day of December 1509.

I am awaiting a reply from Gualtieri about my bit of doggerel.

Niccolo Machiavelli

TO F FRANCESCO V VETTORI.

FLORENCE, 13 MARCH 1513 1513Machiavelli's high position in Florentine politics came to an abrupt end in IS 12, when the Gonfalonier, Piero Soderini, was deposed and the Medici returned to power in Florence. Not only did Machiavelli find himself stripped of his office and forbidden to set foot in the Signoria, Florence's executive council, but in early 1513 his name appeared on a list drawn up by anti-Medici conspirators. He was thrown into prison, maintaining his innocence despite rigorous torture. Through the intercession of Francesco Vettori, Florence's amba.s.sador to the newly elected Medici pope, Leo X, Machiavelli was pardoned. The day after his release, Machiavelli wrote the following letter to Francesco Vettori.

Honored Sir. As you will have heard from your brother Pagolo, I have been released from prison amid universal rejoicing in the city27 I did indeed have every hope of being freed through your and Pagolo's kind intervention, and am extremely grateful for it. I will not repeat the long story of my humiliation, but will only say that Fate has done its utmost to harm me. I thank G.o.d, however, that all this is over, and I have every hope that I shall not meet with such reversals again. I will be more careful henceforth, and the times are bound to be more liberal and not so replete with suspicion. I did indeed have every hope of being freed through your and Pagolo's kind intervention, and am extremely grateful for it. I will not repeat the long story of my humiliation, but will only say that Fate has done its utmost to harm me. I thank G.o.d, however, that all this is over, and I have every hope that I shall not meet with such reversals again. I will be more careful henceforth, and the times are bound to be more liberal and not so replete with suspicion.

You are aware of the plight of our Messer Totto,28 and I must turn to you and Pagolo for help. Messer Totto and I desire only one thing: that he be placed at the court of the pope, and so entered in the pontiff's scroll and provided with official credentials. We beg you for this. and I must turn to you and Pagolo for help. Messer Totto and I desire only one thing: that he be placed at the court of the pope, and so entered in the pontiff's scroll and provided with official credentials. We beg you for this.

Remind His Holiness about me so that if possible I might prove useful to Him or His entourage, for I believe I could bring you much honor as well as much benefit to myself.

On the 13th day of March 1512 [1513]

Yours, Niccolo Machiavelli, in Florence.27. The election of Pope Leo X, Giovanni de' Medici (the older brother of Giuliano de' Medici, who now held the first place in the Florentine Republic), unleashed euphoria and celebration in the streets of Florence. The populace was aware that with a Florentine Medici as the pope, Florence could expect unprecedented favors, benefits, and prominence in Italy and the world. The election of Pope Leo X, Giovanni de' Medici (the older brother of Giuliano de' Medici, who now held the first place in the Florentine Republic), unleashed euphoria and celebration in the streets of Florence. The populace was aware that with a Florentine Medici as the pope, Florence could expect unprecedented favors, benefits, and prominence in Italy and the world.28. Machiavelli's brother. Machiavelli's brother.

TO F FRANCESCO V VETTORI.

FLORENCE, 10 DECEMBER, 1513This letter begins with Machiavelli's witty response to Vettori's description of his elegant and world-weary life as Florence's amba.s.sador to the pope's court. Vettori wrote of getting up late in the morning, of sauntering over to the pope's palace every other day "to speak twenty words with the pope, ten with Cardinal de' Medici, and six with Giuliano the Magnificent," of stylish card games, Roman gardens, and horseback riding. Machiavelli counters with a witty description of an inelegant rural existence in exile: "I have been catching thrushes with my bare hands. I would get up before daybreak, prepare the bird lime, and set off with a stack of cages loaded on my back." Vettori interacts with the foremost men of the day, while Machiavelli's companions are cantankerous woodcutters, "a butcher, a miller, and two kiln tenders."This is one of Machiavelli's most celebrated letters, containing a lyrical pa.s.sage in which he describes his discourse with the ancient philosophers and working on The Prince. The Prince.

