Lucrezia Borgia Part 5

Ludovico Ariosto in praise of Lucrezia in Orlando Furioso, Orlando Furioso, Canto 13, line 69, 1516 Canto 13, line 69, 1516

That year of 1512 Alfonso and Lucrezia ordered three engraved silver votive plaques to thank the patron saint of Ferrara, San Maurelio, for the saving of the city after the battle of Ravenna. One of them is the only representation we have of Lucrezia with her son, the future Ercole II. It shows Lucrezia at the age of thirty-two, in profile, with her blonde hair bound with a jewelled diadem across her forehead, drawn back over her ears and held by a jewelled net, ending in a plait down her back. She is dressed in the height of contemporary fas.h.i.+on in a high-waisted dress, richly embroidered, with huge sleeves and a frilled gorgiere gorgiere covering the top part of her breast. Draped over her right wrist is the latest fas.h.i.+on accessory, a small pelt of sable or ermine; with her left hand she holds little Ercole, aged five, presenting him to the saint who places his hand in blessing on the future Duke's bare head. She is attended by five extremely pretty women in dresses similar to her own but less richly patterned; three of them have the same bound-back hairstyles as Lucrezia, the other two have elaborately curled, shoulder-length hair; at least one of them is carrying a sable pelt. Another plaque shows Alfonso equipped for war, in armour kneeling before the saint, bearded and with wavy, shoulder-length hair, his helmet on the ground, and behind him his courser in rich harness, and two covering the top part of her breast. Draped over her right wrist is the latest fas.h.i.+on accessory, a small pelt of sable or ermine; with her left hand she holds little Ercole, aged five, presenting him to the saint who places his hand in blessing on the future Duke's bare head. She is attended by five extremely pretty women in dresses similar to her own but less richly patterned; three of them have the same bound-back hairstyles as Lucrezia, the other two have elaborately curled, shoulder-length hair; at least one of them is carrying a sable pelt. Another plaque shows Alfonso equipped for war, in armour kneeling before the saint, bearded and with wavy, shoulder-length hair, his helmet on the ground, and behind him his courser in rich harness, and two staffieri; staffieri; one of them poses seductively in skin-tight doublet and hose, with an arm draped languidly over the horse's neck. The third depicts the prior of the Olive tan monastery of San Giorgio, Girolamo Bendedeo, guardian of the cult of San Maurelio, kneeling before the saint; in the background the towers and ramparts of Ferrara overlook the confluence of the Po diVolano and the Po di Primaro, where the citizens of Ferrara are going about their business on the river bank. one of them poses seductively in skin-tight doublet and hose, with an arm draped languidly over the horse's neck. The third depicts the prior of the Olive tan monastery of San Giorgio, Girolamo Bendedeo, guardian of the cult of San Maurelio, kneeling before the saint; in the background the towers and ramparts of Ferrara overlook the confluence of the Po diVolano and the Po di Primaro, where the citizens of Ferrara are going about their business on the river bank.1 It is particularly poignant to see Lucrezia as a mother at that time since, towards the end of August, while Alfonso was still at Marino on his way back from Rome, she received yet another personal blow: the death through illness at Bari of her eldest son, Rodrigo Bisceglie. He was twelve years old. She had not seen him since she had left Rome when he was two. Prostrate with grief, she fled to the convent of San Bernardino, remaining there the whole of September, unable to bring herself to write to anyone. When she did so, on 1 October, she wrote of 'finding myself completely overcome with tears and bitterness for the death of the Duke of Bisceglie, my most dear son ...'

The tears were understandable, the bitterness too. Separation from Rodrigo had been an unwritten part of the deal which had taken her to Ferrara with the appearance of a virgin bride 'pulcherrima virgo 'pulcherrima virgo,' in the words of Ariosto. Reasons of state had decreed that she had not seen her eldest son since her departure from Rome to marry Alfonso.

There is evidence of some kind of agreement between the Este and the Borgias over Rodrigo in a doc.u.ment of 11 October 1505 in the Modena archives which describes not only Cardinal Cosenza as his guardian but Ippolito d'Este as one of his co-guardians.2 He was brought up at the court of Isabella d'Aragona in Bari where she lived as d.u.c.h.ess in the city granted her by Ludovico il Moro. He was there in March 1505 when an entry in Lucrezia's wardrobe accounts mentions a doublet of damask and brocade which Lucrezia had had made and sent to Bari for him. He was brought up at the court of Isabella d'Aragona in Bari where she lived as d.u.c.h.ess in the city granted her by Ludovico il Moro. He was there in March 1505 when an entry in Lucrezia's wardrobe accounts mentions a doublet of damask and brocade which Lucrezia had had made and sent to Bari for him.3 He appears to have shared a tutor named Balda.s.sare Bonfiglio with Giovanni Borgia at Bari, but while Giovanni Borgia was allowed to come to Ferrara in 1506 and probably placed at the Pio estate at Carpi with Cesare's son, Girolamo, Rodrigo did not accompany him. That year, 1506, Lucrezia had apparently made plans to meet him with d.u.c.h.ess Isabella at the shrine of Loreto, but the meeting never took place. According to Gregorovius, both boys were in Bari in April 1508, sharing a tutor, Bartolommeo Grotto; Lucrezia had clothes made for them and paid for the tutor to buy a copy of Virgil for Giovanni. He appears to have shared a tutor named Balda.s.sare Bonfiglio with Giovanni Borgia at Bari, but while Giovanni Borgia was allowed to come to Ferrara in 1506 and probably placed at the Pio estate at Carpi with Cesare's son, Girolamo, Rodrigo did not accompany him. That year, 1506, Lucrezia had apparently made plans to meet him with d.u.c.h.ess Isabella at the shrine of Loreto, but the meeting never took place. According to Gregorovius, both boys were in Bari in April 1508, sharing a tutor, Bartolommeo Grotto; Lucrezia had clothes made for them and paid for the tutor to buy a copy of Virgil for Giovanni.

