Somewhere Inside Part 16

My heart sank. Anytime a call came after 10:00 P.M P.M., I panicked, thinking it might be Laura. But I wasn't expecting to hear from her so soon after her last call less than two weeks ago.

"Answer it, d.a.m.n it!" I screamed. "It might be her!"

The ringing stopped before Paul could get to it.

I knew it was Laura. I ran out of the bathroom, went straight for my bag, and dug out my phone. I was right.

"Li, it's me," said Laura's little voice on the voice mail. "I'm sorry I missed you. I hope they let me call you back, and I hope you are home. I love you so, so much."

I let out a scream and started wailing ferociously. I had been so religious about keeping my phone right next to me for months. Paul held me as I blubbered into his chest. It was only the fourth time my sister had been able to call me in four months, and I was so mad at myself for missing it. I dialed Iain, who didn't pick up the phone. He must have been on with Laura. I sent him a text message immediately: If you're on with her, please tell her to call me back.

LAURA.

AFTER NOT REACHING L LISA, I carefully dialed my mom's number and was disappointed when it too went to voice mail. Then I tried my dad. No answer. Suddenly I was terrified that if I wasn't able to reach anyone, I might not be allowed to make another call. I was scared that my final chance to communicate with my family was disappearing with each ring. Finally I dialed Iain and heard his sweet, raspy voice on the other end of the line. I carefully dialed my mom's number and was disappointed when it too went to voice mail. Then I tried my dad. No answer. Suddenly I was terrified that if I wasn't able to reach anyone, I might not be allowed to make another call. I was scared that my final chance to communicate with my family was disappearing with each ring. Finally I dialed Iain and heard his sweet, raspy voice on the other end of the line.

There was, for the first time, a tinge of optimism in his voice. I knew he and the rest of my family were just waiting for the North Koreans to accept Carter as an envoy. But it would just be a matter of seconds before I shattered what little hope he had.

I told him I had been wrong in saying that the North Koreans would accept President Carter as an envoy, and after thinking about it, I now realized it had to be President Clinton. Iain's response was filled with confusion, but I could tell that was a way of hiding his disappointment. Not wanting me to feel bad or to worry, he a.s.sured me that everything would be okay.

Iain's primary concern was that I might be transferred to another location or to the labor camp. As long as I was in my current location in Pyongyang, he could feel fairly certain that I wasn't being mistreated. He feared that once they moved us, it would not only be harder, if not impossible, for me to communicate with them, but it might be a sign that the window for diplomacy had ended. "You have to tell them that if they move you, it is going to change the dynamics, and it will be harder for us to get them what they want. We are working very hard on this. But if they move you, it's going to make things even harder."

"I think they've heard you," I said, referring to the people monitoring our every word.

"Yeah, I know, but just stress to them how important it is," he said desperately.

At the end of the call, I told Iain I was going to try to call Lisa again and that he should call her in about twenty minutes to compare notes. Hanging up the phone with Iain was devastating. I truly felt I might not get to communicate with him again for a long, long time.

Then I dialed Lisa's number, praying she would pick up. She answered immediately.

LISA.

I STARED AT THE PHONE STARED AT THE PHONE for a half hour. Just after I asked Paul if he thought Laura would be able to call me again, the phone rang. It was her. for a half hour. Just after I asked Paul if he thought Laura would be able to call me again, the phone rang. It was her.

"Baby Girl, we achieved what you asked for," I excitedly explained. "And President Carter has agreed to go."

"Lisa, I made a mistake," she said, sounding defeated. "It has to be Bill Clinton."

I went ballistic. Did these people understand what it took to get these high-level people on board? Did they know what kinds of egos they were bruising-I was bruising? What kind of sick game were they trying to play? Frustrated by the enormity of the request and how often it seemed to change, I blurted out, "Who's telling you this?"

Paul elbowed me aggressively and covered the receiver. "You can't ask her that. You'll get her in trouble," he said gruffly.

After a slight pause, Laura responded, "I cannot speak for the North Korean people, but this is what I feel in my heart and in my gut."

I wanted to scream. I couldn't figure out if these requests were based on Laura's whim or if someone else had dictated them. "Laura, your other option was just presented three days ago, on Wednesday," I explained, wondering if her captors might not have received the communication. "Did you know that?"

"If you haven't heard anything"-she paused-"it must mean something."