Most honored Amba.s.sador. "Divine favors were never late."29 I say this because it seemed to me that I had not lost your favor but merely mislaid laid it, for when you had not written to me for such a long time and I wondered what the cause might be, I paid little heed to all the reasons that filled my mind except for the one that made me believe you might have refrained from writing because someone had informed you that I was not a good custodian of your letters. I say this because it seemed to me that I had not lost your favor but merely mislaid laid it, for when you had not written to me for such a long time and I wondered what the cause might be, I paid little heed to all the reasons that filled my mind except for the one that made me believe you might have refrained from writing because someone had informed you that I was not a good custodian of your letters.30 I knew that I had not shown them to anyone except Filippo [Casavecchia] and Pagolo [Vettori]. But your recent letter of the 23rd of last month rea.s.sured me: I am very pleased to see how calmly and methodically you are exercising your public duties. I encourage you to continue in this fas.h.i.+on, because he who abandons his advantages for those of others only loses his own without receiving anyone's grat.i.tude. As Fortune insists on doing everything, she also insists that we leave her to her own devices and not interfere, biding our time until she allows us to do something: That is the moment for one to exert oneself and keep a closer eye on matters, and the moment for me to leave my farm and say: "Here I am!" I knew that I had not shown them to anyone except Filippo [Casavecchia] and Pagolo [Vettori]. But your recent letter of the 23rd of last month rea.s.sured me: I am very pleased to see how calmly and methodically you are exercising your public duties. I encourage you to continue in this fas.h.i.+on, because he who abandons his advantages for those of others only loses his own without receiving anyone's grat.i.tude. As Fortune insists on doing everything, she also insists that we leave her to her own devices and not interfere, biding our time until she allows us to do something: That is the moment for one to exert oneself and keep a closer eye on matters, and the moment for me to leave my farm and say: "Here I am!"

In the meantime, as I would like to repay you in kind, I want to tell you in this letter only what my life is like, and should you decide you would like to trade your life for mine, I will be happy to oblige.

I am on my farm, and since my recent problems I have not been twenty days in Florence.31 I have been catching thrushes with my bare hands. I would get up before daybreak, prepare the bird lime, and set off with a bundle of cages stacked on my back, much like Geta returning from the harbor laden with the books of Amphitrion. I have been catching thrushes with my bare hands. I would get up before daybreak, prepare the bird lime, and set off with a bundle of cages stacked on my back, much like Geta returning from the harbor laden with the books of Amphitrion.32 I'd catch at least two thrushes, at most six. I spent the whole of November in this way. Then to my regret this little amus.e.m.e.nt, though irksome and strange, came to an end. I shall tell you what my life is. I rise in the morning with the sun and head over to some woods I am having cut down, where I stay two hours surveying the work done the day before and to spend some time with the woodcutters, who are always in the middle of some dispute, either among themselves or with their neighbors. I could tell you a thousand amusing things about these woods that have happened to me, with Frosino da Panzano and others who wanted the timber. Frosino in particular. He sent for some stacks of wood without telling me anything, and when it came time to pay he wanted to withhold ten lire that he says I owe him from a card game at Antonio Guicciardini's some four years back. I raised h.e.l.l. I was about to accuse the carter who came to collect the timber of being a thief. But Giovanni Machiavelli finally stepped in and made us reach an agreement. Batista Guicciardini, Filippo Ginori, Tommaso del Bene, and certain other citizens each ordered a stack of wood from me when the north wind was blowing. I'd catch at least two thrushes, at most six. I spent the whole of November in this way. Then to my regret this little amus.e.m.e.nt, though irksome and strange, came to an end. I shall tell you what my life is. I rise in the morning with the sun and head over to some woods I am having cut down, where I stay two hours surveying the work done the day before and to spend some time with the woodcutters, who are always in the middle of some dispute, either among themselves or with their neighbors. I could tell you a thousand amusing things about these woods that have happened to me, with Frosino da Panzano and others who wanted the timber. Frosino in particular. He sent for some stacks of wood without telling me anything, and when it came time to pay he wanted to withhold ten lire that he says I owe him from a card game at Antonio Guicciardini's some four years back. I raised h.e.l.l. I was about to accuse the carter who came to collect the timber of being a thief. But Giovanni Machiavelli finally stepped in and made us reach an agreement. Batista Guicciardini, Filippo Ginori, Tommaso del Bene, and certain other citizens each ordered a stack of wood from me when the north wind was blowing.33 I promised to send them all. I sent one stack to Tommaso, which turned up in Florence half its original size, because he brought along his wife, the children, and his sons to lash the logs-they looked like Gaburra on Thursdays when he and his men cudgel an ox. I promised to send them all. I sent one stack to Tommaso, which turned up in Florence half its original size, because he brought along his wife, the children, and his sons to lash the logs-they looked like Gaburra on Thursdays when he and his men cudgel an ox.34 So, seeing who was profiting, I told the others I didn't have any more timber, and they were all angry, especially Batista, who includes this among other disasters of Prato. So, seeing who was profiting, I told the others I didn't have any more timber, and they were all angry, especially Batista, who includes this among other disasters of Prato.35 Leaving the woods I go to a spring, and from there to one of my bird traps. I have a book under my arm, either Dante, Petrarch, or one of the minor poets, Tibullus, Ovid, or the like. I read of their amorous pa.s.sions and their loves, remember mine, and take pleasure for a while in these thoughts. Then I walk down the road to the tavern, speak to pa.s.sersby ask them news of their villages, learn various things, and note various tastes and thoughts of man. Meanwhile it is lunchtime, and with my family I eat the food that this poor farm and paltry patrimony bring. Having eaten, I return to the inn, where I find the innkeeper, and usually a butcher, a miller, and two kiln tenders. With these men I dawdle all day playing cards and backgammon, which results in a thousand quarrels with streams of spiteful and wounding words. Most of the time we battle over bra.s.s coins, and can be heard shouting all the way to San Casciano. Immersed among these lice I wipe from my mind all the mold and vent the malignity of Fate, happy to be trampled on in this way to see if Fate will be ashamed for what she has done to me.