Rodrigo Bisceglie had lived in some state at Bari: he received rents from his estates in Bisceglie and the Duchy of Corato. In February 1511, d.u.c.h.ess Isabella spent 100 ducats on a horse and harness for him.4 An inventory of his goods taken after his death, presumably on Lucrezia's instructions, shows him finely equipped as befitted his rank as a young duke, albeit a minor one. There were quant.i.ties of rich clothes, belts and purses of gold, furnis.h.i.+ngs such as table carpets and carriage covers, trappings of velvet fringed with gold for coursers and mules, bed hangings and coverings and a commode ' An inventory of his goods taken after his death, presumably on Lucrezia's instructions, shows him finely equipped as befitted his rank as a young duke, albeit a minor one. There were quant.i.ties of rich clothes, belts and purses of gold, furnis.h.i.+ngs such as table carpets and carriage covers, trappings of velvet fringed with gold for coursers and mules, bed hangings and coverings and a commode 'sedia a necessarw covered in red cloth with a copper vase, arms and armour including daggers in fine Spanish and German metalwork, and spurs and breastplates. His silver tableware included a fine salt gilded inside and out in the Spanish manner, silver gilt plates, dishes and ewers engraved with his arms. covered in red cloth with a copper vase, arms and armour including daggers in fine Spanish and German metalwork, and spurs and breastplates. His silver tableware included a fine salt gilded inside and out in the Spanish manner, silver gilt plates, dishes and ewers engraved with his arms.5 His accounts were carefully preserved among Lucrezia's doc.u.ments, and in the years following his death she succeeded in establis.h.i.+ng herself as his heir although she was to discover that, as with so many n.o.ble families, the richness of the appanages belied the poverty of the income. On 9 October 1512 she wrote to Gonzaga asking him for a safe conduct for Jacopo de Tebaldi, the ducal chancellor, whom she was sending via Venice to Bari to deal with d.u.c.h.ess Isabella over Rodrigo's affairs: 'so that I should have those things which duly should come to me and because at present the journey there is not safe for any messenger of ours'. The recovery of Rodrigo's inheritance proved to be a protracted and tedious process and it was not until 1518 that it came to an end. His accounts were carefully preserved among Lucrezia's doc.u.ments, and in the years following his death she succeeded in establis.h.i.+ng herself as his heir although she was to discover that, as with so many n.o.ble families, the richness of the appanages belied the poverty of the income. On 9 October 1512 she wrote to Gonzaga asking him for a safe conduct for Jacopo de Tebaldi, the ducal chancellor, whom she was sending via Venice to Bari to deal with d.u.c.h.ess Isabella over Rodrigo's affairs: 'so that I should have those things which duly should come to me and because at present the journey there is not safe for any messenger of ours'. The recovery of Rodrigo's inheritance proved to be a protracted and tedious process and it was not until 1518 that it came to an end.

Di Prosperi reported to Isabella that Lucrezia was in such tribulation of spirit at the news of Rodrigo's death that there was no means of comforting her. Ippolito was on hand to console her on this occasion, as he had been on the deaths of Alexander and Cesare: as an ecclesiastic he was allowed inside the convent and, according to di Prosperi, spent many hours with her there. Alfonso was still making his tortuous way home, sending secret messages to Ippolito. When Isabella complained to Ippolito that he did not pa.s.s these messages on to her, the cardinal replied that he could not do so in case they were intercepted and Alfonso's whereabouts revealed to the Pope. Julius seized two of Alfonso's staffieri staffieri in the Marches and had them brought to Rome where he tortured them but they could tell him nothing. He kept up the pressure on the Gonzaga, sending a special representative to Mantua to promise Isabella great promotions for her children, including Ferrara for her son-in-law, Francesco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbino. He reminded Francesco that the Este had been the historical enemies of the Gonzaga, despite the present relations.h.i.+p, and Alfonso especially so, having always sought to do evil to the Marquis, to kill him and to mock him and hold him in little esteem, and that if he remained in Ferrara he would be the greatest enemy Gonzaga could have. in the Marches and had them brought to Rome where he tortured them but they could tell him nothing. He kept up the pressure on the Gonzaga, sending a special representative to Mantua to promise Isabella great promotions for her children, including Ferrara for her son-in-law, Francesco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbino. He reminded Francesco that the Este had been the historical enemies of the Gonzaga, despite the present relations.h.i.+p, and Alfonso especially so, having always sought to do evil to the Marquis, to kill him and to mock him and hold him in little esteem, and that if he remained in Ferrara he would be the greatest enemy Gonzaga could have.6 Against these intrigues, however, there was on the one hand, Isabella and Ippolito, standing shoulder to shoulder in the pa.s.sionate defence of Ferrara, and on the other Francesco's devotion to Lucrezia. Against these intrigues, however, there was on the one hand, Isabella and Ippolito, standing shoulder to shoulder in the pa.s.sionate defence of Ferrara, and on the other Francesco's devotion to Lucrezia.

Lucrezia and Francesco continued their correspondence through a new intermediary, Fra Anselmo. Gonzaga sent her cedri cedri and truffles, she asked him for favours for her nuns. Gonzaga, for all his carnal sins, was, like Alexander, devout in his religious attachment to the Virgin Mary. On 2 November, Lucrezia wrote to him, asking that as he had been 'the most potent cause of comfort to my nuns and Mother Superior' to ensure that the Father Vicar General who had been in Mantua should enact what she had requested and create a new abbess before his return to Rome. and truffles, she asked him for favours for her nuns. Gonzaga, for all his carnal sins, was, like Alexander, devout in his religious attachment to the Virgin Mary. On 2 November, Lucrezia wrote to him, asking that as he had been 'the most potent cause of comfort to my nuns and Mother Superior' to ensure that the Father Vicar General who had been in Mantua should enact what she had requested and create a new abbess before his return to Rome.

The lack of warmth between Lucrezia and Isabella continued, even over the death of Rodrigo Bisceglie. Isabella wrote to her crony, Sister Laura Boiarda, appointed by Lucrezia as abbess of the convent of San Bernardino, that she did not intend either to write in her own hand or send an envoy to condole with Lucrezia 'in case it renewed her grief, so she was entrusting Sister Laura to deal with it as she thought fit. Unsurprisingly, Lucrezia was offended at this breach of protocol, and complained to Fra Anselmo when he visited her on 7 October, saying that though his visit was a signal that Francesco still wished her well, 'nonetheless I feared that he had grown cold towards me ... because it seemed to me that he had agreed with My Lady [Isabella] that none of them should be sent to visit me in this my sorrow of my son ...' 'Believe me, My Lord, that this Lady is truly out of the ordinary,' the impressed friar reported to Francesco.7 It was not until the end of the month that Isabella deigned to write an official letter of condolence which she entrusted to di Prosperi to deliver to San Bernardino. He, however, reported on 20 September that when he visited the convent that day Lucrezia had already left secretly, which he interpreted as a sign that Alfonso would soon be home. By the 9th, however, Lucrezia, dressed in mourning, had returned to San Bernardino and Alfonso did not arrive until the 14th. It was not until the end of the month that Isabella deigned to write an official letter of condolence which she entrusted to di Prosperi to deliver to San Bernardino. He, however, reported on 20 September that when he visited the convent that day Lucrezia had already left secretly, which he interpreted as a sign that Alfonso would soon be home. By the 9th, however, Lucrezia, dressed in mourning, had returned to San Bernardino and Alfonso did not arrive until the 14th.

Di Prosperi reported his triumphant arrival 'like Moses escaping from the Pharaoh', accompanied only by Masino del Forno and a few of his companions, having had a farewell supper with Fabrizio Colonna at Bondeno. He arrived 'in disguise and in a simple burchiello' burchiello' (small boat) walked through the garden and entered the Castello: the entire populace crowded into the piazza to see him and the great bell of the fortress sounded. He went first to his (small boat) walked through the garden and entered the Castello: the entire populace crowded into the piazza to see him and the great bell of the fortress sounded. He went first to his camerini camerini and then to Lucrezia's apartments to meet her in the 'second little room where they are used to dine in the winter'. There 'they embraced and caressed each other, remaining together for a little while and with their children, with happy countenances towards their gentlemen and everyone'. and then to Lucrezia's apartments to meet her in the 'second little room where they are used to dine in the winter'. There 'they embraced and caressed each other, remaining together for a little while and with their children, with happy countenances towards their gentlemen and everyone'.8 Later, Alfonso went to talk to Ippolito and Federico Gonzaga da Bozzolo in his Later, Alfonso went to talk to Ippolito and Federico Gonzaga da Bozzolo in his camerini camerini for a long time, then to inspect the ramparts damaged by the recent floods. Afterwards he returned to spend a long time with Lucrezia in her rooms. for a long time, then to inspect the ramparts damaged by the recent floods. Afterwards he returned to spend a long time with Lucrezia in her rooms.