It was all starting to add up. This was how the North Koreans operated. They were masters of indirect communication. Early on, Governor Richardson's contacts seemed to entertain the notion of a visit by him, but then everything went dark. I had later learned that a detailed trip by Al Gore was actually presented, and then all talk of it ceased. I imagined that was about the time I got a call from Laura saying that Gore was too closely linked with Current TV. Both Richardson and Gore practically had their bags packed and were ready at a moment's notice to go and then silence. It became clear that in North Korea, they don't say no-they just say nothing.

Laura had made the request for Bill Clinton. But how could I know this was it? What if they kept upping the ante and asked for the secretary of state or even President Obama? There was no chance in h.e.l.l that either would get on a plane to rescue two journalists inside a country that was taunting the United States and antagonizing much of the rest of the world. During my three previous conversations with Laura, I had made fervent promises that I would work my hardest to fulfill the requests she had made. I wanted my sister to know that she could count on me, and that I would be unwavering in my efforts to get her out. But I wondered if I was being taken advantage of by this bizarre regime. Every time "they" asked for something, we delivered. This time I had to act differently. I had to manage expectations. I would, of course, push relentlessly to see if Bill Clinton would go there, but I couldn't allow the North Koreans to think it was going to be easy.

"Laura, this is a very complicated request," I warned. "I just don't know if I can pull this one off, sweetheart. I don't know if you realize how hard this will be or if we can achieve it at all. He's the husband of the secretary of state, and what would this mean for Vice President Gore?" I added.

Then, in the most definitive voice she had ever used in all of our conversations, my sister replied, "Li, this is the best and last option."

Laura started to cry. I could feel the pain in her voice through the phone, and I wanted to reach through and pull her to me.

In closing, she uttered the following last words: "They say they are ready to send me to the labor camp, and I am mentally preparing to go. Please do what you can to see if President Clinton would be willing to act as an envoy. Make this your main goal. I love you so much."

I hung up the phone and gave myself a few minutes before calling my parents and Iain. Laura had not reached my mom or dad that night, only Iain, and she had conveyed the same message to him: it had to be Bill Clinton. I called Michael to see if Euna had asked for the same thing, and she had not. There had been no mention of Bill Clinton from her.

Iain and I discussed whether we should call Al Gore to let him know what Laura had just requested. Laura had already said that he would not be accepted because of his a.s.sociation with Current TV. I first sent an urgent text message to Kurt, who called me the next morning. I told him that Laura said she had messed up and that Bill Clinton was the last and final option.

"What about Carter? We just presented him a couple days ago," Kurt asked. I could sense the frustration in his voice.

"Laura said that if there is no response, that means something," I said.

He got it. He told me he would alert his colleagues in the State Department but said the thing we all thought-"This one is complicated."

LAURA.

LIKE I IAIN, LISA WAS optimistic at the beginning of the call, and I hated taking that away with my news. I figured that she too had been guardedly preparing for our homecoming. But once I told her that President Carter was no longer an option, her confusion and disappointment came through in her panicked voice and hit me in the gut. optimistic at the beginning of the call, and I hated taking that away with my news. I figured that she too had been guardedly preparing for our homecoming. But once I told her that President Carter was no longer an option, her confusion and disappointment came through in her panicked voice and hit me in the gut.

"First Al wasn't the right person, and now Carter. How do you know Clinton will be acceptable?" she asked desperately.

Borrowing the prosecutor's words, I said with conviction, "I strongly believe he's our best and last option."

On the ride back to the compound, I was glad I had a chance to speak with Mr. Baek, who had been listening in on my call. I asked him what he thought of the exchange.

"You did a good job," he responded encouragingly. "Are you sure you weren't really sent here to bring our two countries together?" He smirked.

Of all the people I had encountered in North Korea, Mr. Baek, who had met many foreigners over the years, was the most supportive of normalizing relations between our two countries.

I laughed. "Well, if everything works out, then I'll believe that things happen for a reason. But if I end up going to prison for twelve years, then I won't believe in anything anymore."

It was true. I did hope that our captivity might open the door to some forward movement between the United States and North Korea, two countries whose troops had been opposing each other for the past six decades and with a shared history of animosity, mistrust, and failed promises. But while I held out hope that President Clinton would come to Pyongyang to rescue us, my faith was beginning to diminish.