When evening comes I return home and go into my study. At the door I take off my everyday clothes, covered with mud and dirt, and don garments of court and palace. Now garbed fittingly I step into the ancient courts of men of antiquity, where, received kindly, I partake of food that is for me alone and for which I was born, where I am not ashamed to converse with them and ask them the reasons for their actions. And they in their full humanity answer me. For four hours I feel no tedium and forget every anguish, not afraid of poverty, not terrified by death. I lose myself in them entirely. And because Dante says, "Having heard without retaining is not knowledge,"36 I have noted down how I have profited from their conversation and composed I have noted down how I have profited from their conversation and composed De princ.i.p.atibus De princ.i.p.atibus, a little study in which I probe as deeply as I can into deliberations on this subject, exploring what a princ.i.p.ality is, its genus, how it is acquired, how it is maintained, and why it is lost. If you have liked any of my previous caprices, then I am certain you will not dislike this one. It ought to be received with pleasure by a prince, particularly a new prince. Therefore I am dedicating it to His Magnificence Giuliano [de' Medici]. Filippo da Casavecchia has looked at it and will be able to fill you in on the work and its context, and of the discussions he and I have had, though I am still filling it out and filing it down.

Most Honored Amba.s.sador, you wish me to abandon my life here and come to enjoy yours with you. I shall definitely do so, but am kept here by matters that I will have settled within six weeks. What makes me hesitate is that the Soderini are in Rome,37 and if I came I would be pressed to visit and converse with them. I am also afraid that on my return from Rome I would not dismount at home but at the Bargello prison, because even though the current government has very strong foundations and great security, it is also new, and therefore suspicious, nor is there a lack of arrogant men, who, like Pagolo Bertini, would make others pay but still leave me with the bill. I beg you to relieve me of this fear, and then I shall definitely come at the said time to visit you. and if I came I would be pressed to visit and converse with them. I am also afraid that on my return from Rome I would not dismount at home but at the Bargello prison, because even though the current government has very strong foundations and great security, it is also new, and therefore suspicious, nor is there a lack of arrogant men, who, like Pagolo Bertini, would make others pay but still leave me with the bill. I beg you to relieve me of this fear, and then I shall definitely come at the said time to visit you.