Alfonso was now a hero to the Ferrarese: 'Let [the Pope] do what he likes,' di Prosperi wrote to Isabella on 16 December 1512, 'because these people are more constant as time goes by and faithful to Your Ill.u.s.trious House and to the Lord Duke your brother, and of this I am most certain...' Julius had succeeded in wresting from him all his lands apart from Argenta, Comacchio and Ferrara itself, but Alfonso was prepared to fight to the last, making a truce with the Venetians and signing up four thousand Italian and German troops. Francesco Gonzaga, however, now thought that Ferrara was finished and instructed his relation, Federico Gonzaga da Bozzolo, to abandon his efforts to help Alfonso or risk losing his state.

He also wanted Lucrezia safely at Mantua with him. On 22 December he wrote to the Archdeacon of Gabbioneta that he wanted favourable treatment for her: 'I want to be quite clear on one thing: if the d.u.c.h.ess of Ferrara, who has always in the past had great trust in me and towards whom as a woman I have great compa.s.sion and willingly would give her pleasure, if she would with confidence come here to our state without her husband and children, in what manner we are to behave to her without displeasing His Holiness...'9 Whether Lucrezia let alone Alfonso would have acquiesced in this plan we shall never know. She had not run away before when Ferrara had been in danger; it is more likely that Francesco's was the dream of a sick and lonely man. But the confidential correspondence continued: on 9 January 1513 she sent a private message by one of her gentlemen, Pietro Giorgio (?Lampugnano), with a covering note in her own hand. Francesco presumably sent private messages to her too, because on 4 February she wrote, again in her own hand, how glad she was to get good news of his convalescence from Messer Tolomeo (Spagnoli) and Lorenzo Strozzi who would have returned to him and would be able to tell him in person of her feelings towards him. Whether Lucrezia let alone Alfonso would have acquiesced in this plan we shall never know. She had not run away before when Ferrara had been in danger; it is more likely that Francesco's was the dream of a sick and lonely man. But the confidential correspondence continued: on 9 January 1513 she sent a private message by one of her gentlemen, Pietro Giorgio (?Lampugnano), with a covering note in her own hand. Francesco presumably sent private messages to her too, because on 4 February she wrote, again in her own hand, how glad she was to get good news of his convalescence from Messer Tolomeo (Spagnoli) and Lorenzo Strozzi who would have returned to him and would be able to tell him in person of her feelings towards him.10 Relations between Francesco and Isabella, however, had reached breaking point and they now led virtually separate lives, she in the ducal palace and he in his palace of San Sebastiano. According to Luzio they had not slept together since 1509 'for fear of the pox'. Isabella had greatly enjoyed the independence and power she had had while Francesco was imprisoned. While Francesco was bound to the Pope by his military duties and, indeed, the interests of his state, Isabella carried on diplomatic policy and relations designed only to save her house of Este. Francesco had his own clique hostile to her, which included his secretary, Tolomeo Spagnoli, and, more distantly, the detested Vigo di Camposampiero at Rome. Early in the new year of 1513, Isabella left Mantua by mutual agreement 'for the sake of peace', as Luzio put it, to spend carnival at Milan with her nephew, the recently restored Duke Ma.s.similiano Sforza, son of her sister Beatrice and Ludovico il Moro. At Milan, she told Alfonso, she would be able the better to use her influence with the Spanish Viceroy Ramon Cardona, the imperial representative, the Cardinal-Bishop of Gurk, and, of course, her nephew the Duke. On the eve of her departure on 8 January, she wrote defiantly to Ippolito: 'the Pope wants to have all the possessions of the house of Este in his power, sooner may G.o.d ruin him and make him die as I hope it will be ...'

Isabella's wish was soon to be granted. On the night of 2021 February 1513 Julius II died in the Vatican, just in time to save Ferrara. He had made an agreement with the Emperor Maximilian that the latter would not aid Alfonso d'Este, and, at the end of January, Louis XII, Alfonso's princ.i.p.al protector, sent an envoy to Rome to sue for peace. On 31 January, the Pope was reported to be 'thinking of nothing else but the enterprise of Ferrara' despite his illness. He was not too weak, however, to indulge in one of his paroxysms of rage on hearing that certain cardinals were giving a carnival banquet which he interpreted as an antic.i.p.atory celebration of his death. Federico Gonzaga's tutor, Stazio Gadio, reported him as being 'more terrible than ever' fulminating against 'that fleet of poltroons' and threatening that if they took pleasure from his death 'he was not dead yet and he would kill them all', particularly that 'beast', the Cardinal Agenensis, promoter of the feast. It was to be his last rage: feeling himself better he decided to indulge his pa.s.sion for wine, tasting or rather drinking no less than eight different varieties, with the result that that night he was overtaken by a fever from which he did not recover.

Patron of Michelangelo, Raphael and Bramante, Julius II had been a great pope in the temporal sense, the archetypal Renaissance pontiff along the lines of his hated predecessor, Alexander VI. The former Giuliano della Rovere had not been cut out for the spiritual life. As Guicciardini wrote, he would be considered a great pope by those who judge that it is more the office of the popes to increase with arms and the blood of Christians, the dominions of the Apostolic See than to labour, with the good example of their own lives and by correcting and caring for those fallen by the wayside, for the salvation of those souls, for which they boast that Christ appointed them his vicars on earth', adding that Julius would have been 'certainly worthy of great glory, if he had been a secular prince'.11 Sanudo, writing from the Venetian point of view, did not see Julius as the patriot he is often made out to be. 'This pope,' he wrote, 'was the cause of Italy's ruin. Would to G.o.d he had died five years ago, for the good of Christianity, and of this republic and of poor Italy' For all his xenophobic war cry 'Out with the barbarians! [i.e. foreigners]', he had done more than most to embroil the foreign powers in Italy in the ceaseless wars which were to bring about the ruin of Rome. Sanudo, writing from the Venetian point of view, did not see Julius as the patriot he is often made out to be. 'This pope,' he wrote, 'was the cause of Italy's ruin. Would to G.o.d he had died five years ago, for the good of Christianity, and of this republic and of poor Italy' For all his xenophobic war cry 'Out with the barbarians! [i.e. foreigners]', he had done more than most to embroil the foreign powers in Italy in the ceaseless wars which were to bring about the ruin of Rome.

In Ferrara Lucrezia made no secret of her joy at the death of this 'Holofernes', as di Prosperi described him, the oldest and most virulent of her family's enemies who had destroyed Cesare and come near to destroying her too. While Alfonso discreetly celebrated at a dinner with his household, Lucrezia openly went about the town visiting a great number of churches to give thanks for their deliverance. For herself, her family and Ferrara it had been, as the Duke of Wellington said after the battle of Waterloo, 'a close-run thing'.