LISA.

WEEKS WENT BY AFTER Laura's call and plea for President Clinton. She had made herself very clear, and our family began pressing the State Department to get answers about whether the former president could go. It was such a challenging request that Kurt was no longer made aware of the conversations taking place about it. Laura's request was now in the hands of the highest levels of government, and it was being discussed among a small and exclusive circle of people. Laura's call and plea for President Clinton. She had made herself very clear, and our family began pressing the State Department to get answers about whether the former president could go. It was such a challenging request that Kurt was no longer made aware of the conversations taking place about it. Laura's request was now in the hands of the highest levels of government, and it was being discussed among a small and exclusive circle of people.

In both our family conference calls and separate, private calls with me, Kurt said he had confirmed through his sources that the envoy had to be Bill Clinton. He told me that messages were being communicated from Pyongyang that they would wait as long as they needed to in order to get what they wanted. And the only thing they wanted was Clinton.

In my last call with my sister, she told me that the prosecutor was very aggressive and had been accompanying her to her medical evaluations. She said he was intent on making sure she was well enough to be sent to a labor camp. If she were indeed sent to the camp, hope of seeing her in the foreseeable future would be lost. No American had ever been sent to a North Korean labor camp before, but this was the first time one had ever been sentenced to serve in one. This was all new.

WE WERE NEARING THE END of July and then something came at me from left field. Through a contact who works with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I had heard some buzz that Senator John Kerry had volunteered himself to pay a visit to North Korea to try to bring home Laura and Euna. I reached out to the senator's senior East Asia policy adviser, Frank Jannuzi, who, to my surprise, confirmed that the North Korean leaders.h.i.+p had accepted a private trip by the senator, independent of the State Department. They had even gone so far as to identify some possible dates in early August. Senator Kerry was trying hard to secure a commitment from the North Korean government that if he did travel to Pyongyang he would not return empty-handed. At the request of the National Security Council, Jannuzi had been coordinating exclusively with the White House on the possible Kerry mission, aware that separate, but parallel, efforts were also under way. of July and then something came at me from left field. Through a contact who works with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I had heard some buzz that Senator John Kerry had volunteered himself to pay a visit to North Korea to try to bring home Laura and Euna. I reached out to the senator's senior East Asia policy adviser, Frank Jannuzi, who, to my surprise, confirmed that the North Korean leaders.h.i.+p had accepted a private trip by the senator, independent of the State Department. They had even gone so far as to identify some possible dates in early August. Senator Kerry was trying hard to secure a commitment from the North Korean government that if he did travel to Pyongyang he would not return empty-handed. At the request of the National Security Council, Jannuzi had been coordinating exclusively with the White House on the possible Kerry mission, aware that separate, but parallel, efforts were also under way.

"Right now I am at a seventy-percent confidence level that our mission will be successful," he explained. "The White House wants iron-clad a.s.surances that Laura and Euna will be returned safely. We cannot guarantee that yet, but I think it is doable and that we are making progress."

With permission from Senator Kerry, Jannuzi had first quietly reached out to Minister Kim Myong-Gil, the "New York channel," as early as mid May. At that time, Jannuzi told Minister Kim that Kerry would be willing to go to North Korea for two purposes: first, to secure the immediate humanitarian release of the girls; and second, to help create the necessary political environment for the resumption of six-party denuclearization talks. The talks had been stalled for months, and North Korea had conducted a long-range missile test on April 5, further chilling relations. According to Jannuzi, Minister Kim had thanked him for Kerry's interest but told him that "now was not a convenient time." As it turned out, North Korea tested a nuclear device on May 25.

I had never been alerted to this early action by Kerry's team or anyone else. As the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Kerry was uniquely positioned to represent an official imprimatur to a rescue mission, without actually being an official of the Obama administration. Jannuzi told me that Senator Kerry was "personally engaged in the issue" and had even called Minister Kim himself to impress upon the North Korean government the importance of allowing the girls to be released as a pathway forward in the U.S.North Korean relations.h.i.+p.

During a follow-up conversation in June, Minister Kim told Jannuzi that Pyongyang was still considering a Kerry visit. Jannuzi retorted, "But don't invite us if you're about to do something else bad."