I have discussed with Filippo whether it would be a good idea for me to present this little study [to Giuliano] or if that would not be such a good idea, and if I am to present it, whether it would be good to do so in person, or have it presented to him by you. What argues against presenting it to Giuliano are my doubts that he will even read it and that that fellow Ardingh.e.l.li38 will take the credit for this most recent of my efforts. What argues for it is the neediness that is hounding me, because I am wasting away and cannot remain like this much longer without becoming contemptible in my poverty, not to mention my desire that the Medici princes begin putting me to use, even if at first only to roll a stone. will take the credit for this most recent of my efforts. What argues for it is the neediness that is hounding me, because I am wasting away and cannot remain like this much longer without becoming contemptible in my poverty, not to mention my desire that the Medici princes begin putting me to use, even if at first only to roll a stone.39 If I could not win them over then, I would have only myself to blame. As for If I could not win them over then, I would have only myself to blame. As for De princ.i.p.atibus De princ.i.p.atibus, anyone who reads it will clearly see that in the fifteen years during which I applied myself to the study of government, I was neither nodding off nor wasting time, and I would think that anyone would be keen to put to use someone so replete with experience at the expense of others.40 My loyalty should be beyond doubt, because as I have always been most loyal, I would hardly now learn to change my ways, for whoever has been loyal for a good forty-three years-which I have been-is not able to change his nature. And my poverty stands witness to my loyalty and goodness. My loyalty should be beyond doubt, because as I have always been most loyal, I would hardly now learn to change my ways, for whoever has been loyal for a good forty-three years-which I have been-is not able to change his nature. And my poverty stands witness to my loyalty and goodness.

I would be grateful if you wrote me your thoughts on this matter. I put myself in your hands. I wish you happiness.

On the tenth day of December 1513.

Niccolo Machiavelli, in Florence 29. A slightly altered quotation from Petrarch's poem "Triumph of Eternity" (line 13): A slightly altered quotation from Petrarch's poem "Triumph of Eternity" (line 13): Ma tarde non fur mai grazie divine Ma tarde non fur mai grazie divine (But divine favors were never too late). Machiavelli writes: (But divine favors were never too late). Machiavelli writes: Tarde non furan mai grazie divine Tarde non furan mai grazie divine.30. In the sense of having shown them to the wrong people. In the sense of having shown them to the wrong people.31. Machiavelli is referring to his falling out of grace with the new government of the Medici, and his imprisonment and torture in March of that year. Machiavelli is referring to his falling out of grace with the new government of the Medici, and his imprisonment and torture in March of that year.32. A reference to A reference to Geta e Birria Geta e Birria, a Renaissance adaptation of the twelfth-century Latin elegiac comedy of Vitale di Blois.33. Some scholars believe this is a veiled reference to political matters concerning the Medici and the opposition to them, others that Machiavelli is simply describing friends ordering timber from him. Some scholars believe this is a veiled reference to political matters concerning the Medici and the opposition to them, others that Machiavelli is simply describing friends ordering timber from him.34. It is thought that Gaburra must have been a well-known butcher in Florence. It is thought that Gaburra must have been a well-known butcher in Florence.35. Batista Guicciardini (b. 1468) had been the chief magistrate of Prato when it was sacked just before the Medici's takeover of Florence. Machiavelli is saying that Batista lists Machiavelli's refusal of timber among the disasters of Prato. Batista Guicciardini (b. 1468) had been the chief magistrate of Prato when it was sacked just before the Medici's takeover of Florence. Machiavelli is saying that Batista lists Machiavelli's refusal of timber among the disasters of Prato.36. A quote from Dante's A quote from Dante's Paradiso Paradiso, Canto V, lines 4142.37. Piero Soderini, the former Gonfalonier of Florence for whom Machiavelli had worked and who had been ousted by the Medici, had subsequently been brought to Rome by Pope Leo X (Giovanni de' Medici), who employed him as an adviser. Cardinal Francesco Soderini, his brother, was also in Rome. Piero Soderini, the former Gonfalonier of Florence for whom Machiavelli had worked and who had been ousted by the Medici, had subsequently been brought to Rome by Pope Leo X (Giovanni de' Medici), who employed him as an adviser. Cardinal Francesco Soderini, his brother, was also in Rome.38. Piero Ardingh.e.l.li was a courtier close to the Medici who was hostile to Machiavelli. Piero Ardingh.e.l.li was a courtier close to the Medici who was hostile to Machiavelli.39. A reference to Sisyphus, who was punished in Hades by constantly having to roll a huge stone up a hill, only to have the stone roll down again once he reached the top. A reference to Sisyphus, who was punished in Hades by constantly having to roll a huge stone up a hill, only to have the stone roll down again once he reached the top.40. Having gathered so much experience at the service of the previous government. Having gathered so much experience at the service of the previous government.