Julius II's successor was the cultivated, pleasure-loving, thirty-eight-year-old second son of Lorenzo the Magnificent, Cardinal Giovanni de'Medici, who took the name of Leo X. 'G.o.d has given us the papacy,' he told a friend. 'Let us enjoy it.' Alfonso and Lucrezia had high hopes of this new pope. But Leo, for all his pleasantness, was as avid for power and as ambitious for the advancement of his family as his father had been. He had never forgotten Lorenzo's instructions to him when he went to Rome for the first time as an extremely young cardinal, to make sure he preserved 'both the goat and the cabbages', i.e. to look after the interests of his family as well as those of the Church.

On 30 March, Lucrezia informed Francesco that Alfonso had left that morning with twelve companions for Rome in optimistic mood about his affairs, 'called by the Pope and encouraged by many Cardinals and other friends'. The next day Prospero Colonna arrived in Ferrara. He spent a long time with Lucrezia who had greeted him with the most beautiful of her gentlewomen, dining informally with Lucrezia and Angela, old acquaintances from the Roman days of Alexander's papacy, who persuaded him not to leave immediately as he had planned. Instead he went hunting with leopards and hawking in the Barco, and in the evening Antonio Costabili gave him a magnificent banquet all the more remarkable, said di Prosperi, for it being a Friday a meatless day under the Catholic calendar and at such short notice.

Lucrezia sat at the head of the high table of a mixed company of select guests which included, of course, Angela Borgia. Di Prosperi considered the occasion so worthy of note that he had the menu and its ingredients copied out with the list of princ.i.p.al guests. Beginning with an amphora of rose water for the was.h.i.+ng of hands, the table was set with milk bread, oat fritters and biscuits, marzipan and cakes made of pine-nut flour. The wines were Muscatel, Trebbiano, sweet new wine and other table wine. There were salads of chopped endive, lettuce, anchovies, capers and caper flowers and young cabbage. There were dishes of large prawns, sturgeon milk (? roe) mixed with sugar, cinnamon and rose water, presented as a first course. The boiled dishes were large pike, sturgeon, large ray, tuna and salted ray accompanied by juniper-flavoured soup and herb sauce. These were followed by fried pike, large tench, sturgeon, large trout and carp, accompanied by little freshwater fish, olives, oranges and lemons. Another course comprised small squid sliced, a spicy sauce, ravioli and zest of lemon. As if all this were not enough there was large pike in aspic, sturgeon and red mullet, and on the buffet three large ray, tortelli alla lombarda, tortelli alla lombarda, and large eels in soup. Then came large eels roasted on the spit, huge herb omelets made with one hundred eggs each, pies, red caviar, an arrowroot tart and razorfish. There were oysters, scallops, sea truffles and winkles. For fruit there were pink apples, pears, cheese from Piacenza ( and large eels in soup. Then came large eels roasted on the spit, huge herb omelets made with one hundred eggs each, pies, red caviar, an arrowroot tart and razorfish. There were oysters, scallops, sea truffles and winkles. For fruit there were pink apples, pears, cheese from Piacenza (formato piacentino), peeled almonds, sultanas, grapes and small plums, crisp, thin cakes and a punch made of brandy, sugar and cloves. Then after more rose water for was.h.i.+ng their hands the guests were offered the confections of Maestro Vincenzo, sugared almonds in many colours, angelica sweets, pears and peaches preserved in peeled almonds, sultanas, grapes and small plums, crisp, thin cakes and a punch made of brandy, sugar and cloves. Then after more rose water for was.h.i.+ng their hands the guests were offered the confections of Maestro Vincenzo, sugared almonds in many colours, angelica sweets, pears and peaches preserved in grappa, cedri, grappa, cedri, preserved pine nuts and aniseed. At the beginning of dinner at the request of Lucrezia, the singers sang psalms in ' preserved pine nuts and aniseed. At the beginning of dinner at the request of Lucrezia, the singers sang psalms in 'voce ba.s.se' in place of reading, then lutes, viols and cornets were played while woodwind players greeted the entrance and departure of the guests. in place of reading, then lutes, viols and cornets were played while woodwind players greeted the entrance and departure of the guests.12 Isabella d'Este, now back in Mantua on the specific orders of her husband, was annoyed and jealous that Prospero Colonna had visited Ferrara without coming to visit her. She had sent to Lucrezia asking her to issue an invitation to him on her behalf but, Lucrezia wrote 'regretfully', 'had he still been here when your message arrived I would willingly have acted as your amba.s.sador and used every diligence to obtain your object, but His Lords.h.i.+p had already departed for Correggio ...' On 11 March, Gonzaga had written his wife a very angry letter, reminding her of her duty in insulting terms 'she was of an age and discretion that she should not need reminding of it' and for public and private reasons 'she should return without further delay'. 'We are about to go to Gonzaga to greet Federico who should be already near here, for love of whom Your Ladys.h.i.+p will [no doubt] hasten, and beyond any other reason to put an end to all the gossip among the people here which we will not repeat, leaving it to Benedetto Codelupo [Capilupo] who is most well informed of this ... thus for whatever love you bear us we urge you to return immediately ...'13 The rumours to which Francesco was referring concerned a lampoon by Tebaldeo with scurrilous suggestions about Isabella and her old friend, Mario Equicola, author of the pro-women treatise The rumours to which Francesco was referring concerned a lampoon by Tebaldeo with scurrilous suggestions about Isabella and her old friend, Mario Equicola, author of the pro-women treatise De mulieribus, De mulieribus, copies of which were pinned up on various walls in Mantua. Among other insults proffered by Francesco to Isabella in official letters written by his secretary and therefore public knowledge, had been the expression of his anger and bitterness at having 'a wife of the kind who always wants to have her own way and her own opinions', something which contemporaries would have considered the worst accusation a man could level at his wife. It is not surprising, therefore, to read that, according to Luzio, 'the cordiality of their old relations was never restored'. copies of which were pinned up on various walls in Mantua. Among other insults proffered by Francesco to Isabella in official letters written by his secretary and therefore public knowledge, had been the expression of his anger and bitterness at having 'a wife of the kind who always wants to have her own way and her own opinions', something which contemporaries would have considered the worst accusation a man could level at his wife. It is not surprising, therefore, to read that, according to Luzio, 'the cordiality of their old relations was never restored'.14 Lucrezia, however, remained on polite terms with Isabella, taking care to pa.s.s on to her but not to Francesco news of Alfonso in Rome, and forwarding to her Ippolito's more detailed accounts. Leo X had suspended the interdict on Alfonso for three months while his case was considered by five cardinals, and issued a brief addressing him as 'beloved son the n.o.ble Alfonso of Este, Duke of Ferrara' in order that he should attend the papal coronation on 12 April. Alfonso did so, very splendid in cloth of gold-curled brocade. Ominously, not a word had been said about possessions in the Romagna. Cento and La Pieve were to be discussed in the future and there was mention of the concession for salt at Comacchio and the rest.i.tution of Reggio. Lucrezia, however, remained groundlessly optimistic 'we hope things will turn out excellently', she told Isabella. Where she had known very well what kind of man Julius II was, she, like most people, underestimated and misread Leo X. News came from Alfonso that the Pope had extended the suspension of the interdict for a further four months, promising to maintain him in his Duchy of Ferrara and to defend him against the hostile moves of any power against him. Alfonso dined with the Pope before leaving, 'most satisfied' with the soothing words he heard from Leo, delivered in the presence of his friend and protector, the Cardinal d'Aragona. It was agreed that further negotiations were to be carried on by Ippolito. Alfonso arrived home in Ferrara on 29 April 'well satisfied with His Holiness', Lucrezia reported to Isabella.