Then on July 4, America's Independence Day, North Korea launched a series of Scud-type ballistic missiles that provoked condemnation from surrounding nations as well as from the United States and the United Nations Security Council. A few weeks later, when things had calmed down after the missile test, Minister Kim personally called Jannuzi out of the blue to talk about a Kerry visit. North Korea's government had accepted Kerry's proposal and was prepared to welcome him to Pyongyang. And they wanted a visit to happen soon, as early as July 24, three days from then!

This was shocking to me, and I didn't understand what it all meant. First there was my sister's message-confirmed by State Department sources-that the envoy had to be Bill Clinton or no one. And now Jannuzi was telling me that not only had a Kerry visit been accepted, but the North Koreans wanted him to come immediately.

For a couple of reasons, Senator Kerry could not go to Pyongyang on that early date. First, there were important votes taking place in the Senate. The Senate recess did not commence until August 7 and he could not go in advance of that date. Second, Senator Kerry was still trying to secure sufficient a.s.surances from Pyongyang that his visit would be successful. Jannuzi asked me to keep all of this quiet, but how could I? If the North Koreans were ready to accept Kerry in three days and this was a window of opportunity to finally get my sister and Euna out of North Korea, I had to make d.a.m.n well sure someone was on a plane.

I left a frantic message for Kurt on his cell phone as well as through e-mail. He was on a.s.signment in Southeast Asia, and it was the middle of the night his time. He phoned me as soon as he woke up, which for me was the afternoon of July 21.

"Kurt, you know that I have held to a strict level of discretion throughout this process, right?" I asked. "Well, I am divulging some highly confidential information because of my sister's situation, but I have to know if this is true or not."

I told Kurt that someone in Senator Kerry's office had told me the North Koreans had accepted a visit from the senator and originally asked if he could be on a plane as soon as July 24.

"If this is an opening, if it's a window, we can't let it pa.s.s us by," I urged.

Kurt knew I was talking about Frank Jannuzi, but he didn't know that Kerry had been told he could come, and so soon. I told Kurt that Kerry couldn't go on the day the North Koreans put forward because of his obligations to the Senate. But, I wondered out loud, "If the North Koreans are saying now is the time for someone, maybe they want Clinton immediately."

"How can we expedite this, Kurt?" I asked. "Whom can I call?"

"I think you should call Gore," he replied. "He has more of a direct line to the White House than I do."

I hung up the phone with Kurt and called Al Gore right away. I again uttered the disclaimer about conveying sensitive information, but my sister was in danger and time was ticking away. Gore was surprised to hear the information about Senator Kerry. The Kerry route was a real tangent for those of us who had been following a certain path for so long. I could hear frustration in his voice. He had spent an exhaustive amount of time working on this and volunteering to go to Pyongyang. Now there were multiple names of acceptable envoys being tossed around.

I was again in the middle of a surreal situation.

President Clinton, Vice President Gore, Senator John Kerry, Governor Bill Richardson, these were some of the most powerful figures in American politics and society and here I was engaging them and their people regularly about taking a trip to the most secretive state on earth to try to rescue my sister. Plus, I was divulging private conversations concerning them. But I had to.

On July 22, I called Frank Jannuzi first thing in the morning to find out if he had learned anything new. He had. He told me that as of 11:00 P.M P.M. the day before, senior officials at the National Security Council (NSC) had tentatively signed off on the Kerry visit.

"It's good news, Lisa," he exclaimed. "The White House is ninety percent convinced that we will return with your sister and Euna. They believe we are further along in our efforts to achieve success than their other options."

Jannuzi said they would be taking a doctor with them to check the health of the girls and that Minister Kim had confirmed an August 10 departure from the United States, with an August 11 arrival in Pyongyang.

But according to Jannuzi, the White House was still considering other options for an envoy. Of course, I knew of at least one of the people the Oval Office was contemplating, but I wasn't sure if Jannuzi or Senator Kerry had any idea that Bill Clinton was being considered. I had not revealed to Jannuzi that Laura asked specifically for Clinton and I never would because I had to keep that information top secret. Although senior NSC officials were backing a Kerry visit, Jannuzi said there might be other people who could get in sooner. Jannuzi didn't seem to know exactly who was being considered, but he said Kerry wasn't interested in obstructing a White House mission if someone else could go immediately and get the job done.

"We told the White House, if you can get someone on the ground sooner, do it!" Jannuzi said.