TO F FRANCESCO V VETTORI.

FLORENCE, 3 AUGUST 1514 1514In Machiavelli's elegant and correct correspondence this letter stands out for its remarkable exuberance. Machiavelli is in love, and he shares his high spirits with his old friend Francesco Vettori. It is unclear who the "creature so gentle, delicate, and n.o.ble" is, but Machiavelli's biographers Ridolfi and Viroli propose that it might be his friend Niccolo Tafani's sister, who had been abandoned by her husband. The evidence they present is that on December 4, a few months after Machiavelli wrote this letter, he sent Niccolo Tafani to Vettori in Rome with a formal letter to him in Latin, asking him to intercede as amba.s.sador to the pope, in order to compel Tafani's renegade brother-in-law to either return to his wife or give back her dowry and accede to an annulment of the marriage.

Dear friend, you have kept me cheerful and merry with your dispatches about your Roman love affair, and swept countless cares from my mind as I read and mused about your pleasure and vexation, for the one does not come without the other. But Fortune has granted that I can render you equal recompense, because here in the country I have met a creature so gentle, delicate, and n.o.ble-both in nature and circ.u.mstances-that I could never praise or love her as much as she merits. I ought to tell you, as you have told me, the beginnings of this love, in what nets it entangled me, where love cast these nets, and of what kind they were; you would see that they were nets of gold woven by Venus and cast among flowers, so delicate and gentle that though an unfeeling heart could have torn them, I did not want to, and for a while basked within these nets until their tender threads grew firm and locked with the tightest knots. Do not think that Cupid used ordinary means to ensnare me, for, knowing that these would not suffice, he resorted to uncommon methods unknown to me and against which I did not know how to s.h.i.+eld myself. Let me just say that although I am approaching fifty41 the sun's rays do not vex me, nor rough roads tire me, nor does the darkness of night frighten me. Everything now seems effortless, and I adapt myself to all her whims, no matter how contrary they might be to my disposition. Even though I sense I am courting great trouble I feel such sweetness, because of how her rare and gracious countenance transports me, and because it has cast aside all thoughts of my many predicaments, so that I would not want to free myself for anything in the world, even if I could. I have left behind thoughts of great and serious subjects. I no longer delight in reading of ancient matters or discussing those of our own times. All that has changed into sweet musings, for which I thank Venus and all of Cyprus. the sun's rays do not vex me, nor rough roads tire me, nor does the darkness of night frighten me. Everything now seems effortless, and I adapt myself to all her whims, no matter how contrary they might be to my disposition. Even though I sense I am courting great trouble I feel such sweetness, because of how her rare and gracious countenance transports me, and because it has cast aside all thoughts of my many predicaments, so that I would not want to free myself for anything in the world, even if I could. I have left behind thoughts of great and serious subjects. I no longer delight in reading of ancient matters or discussing those of our own times. All that has changed into sweet musings, for which I thank Venus and all of Cyprus.42 Hence, write me anything you wish concerning your lady, but discuss all other matters with those who value and understand them better than I do, for I have found nothing but harm in them, while in matters of love I have always found goodness and pleasure. Hence, write me anything you wish concerning your lady, but discuss all other matters with those who value and understand them better than I do, for I have found nothing but harm in them, while in matters of love I have always found goodness and pleasure.

Greetings. From Florence, on the third day of August 1514.

Your Niccolo Machiavelli.

41. Machiavelli was in fact forty-five. Machiavelli was in fact forty-five.42. Homer called Venus (Aphrodite) "Cyprian" after the island of Cyprus, where according to myth she was born from sea foam. Homer called Venus (Aphrodite) "Cyprian" after the island of Cyprus, where according to myth she was born from sea foam.

TO G GUIDO M MACHIAVELLI.