Indeed, briefly that spring things appeared to be going more smoothly for war-weary Ferrara and the beleaguered Este. Alfonso had retaken Cento and La Pieve on Julius's death, and with Venetian blessing recovered some of his former possessions in the Polesine. Alfonso and Lucrezia seem to have been very much partners in the affairs of Ferrara; in August, Sanudo reported that Giovanni Alberto della Pigna was in Venice to negotiate certain matters with the Council of Ten 'in the name of the Duke and d.u.c.h.ess of Ferrara'. But new hostile alignments were being drawn up with France and Venice on one side, the Pope, the Emperor, Spain and Henry VIII of England on the other. In May 1513 war broke out again; it was to last almost uninterrupted for the remainder of Lucrezia's life. The first sign of Leo's true intentions towards Ferrara came with his acquisition of Modena from the Emperor for 40,000 ducats; it was to be the base for a new state for his brother Giuliano de'Medici comprising Modena and Reggio, Parma and Piacenza, but princ.i.p.ally Ferrara. As Guicciardini put it, 'Having purchased Modena, he bent his mind exclusively to acquire Ferrara, more with intrigues and threats than open force of arms; because this had become too difficult, Alfonso having seen the perils in which he stood, had attended to making the city impregnable ... And his enemies were perhaps greater, although operating more secretly, than those of the time of Julius ...' While Leo and his allies schemed against Ferrara, Alfonso aimed at the recovery of Modena and Reggio, showing himself as adept diplomatically as he was militarily.

In the dangers and difficulties of her life, Lucrezia had had increasing resort to religion for comfort. Convents had always been places of refuge for her from the strains of court life, first with the Borgias and then with the Este. At Ferrara she favoured the aristocratic convent of Corpus Domini of the order of the Poor Clares but her religious feeling ran deeper than merely finding a peaceful retreat among sympathetic women. Perhaps as a result of her experiences at her father's court and the tragedies which had befallen her particularly Cesare's death she was increasingly attracted by the radical reformist wing of the Church. She kept the letters of the ascetic Dominican nun St Catherine of Siena in her library but in practice she was a follower of the Franciscan preacher San Bernardino of Siena, who had renewed the ideals of St Francis of a.s.sisi with his calls for charity and social justice. She became a lay sister of the third Franciscan order, and she had been among the founders of the Monte di Pieta in Ferrara, designed specifically as a charitable foundation for the poor. In 1510 she had founded her own convent of San Bernardino in which she placed Cesare's illegitimate daughter, Camilla Lucrezia. In 1516 she pet.i.tioned Leo X to inst.i.tute a stricter adherence to the rules of poverty; she received in return a brief of permission written entirely in the fine hand of her former lover, Pietro Bembo, now secretary to the Pope.15 It was she who chose the preachers for the Lenten sermons, among them an Augustinian friar, Antonio Meli da Crema, with whom she was particularly impressed. In April 1513 Fra Meli dedicated to her the text of a book on the ascetic life ent.i.tiled It was she who chose the preachers for the Lenten sermons, among them an Augustinian friar, Antonio Meli da Crema, with whom she was particularly impressed. In April 1513 Fra Meli dedicated to her the text of a book on the ascetic life ent.i.tiled Libro di vita Contemplativa, Libro di vita Contemplativa, which at Lucrezia's express wish was written in Italian so as to be more easily understood by lay people. In his dedication Meli explicitly referred to Lucrezia as a woman who 'withdrawn from the vanity and show of the world, and fired by the chaste divine love ... engages herself in the instruction of her damsels, not only those who have decided on [the path of] virginity and religion but also those who propose to enter the state of matrimony'. which at Lucrezia's express wish was written in Italian so as to be more easily understood by lay people. In his dedication Meli explicitly referred to Lucrezia as a woman who 'withdrawn from the vanity and show of the world, and fired by the chaste divine love ... engages herself in the instruction of her damsels, not only those who have decided on [the path of] virginity and religion but also those who propose to enter the state of matrimony'.

The dedication was dated 10 April: three days before, di Prosperi had reported that three of Lucrezia's damsels, including the daughter of Madonna Julia della Mirandola, had been accepted as nuns of St Catherine of Siena. (In a letter of the same date to Francesco, asking him to place Julia della Mirandola's son in the service of Federico, Lucrezia refers to this girl as 'one of our dearest damsels'.) Their formal reception into the convent of St Catherine was a solemn public occasion attended by Lucrezia and a crowd of gentlemen, ladies and citizens, so that the church was overflowing. Dressed in white as brides of Christ, the three showed every sign of happiness and great contentment. 'May G.o.d make their hearts equally joyful,' di Prosperi commented glumly. Poor Madonna Julia, although not unhappy at her daughter's entering the convent, was reputed to be extremely worried that her son, who was presently in the service of the cardinal, might become a monk. It may be because of this that Lucrezia wrote the letter to Francesco at Madonna Julia's request, asking him to place her son Ercole with his son Federico.16 While daughters were regarded as no loss and their dowries as nuns were very much smaller than they would have been as brides, sons were important for the support of the family and the continuance of the line, and becoming a monk would have been considered both eccentric and wasteful by aristocratic families. While daughters were regarded as no loss and their dowries as nuns were very much smaller than they would have been as brides, sons were important for the support of the family and the continuance of the line, and becoming a monk would have been considered both eccentric and wasteful by aristocratic families.

Even over nuns there was a certain rivalry between Lucrezia and Isabella. A pre-emptive jealousy on Isabella's part prompted a mission by di Prosperi to visit Sister Laura Boiarda, whom Lucrezia had made abbess of San Bernardino, although, he admitted, nothing of interest was said, but that Sister Laura 'agrees that she holds Your Excellency as her princ.i.p.al Lady and Patroness ...'

Di Prosperi ceased his correspondence with Isabella in June 1513, resuming it after a gap of six months with two letters of 18 and 24 December in which he reports his return home. The correspondence only resumes fully in January 1517, so there is a three-year gap in his invaluable daily reports of the Ferrarese court. Lucrezia continued to correspond with Francesco, sending him private messages and sweetmeats; but her correspondence with Isabella has a gap between April 1513, when Alfonso returned to Ferrara, and May 1516, during which period Isabella, avoiding Mantua as much as possible, was constantly on her travels. No correspondence survives between Alfonso and Lucrezia between the years 1510 and 1518. During this period Lucrezia gave birth to three more children, one of them a daughter, Leonora, named after Alfonso's mother, born on 4 July 1515, after yet another difficult pregnancy and delivery, as she told Francesco Gonzaga: 'I have been very ill for ten days, very weak and afflicted with complete loss of appet.i.te and with other difficulties but it has pleased G.o.d that this evening about the twenty-second hour I was seized by a sudden pain unexpected and unthought of because I thought I had not reached my term and gave birth. I am so happy and the little girl to whom I have given birth is well enough and it seems to me to have received from G.o.d one of those pleasing graces which his divine Majesty is accustomed to grant some meritorious person ...'17 The girl was to become a nun at Corpus Domini. The girl was to become a nun at Corpus Domini.