The John Kerry option was unexpected, but welcome nonetheless. Though the date being suggested, August 10, was later than we had hoped, it was an actual date. It was more definitive than anything else we'd had previously.

LAURA.

I LOOKED FORWARD LOOKED FORWARD to the thirty minutes when I was allowed outside each day. I would take in the fresh air, stretch my bones, and jog along the short length of the compound wall. I often closed my eyes and imagined I was back home, running along the streets of my neighborhood in Los Angeles. to the thirty minutes when I was allowed outside each day. I would take in the fresh air, stretch my bones, and jog along the short length of the compound wall. I often closed my eyes and imagined I was back home, running along the streets of my neighborhood in Los Angeles.

On rainy days, my guards wouldn't let me go outdoors. I begged them to let me out so I could feel the cool drops on my skin, but they always refused. I'd never been a person who likes to get wet in the rain, but I yearned for it after being denied contact with the natural elements for so long. One day it began to drizzle while I was jogging, and the guards ordered me inside. I stopped right where I was, lifted my face to the gray sky, and let the droplets of rain mingle with my tears. Surprisingly, the guards stood back and let me have this moment.

The guarantor was really the only man I ever saw in the compound, but I knew others were around because at night I heard their booming voices singing karaoke from within the building. Sometimes, while I lay in bed, I could hear their inebriated voices yelling as loudly as they could. But it wasn't just the men; the female guards who were off duty joined in with the singing, and didn't come back to the room until well past midnight.

EVEN THOUGH I I KNEW KNEW Lisa was trying to get Bill Clinton to serve as an envoy to rescue us, I was beginning to accept my sentence and resolve myself to being sent to prison. To prepare for this, I began working hard to keep up my strength so I could withstand whatever hard labor was required of me. I did extra push-ups, sit-ups, and yoga stretches each night. I meditated throughout the day, finding comfort in the sound of each breath. Lisa was trying to get Bill Clinton to serve as an envoy to rescue us, I was beginning to accept my sentence and resolve myself to being sent to prison. To prepare for this, I began working hard to keep up my strength so I could withstand whatever hard labor was required of me. I did extra push-ups, sit-ups, and yoga stretches each night. I meditated throughout the day, finding comfort in the sound of each breath.

But sleeping was always difficult. I eagerly accepted a sleeping tablet each night from the guard. When I tried to sleep without the aid of any drugs, I found myself restless and irritable. My mind would race with thoughts of my family. I worried about their health and mental condition. From the photos Iain had scanned onto his letters I could see that he was getting thinner. He had an emptiness in his eyes. I clutched onto his T-s.h.i.+rt at night as if it was a security blanket. Sometimes when I was able to drift off, I'd jolt myself awake moments later in a panic, searching to make sure his T-s.h.i.+rt was nearby.

LISA.

IT WAS HARD to imagine that things could become even more bizarre, but July 23 came along, and sure enough, they did. I awoke that morning to the news that an exchange had occurred overnight at a meeting of the a.s.sociation of Southeast Asian Nations in p.h.u.ket, Thailand. Secretary Hillary Clinton was there, along with representatives from all the Asian nations, including North Korea. In reference to North Korea's defiance of the global community in its testing of a nuclear device, Secretary Clinton made this statement: "Maybe it's the mother in me or the experience that I've had with small children and unruly teenagers and people who are demanding attention-don't give it to them, they don't deserve it, they are acting out." to imagine that things could become even more bizarre, but July 23 came along, and sure enough, they did. I awoke that morning to the news that an exchange had occurred overnight at a meeting of the a.s.sociation of Southeast Asian Nations in p.h.u.ket, Thailand. Secretary Hillary Clinton was there, along with representatives from all the Asian nations, including North Korea. In reference to North Korea's defiance of the global community in its testing of a nuclear device, Secretary Clinton made this statement: "Maybe it's the mother in me or the experience that I've had with small children and unruly teenagers and people who are demanding attention-don't give it to them, they don't deserve it, they are acting out."

Even though many would agree with Secretary Clinton's characterization of North Korea's actions, her statement did not go unnoticed, nor was it left unaddressed, by the North Korean foreign minister, who was at the conference. He fired back by saying, "We cannot but regard Mrs. Clinton as a funny lady as she likes to utter such rhetoric, unaware of the elementary etiquette in the international community. Sometimes she looks like a primary schoolgirl and sometimes a pensioner going shopping."