IMOLA, 2 APRIL 1527 1527On the day Machiavelli wrote this warm and seemingly carefree letter to his teenage son Guido, he also sent a dire missive to Florence warning the city to fortify itself against the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V, who was marching against the Medici pope Clement VII and his allies. Florence, Machiavelli warned, should not attempt to pay the emperor off: "It is better to spend ten florins so we can categorically remain free than forty florins that will fetter and destroy us."Machiavelli ends this letter to his son asking him to rea.s.sure his mother that he will be back "before any trouble comes." This was, however, among Machiavelli's last letters, as he fell ill after returning to Florence and died on June 21, 1527.

Guido, my dearest son, I received a letter from you that has made me very happy, above all because you write that you are now recovered. What good news! If G.o.d grants you life, and me as well, I believe I can make you a man of standing, as long as you are prepared to do your part. Among the great friends.h.i.+ps I have I can count a new one with Cardinal Cybo,43 a friends.h.i.+p that is so close that I myself am astonished This will be to your advantage. But you must study and, as you no longer have your illness as an excuse, exert yourself learning literature and music, since you can see how much honor my few accomplishments have secured for me. Thus, my dear boy if you want to make me happy and bring advantage and honor to yourself, you must study, do well, and learn. Everyone will help you if you help yourself. a friends.h.i.+p that is so close that I myself am astonished This will be to your advantage. But you must study and, as you no longer have your illness as an excuse, exert yourself learning literature and music, since you can see how much honor my few accomplishments have secured for me. Thus, my dear boy if you want to make me happy and bring advantage and honor to yourself, you must study, do well, and learn. Everyone will help you if you help yourself.

Since the little mule has gone mad, it must be handled in the opposite way one would treat a man who has gone insane. A madman might be tied up, but I want you to untie the animal. Give it to Vangelo and tell him to take it to Montepugliano, remove its bridle and halter, and let it roam wherever it wants, making its own way to free itself of its madness. The village is big and the beast is small. It will not do anybody any harm. So without having to worry ourselves in any way we shall see what it wants to do, and we can always catch it again should it come to its senses. As for the horses, do whatever Ludovico44 has told you to do. Thank G.o.d he is cured and has sold them. I am certain he has made a good profit, as he sent some money, but I am surprised and saddened that he has not written. has told you to do. Thank G.o.d he is cured and has sold them. I am certain he has made a good profit, as he sent some money, but I am surprised and saddened that he has not written.

Greet Madonna Marietta45 and tell her that I have been hoping to leave any day now, and am still hoping. I have never wished to be in Florence more than now, but I have no choice. Just tell her that regardless of what she hears she should be of good cheer, since I will be there before any trouble comes. Kiss Baccina, Piero, and Totto, and tell her that I have been hoping to leave any day now, and am still hoping. I have never wished to be in Florence more than now, but I have no choice. Just tell her that regardless of what she hears she should be of good cheer, since I will be there before any trouble comes. Kiss Baccina, Piero, and Totto,46 if he is there-I very much want to know if his eyes are well again. Live cheerfully and spend as little as you can. And remind Bernardo to mend his ways: I have written him two letters in the past two weeks and have not received a reply. May Christ watch over you all. if he is there-I very much want to know if his eyes are well again. Live cheerfully and spend as little as you can. And remind Bernardo to mend his ways: I have written him two letters in the past two weeks and have not received a reply. May Christ watch over you all.

On the second day of April 1527 Niccolo Machiavelli in Imola 43. Cardinal Innocenzo Cybo (14911549) was the son of Francesco, the illegitimate son of Pope Innocent VIII and Maddalena de'Medici. In 1521 he had come close to being elected to the pontificate himself. Machiavelli had stayed at his palazzo in Bologna the previous month. Cardinal Innocenzo Cybo (14911549) was the son of Francesco, the illegitimate son of Pope Innocent VIII and Maddalena de'Medici. In 1521 he had come close to being elected to the pontificate himself. Machiavelli had stayed at his palazzo in Bologna the previous month.44. Machiavelli's son Ludovico was in Constantinople. Machiavelli's son Ludovico was in Constantinople.45. Machiavelli's wife. Machiavelli's wife.46. Machiavelli's daughter and sons. The infant, Totto, was away with his wet nurse. Machiavelli's daughter and sons. The infant, Totto, was away with his wet nurse.

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PETER C CONSTANTINE was awar