In April the previous year, Lucrezia had given birth to a third son, another ill-fated Alexandra. Two years later from Belriguardo, on 27 May 1516, she wrote to Francesco Gonzaga thanking him for remembering her 'in this situation I find myself now' and for sending her the 'tartufoli' (truffles) which she particularly appreciated. The reason for her unhappiness became clear some weeks later when, on 11 July 1516, she wrote to Gonzaga reporting her son's death after a long illness: The ill.u.s.trious Don Alexandra, my last-born son, after having been ill for a long time of an infirmity unfamiliar to our doctors and has always been [afflicted] with ulcerations on his head and lately with a great flux for which there was no remedy, and thus he was forced this past night around the fourth hour to give up his blessed soul to G.o.d: which has greatly afflicted me and has left me in the greatest grief which could be expected, being a woman and a mother. It seemed to me my duty to give you immediate notice so that you are aware of all that befalls me, in adversity and prosperity: and I am sure that you will feel because of it the sadness due to the love and consideration which I bear you, and will feel compa.s.sion for the grief I feel which is immense: it only remains to pray G.o.d to give me strength to bear with fort.i.tude this most grave sorrow ...'

That same year, however, there was consolation in the birth, on November, of another son, this time a healthy baby, who was named Francesco. It is a tempting, although unlikely, thought that she might have named him after Gonzaga.

Lucrezia had now borne Alfonso three healthy sons but her history of disastrous pregnancies, miscarriages still and premature births and sickly, short-lived children could have been caused by Alfonso's syphilis. Unlike Francesco Gonzaga with Isabella, Alfonso maintained regular s.e.xual relations with Lucrezia, resulting in repeated pregnancies which weakened her and eventually led to her death.

Lucrezia continued to keep in touch with her humanist circle, among them the poet Giangiorgio Trissino, with whom she had first become friendly in the summer of 1512 when he was in Ferrara.18 She had consulted him later about the education of Ercole, writing on 18 September 1515 from Belriguardo to tell him that she had retailed their conversation to Alfonso who had been greatly pleased, and that they were both anxious that Ercole should begin his formal education as soon as possible. Could he possibly, she asked, without too much trouble to himself, find a tutor in grammar for the boy? She had not been able to write about this earlier because she had had no chance to speak to Alfonso, but she was also sending Ercole da Camerino to Ferrara to explain their ideas about it to him. She had consulted him later about the education of Ercole, writing on 18 September 1515 from Belriguardo to tell him that she had retailed their conversation to Alfonso who had been greatly pleased, and that they were both anxious that Ercole should begin his formal education as soon as possible. Could he possibly, she asked, without too much trouble to himself, find a tutor in grammar for the boy? She had not been able to write about this earlier because she had had no chance to speak to Alfonso, but she was also sending Ercole da Camerino to Ferrara to explain their ideas about it to him.19 In November the recommended tutor, a Domine Niccol Lazzarino, had still not arrived but, she told Trissino, who was apparently at the Emperor's court, enclosing the tutor's letter, he was hourly expected. In November the recommended tutor, a Domine Niccol Lazzarino, had still not arrived but, she told Trissino, who was apparently at the Emperor's court, enclosing the tutor's letter, he was hourly expected.20 In March 1516, she wrote to Trissino saying that she and Alfonso were anxious to consult him personally as soon as he could get to Ferrara. In March 1516, she wrote to Trissino saying that she and Alfonso were anxious to consult him personally as soon as he could get to Ferrara.21 Trissino, it would appear, had not been able to visit Ferrara, for Lucrezia wrote to him from Belriguardo on 1 June about how much they were hoping for his arrival to oversee Ercole's education: 'We advise you for your contentment that his preceptor until now could not be more satisfied with him, nor with greater hope of his gaining honours easily as we think you will have understood from his [the tutor's] letters.'22 That month payments figured in the Este accounts for an Ovid and a Virgil purchased by the tutor 'Messer Nicol precepetore del Signore Don Hercule' for his pupil. That month payments figured in the Este accounts for an Ovid and a Virgil purchased by the tutor 'Messer Nicol precepetore del Signore Don Hercule' for his pupil.23 Two years later she was still in contact with Trissino and hoping to see him. Two years later she was still in contact with Trissino and hoping to see him.

Meanwhile, Lucrezia had also been in touch with Aldus Manutius who had fled Venice for Ferrara after the defeat at Agnadello in 1509 and for the following four years had wandered the cities of northern Italy. Lucrezia was named executor in the will which he drew up in Ferrara in 1509, although not in a later version. At around that time, she also apparently offered support to establish the academy of intellectuals which had long been the printer's dream but which he never realized.24 She encouraged Manutius to publish the edition of the poems of t.i.to and Ercole Strozzi, many dedicated to her, which eventually appeared in Venice in 1513. The book has a dedicatory preface by the printer to 'the Divine Lucretia Borgia, d.u.c.h.ess of Ferrara' in which he refers to their common desire to establish an academy at Ferrara. Three years later, Ludovico Ariosto's She encouraged Manutius to publish the edition of the poems of t.i.to and Ercole Strozzi, many dedicated to her, which eventually appeared in Venice in 1513. The book has a dedicatory preface by the printer to 'the Divine Lucretia Borgia, d.u.c.h.ess of Ferrara' in which he refers to their common desire to establish an academy at Ferrara. Three years later, Ludovico Ariosto's Orlando Furioso, Orlando Furioso, on which he had been working since 1506, was first published in Ferrara, with frequent, laudatory references to Lucrezia: 'She shall ever grow in beauty, merit, fortune and good repute, just like a tender plant in soft earth ...' on which he had been working since 1506, was first published in Ferrara, with frequent, laudatory references to Lucrezia: 'She shall ever grow in beauty, merit, fortune and good repute, just like a tender plant in soft earth ...'25 She appeared in the poem as a marble statue supported by their mutual friends, Antonio Tebaldeo and Ercole Strozzi. She appeared in the poem as a marble statue supported by their mutual friends, Antonio Tebaldeo and Ercole Strozzi.26 Lucrezia was nearing thirty-seven, considered old by Renaissance standards, when Francesco was born. In late December that year, rumours reached her of the death of Jofre and these were confirmed by the beginning of January. Lucrezia was now the last surviving of Vannozza's children: she had not seen Jofre since leaving Rome for Ferrara fifteen years earlier, and they do not appear to have corresponded; if they did, no letters have been preserved. After Cesare's fall, Jofre had retreated with the rest of the Borgia faction to Naples where Sancia became the mistress of Gonsalvo da Cordoba, Cesare's captor. By now thoroughly bored with Jofre, she had refused to have anything further to do with him. After her death, Jofre had subsequently married again, one Maria de Mila, who by her name was presumably a member of the family related to the Borgias. She bore him four children, and on his death his only son succeeded to the Princ.i.p.ate of Squillace. Lucrezia received the news of her brother's death from his widow and son, Francesco, 'my nephew'. She wrote separately on 2 January to both the Gonzaga giving them the news. As might have been expected, her letter to Isabella was brief and couched in less emotional terms than the letter to Francesco. To the latter she wrote of the 'unexpected event which has greatly afflicted me and has caused me the sorrow which might be expected. I am sure Your Lords.h.i.+p,' she continued, 'for the relations.h.i.+p between us and the reverence I bear you, will have compa.s.sion for me and for love of me will feel regret...'27 It is difficult to imagine that, apart from breaking one of the last links with her family past, Lucrezia really felt deeply bereaved by Jofre's death. It is difficult to imagine that, apart from breaking one of the last links with her family past, Lucrezia really felt deeply bereaved by Jofre's death.