Was I reading the logs of a primary-school princ.i.p.al or statements of diplomats at an international conference? A "pensioner going shopping"? What did that even mean?

The U.S. secretary of state had just been verbally belittled on the world stage by a tiny renegade country that was insisting behind the scenes that her husband was the only one they'd welcome to negotiate the release of my sister and Euna! Was this for real? What did it all mean? Did the North Koreans want to dig the knife in deeper by saying Bill Clinton or no one? Bill and Hillary Clinton may have been plagued by gossip and speculation, but one word was always used to describe their relations.h.i.+p: loyal. Would Bill Clinton even consider meeting with a government that likened his wife to a schoolgirl? It was both utterly absurd and devastatingly real. That's when I decided I needed to do whatever I had to do to get in touch with President Clinton. If I could just talk to him, I could convey how desperate we were to get my sister back.

LAURA.

DESPITE MY EFFORTS to stay healthy, I developed some sort of stomach virus that prevented me from keeping down any food. It didn't feel like one of my typical ulcer pains. I was also stricken with an eye infection that caused the vision in my right eye to be blurred. When I came down with a high fever, the doctor was summoned along with a nurse. I felt like a pincus.h.i.+on as they began poking me with needles and injecting me with what they said was medicine to stop the nausea, reduce the fever, and calm my nerves. I was too weak to care. I could barely keep my eyes open. I was relieved to know they were trying to keep me alive and well. I took this as a sign that I was still worth something to them. to stay healthy, I developed some sort of stomach virus that prevented me from keeping down any food. It didn't feel like one of my typical ulcer pains. I was also stricken with an eye infection that caused the vision in my right eye to be blurred. When I came down with a high fever, the doctor was summoned along with a nurse. I felt like a pincus.h.i.+on as they began poking me with needles and injecting me with what they said was medicine to stop the nausea, reduce the fever, and calm my nerves. I was too weak to care. I could barely keep my eyes open. I was relieved to know they were trying to keep me alive and well. I took this as a sign that I was still worth something to them.

The vomiting had left me dehydrated and undernourished, and the doctor wanted to hook me up to an intravenous drip. The bottle of fluid needed to be elevated, so the guards went to work stacking a clothes rack onto a box, which was placed on top of a pile of books on a small table. The bottle was then secured to the rack with a sock. The rickety, makes.h.i.+ft contraption was an example of how, with limited resources, North Koreans have become adept at making do with what they have. I often saw the guards tinkering with the wires of broken extension cords, trying to get them to work for just a little bit longer. When the television set failed, they carefully adjusted different cables until the image appeared again, albeit fuzzier than before.

The nurse injected the fluid into my right arm, and the doctor wrapped me like a mummy in a thick blanket, hoping this would reduce my fever. In my delirium, I pulled my other hand out of the coc.o.o.n, feeling around for Iain's T-s.h.i.+rt. The doctor sensed what I wanted, reached over for the T-s.h.i.+rt, placed it in my hand, and put my arm back in the blanket.

I fell into a deep sleep for several hours. When I awoke, the doctor and nurse were in the same seats they'd been in when I'd drifted off. I smiled at them gratefully and thanked them for their help. Although I was dripping with sweat from being swathed in the thick blanket, my fever was still running high. The nurse replaced the IV fluid bottle with a new one and rubbed my arm to relieve the numbness.

"Do you get this kind of treatment in the United States?" the doctor asked me.

"We have very nice doctors like you," I responded.

"But if you get sick, do they come to your home, at any hour, any day of the week, and give you treatment?"

"No. Of course not. We have many problems with health care in the United States. It can be difficult to get treatment, and there are too many people who are unable to get the care that they need."

"In the DPRK, everyone receives treatment, no matter what," she said, beaming.

Paris chimed in proudly, "It's true. When I am sick, I can always see a doctor."

Like Mr. Yee, who often criticized capitalism for creating what he saw as a social and economic gap between the rich and the poor, Paris and the doctor were quick to denounce the U.S. government for not providing services to all. They seemed to find no fault with their own regime, which has left millions of people hungry. I wondered if they really believed all the propaganda about North Korea's perfect society.

A few hours later, Paris again commented on the good care I was receiving. "Wow!" she said. "You are being treated like the Dear Leader Kim Jong Il's wife. No one I know would get such care!"