There had been other, more significant, deaths on the international front. On 1 January 1515 Louis XII died. Despite having contracted syphilis, the King had married, on 9 October 1513, Henry VIII's sister Mary; he was fifty-three and in failing health, she a beautiful girl of eighteen. His death was widely attributed to excessive indulgence in s.e.x. Guicciardini accused him of 'greedily making use of the excellent beauty and youth of his new wife, a girl of eighteen, and, not considering his own years and weak const.i.tution, was taken with a fever complicated by disorders due to a flux'. Francesco Vettori, Florentine amba.s.sador to Rome, wrote gleefully that King Louis had brought out of England a '"filly" so young, so beautiful and so swift that she had ridden him right out of the world'.

Louis's heir, Francois d'Angouleme, a member of the cadet branch of the family, succeeded as Francis I. At the age of twenty and in contrast with the tired old man Louis had become, Francis had the aura of a Sun King about him, as Guicciardini wrote: The new King's virtue, magnanimity, skill and generous spirit had aroused so much hope that it was universally admitted that for many years now no one had come to the throne with greater expectations. For he united the highest grace with the flower of youth... outstanding physical beauty, the greatest liberality, deep humanity withal, and a thorough knowledge of things. Together with his t.i.tle of King of France, he a.s.sumed the t.i.tle of Duke of Milan, belonging to him not only because of the ancient claims of the Duke of Orleans but also as included within the invest.i.ture made by the Emperor according to the League of Cambrai; thus he had the same desire to recuperate it as his predecessor. He was goaded to this undertaking not only by his own inclination but also by the youth of the French n.o.bility, the glory of Gaston de Foix, and the memory of so many victories which had been won by recent kings in Italy ...'

Towards the end of June 1515, Francis set out for Italy determined to recover all the possessions which the French had lost there in the last years of Louis XII's reign. In July the Duke of Milan, Alfonso's nephew, the Pope, the King of Aragon and the Emperor signed a League for the defence of Italy. Venice was openly on the side of the French against the Emperor and so, more circ.u.mspectly, was Alfonso, although he prudently refused all attempts by both sides to make him declare himself. On 1 September, Sanudo reported that Alfonso's envoy had a.s.sured the Venetians that he was content to share fortunes with them and with the French: He did not reveal any more and, to tell the truth, his excuse does not seem unreasonable. Not wis.h.i.+ng to unite his forces with ours I should have thought that at least he should be willing to come here to meet us; but even this he has not wished to do and has made many excuses. I believe that in any case the aforesaid Lord Duke may not be a most cordial friend of Your Highness [the Doge of Venice]. All the same I believe that he will go to a good end with us and that he desires a prosperous success for the undertaking for his own particular interest because there is no doubt that if we lost he would also lose his state. We have had from His Excellency victuals and provisions and we have not failed to exchange with him good and cordial words.28 That month at Marignano the French defeated the fearsome Swiss army which had been defending Milan; Ma.s.similiano Sforza was taken as hostage to France. Alfonso, it seemed, had backed the right side.

Lucrezia was once again left in charge at Ferrara during that autumn when Alfonso spent a good deal of time watching out for his interests in the French camp. Her princ.i.p.al role was to liaise with Venice, as Sanudo's reports of almost weekly letters from her to the Signory demonstrate. Alfonso was away until mid December, accompanied by his nephew Federico Gonzaga, now aged fifteen, providing her with news of the French and the Pope and of Spanish troop movements. Within a short time another old player was removed from the field: Ferdinand of Spain died on 23 January 1516 leaving his kingdom to his grandson, the Archduke Charles of Habsburg. Charles had inherited the dukedom of Burgundy from his father, while, as nephew to the Emperor Maximilian, there was a strong possibility he could also become his successor. As Ferdinand's heir he inherited the Aragonese claim to Naples, always a source of trouble for Italy. Alfonso continued to sit on his fence at Ferrara, keeping in touch with the French and the Venetians but refusing openly to take sides. When both the Emperor and the King of France demanded he send them men-at-arms, Alfonso promptly sent his troops out of the city so that he should not have to do so. In June the two d.u.c.h.esses of Urbino, the widowed dowager Elisabetta and her niece Leonora, arrived as penniless refugees in Ferrara, having been driven out by the Pope in favour of his nephew, Lorenzo de'Medici. Meanwhile, Leo held on to Modena and Reggio (despite Alfonso having paid him back the 40,000 ducats he had paid the Emperor for them) and had by no means given up hope of laying hands on Ferrara. As the year 1518 opened, although ostensibly a year of peace in Italy it held out continuing problems for Alfonso, who continued to tread a careful line between France and the Pope.

16. The Last Year of Tranquillity

'Thus conditions were at peace in Italy and beyond the mountains'

Francesco Guicciardini, writing of the year 1518

As d.u.c.h.ess of Ferrara, Lucrezia was required to be both splendid and domestic, playing a mult.i.tude of roles Governor of the state, leader of a brilliant court, hostess, mother and wife. The suspension of military operations against Ferrara allowed her and Alfonso to enjoy life in the city and to continue to beautify their surroundings, a process necessarily interrupted by war.

Carnival of 1518 was exceptionally gay: at the instance of the Cardinal d'Aragona, Alfonso issued an edict permitting masking in the streets, although for fear of violence the maskers were only allowed to carry staves of a specified dimension and length. The usual spate of pre-Lenten marriages took place, among them that of one of Lucrezia's damsels, the daughter of Giovanni Valla to Ippolito da li Banchi. An unusual feature of the carnival festivities was tilting at the quintain by both young men and girls with lances of considerable size 'including one Madonna of ours [i.e. Ferrarese] I leave to your imagination which one it was', di Prosperi primly commented. Even the young princes, Ercole and Ippolito, took part, 'with such dexterity that it was a pleasure to see them', he said. There was dancing in the Corte for three evenings running before the end of carnival.

But now, from 18 February, di Prosperi wrote, 'at court every one is keeping a Lenten way of life, even the little lords'. Alfonso had exempted them so that they could eat meat but they had pleaded with him to allow them to keep to the Lenten diet. Lucrezia was ill with a fever but she had kept Lent, as had Alfonso and the children.

The consumption of food throughout medieval and Renaissance Europe was governed by the dictates of the Church and regulated by a precise annual rhythm which predicated dietary regimes. According to the Church abstinence from eating meat and all animal products, including, to the distress of many, cheese, was the rule on Wednesday, Friday and Sat.u.r.day as well as on the eve of important festivals and, of course, the forty days of Lent. Since for them fresh fish was always in relatively short supply and the prices high on days of of ' 'magro', the poor confined themselves to beans, chickpeas, fruit and vegetables while for the rich, as Antonio Costabili's banquet for Fabrizio Colonna showed, abstinence from meat was scarcely a hards.h.i.+p. the poor confined themselves to beans, chickpeas, fruit and vegetables while for the rich, as Antonio Costabili's banquet for Fabrizio Colonna showed, abstinence from meat was scarcely a hards.h.i.+p.

Due to the difficulty of keeping food fresh, the predominant taste in dishes of the day was of preservatives salt or sugar. In Lucrezia's kitchen, the pig was the most useful animal, prepared in various ways and used in the making of salami, and sausages (zambudelli) (zambudelli) and prosciutto. Salted ox tongues were also appreciated for their practicality. Sugar and spices from the East were important ingredients among them pepper, cinnamon, nutmeg and tamarind, as were vegetables radishes, carrots, garlic, onions, spring onions and leeks. Scented herbs were much in use notably basil, sage, bay, marjoram, mint and rosemary. Sugar was the predominant luxury article in cooking, in meat and fish dishes as well as confectionery; it came via Venice from the Orient or via Genoa from Portuguese Atlantic sources, notably Madeira. Fruits in syrup of sugar and spices were particularly appreciated by Isabella d'Este who frequently requested them from Lucrezia's 'Vincentio spetiale'. They also raised capons, calves, peac.o.c.ks and guinea fowl and prosciutto. Salted ox tongues were also appreciated for their practicality. Sugar and spices from the East were important ingredients among them pepper, cinnamon, nutmeg and tamarind, as were vegetables radishes, carrots, garlic, onions, spring onions and leeks. Scented herbs were much in use notably basil, sage, bay, marjoram, mint and rosemary. Sugar was the predominant luxury article in cooking, in meat and fish dishes as well as confectionery; it came via Venice from the Orient or via Genoa from Portuguese Atlantic sources, notably Madeira. Fruits in syrup of sugar and spices were particularly appreciated by Isabella d'Este who frequently requested them from Lucrezia's 'Vincentio spetiale'. They also raised capons, calves, peac.o.c.ks and guinea fowl (galline da India), (galline da India), kid, ducks and swans, supplemented by game in season, and, given the lagoons, waterways and lakes of the Po area, they ate a great variety of fish, notably eels from Comacchio and kid, ducks and swans, supplemented by game in season, and, given the lagoons, waterways and lakes of the Po area, they ate a great variety of fish, notably eels from Comacchio and carpioni carpioni provided by Isabella from Lake Garda. Then there were cheeses and pasta dishes. provided by Isabella from Lake Garda. Then there were cheeses and pasta dishes.

Banquets were a ritual affair, often a movable feast held in different rooms at different seasons, with trestle tables covered with white cloths, napkins and choice decorations, the dressers or buffets (credenze) (credenze) loaded with the family silver and gold plate, and crystal flasks. In the recent years of war, the Este plate including Lucrezia's had much of it disappeared in p.a.w.n or been melted down to provide finance for the defence of Ferrara, and the court had been reduced to eating off pottery made by Alfonso himself. Tapestries would be specially hung. Guests were offered perfumed water with which to wash their hands at the beginning of the meal and between courses scented with rose petals, lemon, myrtle, musk; even the toothpicks were scented and the cloths changed after each course were often decorated with sweet-smelling herbs. Hot courses of at least eight dishes each from the kitchen alternated with cold courses served from the loaded with the family silver and gold plate, and crystal flasks. In the recent years of war, the Este plate including Lucrezia's had much of it disappeared in p.a.w.n or been melted down to provide finance for the defence of Ferrara, and the court had been reduced to eating off pottery made by Alfonso himself. Tapestries would be specially hung. Guests were offered perfumed water with which to wash their hands at the beginning of the meal and between courses scented with rose petals, lemon, myrtle, musk; even the toothpicks were scented and the cloths changed after each course were often decorated with sweet-smelling herbs. Hot courses of at least eight dishes each from the kitchen alternated with cold courses served from the credenza credenza and, at Lucrezia's court, the whole elaborate performance the decoration of the table, and, at Lucrezia's court, the whole elaborate performance the decoration of the table, credenza credenza and room, the service and the organization of the musical accompaniment and and room, the service and the organization of the musical accompaniment and intermezzi intermezzi was planned and ch.o.r.eographed by the most famous was planned and ch.o.r.eographed by the most famous scalco, scalco, or steward, of the century, Cristoforo da Messisbugo, who entered the Este service in 1515. He came from an old Ferrarese family and his social status was high enough for him to have entertained Alfonso twice in his own house; his book, the or steward, of the century, Cristoforo da Messisbugo, who entered the Este service in 1515. He came from an old Ferrarese family and his social status was high enough for him to have entertained Alfonso twice in his own house; his book, the Banchetti, Banchetti, published posthumously, was a bestseller. In entertainments, as in theatre and buildings, the Este court of the late fifteenth and first half of the sixteenth century set the standard for the other Italian courts. published posthumously, was a bestseller. In entertainments, as in theatre and buildings, the Este court of the late fifteenth and first half of the sixteenth century set the standard for the other Italian courts.

Lucrezia's accounts books show the extent of her involvement in the running of her household. On 24 January 1516, for example,1 her chancellor lists twenty-five heifers each known by name, among them 'Violet' and 'Rose'. A five-page bill details her commissions for shoes for herself and her household including Girolamo Borgia, Cesare's son. Another accounts book for 1507 details payments by 'Vincenzi banchero' (Vincenzi the banker) on Lucrezia's orders to a variety of recipients: to a Domenico Sforza for two flasks of Malvasia wine; to Ascanio da Vilaforo, bookseller, for binding seven books for Lucrezia; salaries for her staff including the faithful 'Sanzo spagnolo', Tullio, a member of Giovanni Borgia's household, Bartolommeo Grotto, his tutor, and Cola, another of his servants; a payment to her gentleman, Sigismondo Nigrisolo, for the cost of a coffer he gave to Dalida de'Puti, Lucrezia's singer; to a chairmaker, a table-decker her chancellor lists twenty-five heifers each known by name, among them 'Violet' and 'Rose'. A five-page bill details her commissions for shoes for herself and her household including Girolamo Borgia, Cesare's son. Another accounts book for 1507 details payments by 'Vincenzi banchero' (Vincenzi the banker) on Lucrezia's orders to a variety of recipients: to a Domenico Sforza for two flasks of Malvasia wine; to Ascanio da Vilaforo, bookseller, for binding seven books for Lucrezia; salaries for her staff including the faithful 'Sanzo spagnolo', Tullio, a member of Giovanni Borgia's household, Bartolommeo Grotto, his tutor, and Cola, another of his servants