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Lucrezia Borgia Part 2

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On 25 September, Alexander and Cesare left Rome to inspect the fortifications at Nepi and Civita Castellana, north-east of Rome. Once again Lucrezia was appointed her father's regent in the Vatican. Saraceni and his fellow envoy Berlinguer visited her constantly, attempting, they told Ercole, to find a way to present themselves to the Pope through her. They reported her state of health: The ill.u.s.trious Madonna persists still in her little indisposition, saying that it is no more than weakness, nor for this nor otherwise because of [taking] medicine will she cease to carry on her affairs: and she gives audiences as she is accustomed to nor do we believe that this indisposition will last longer because in truth Her Ladys.h.i.+p looks after herself very well and also we believe that the rest of these few days... must do her good, because these times that Her Ladys.h.i.+p visited the Pope, they spent in dancing and celebration until the eighth or ninth hour, something that very much harmed Her Ladys.h.i.+p.2 Lucrezia had quite won over the Ferrarese who were impressed by her constantly expressed desire to be in Ferrara: 'Her Ladys.h.i.+p does not cease every day to ask when we believe that she may be leaving here, because in truth one hour seems a thousand until she is able to be at Ferrara to do reverence to Your Excellency and find herself in the sight of the Most Ill.u.s.trious Don Alfonso... and here now seems a prison to her... so great is her desire to come: and the fear of bad weather [which would delay her journey], that she with most great affection seeks to know the time which Your Excellency has established to send for [her]...'3 Lucrezia was only too aware that many things could go wrong: she did not trust the Este, her marriage depended on the continuance in power of her father and her brother; she could not be sure of the outcome until she was safely in Ferrara, her marriage to Alfonso who had resolutely remained distant and out of touch consummated. Ercole, however, was determined that she should stay in Rome until he had got everything he wanted out of the Pope. When she expressed herself as 'most impatient' to leave Rome, the amba.s.sadors told her that her arrival was much desired in Ferrara but equally 'her presence in Rome was too necessary to conduct to a good end all the conventions through the great influence she has on the mind of His Holiness'. Lucrezia was only too aware that many things could go wrong: she did not trust the Este, her marriage depended on the continuance in power of her father and her brother; she could not be sure of the outcome until she was safely in Ferrara, her marriage to Alfonso who had resolutely remained distant and out of touch consummated. Ercole, however, was determined that she should stay in Rome until he had got everything he wanted out of the Pope. When she expressed herself as 'most impatient' to leave Rome, the amba.s.sadors told her that her arrival was much desired in Ferrara but equally 'her presence in Rome was too necessary to conduct to a good end all the conventions through the great influence she has on the mind of His Holiness'.

One unspoken condition of the marriage was the most personally difficult for her. On 27 September, after dinner, Lucrezia offered to show the envoys round the Vatican: her son, Rodrigo Bisceglie, not quite two years old, was with her. When the envoys tactfully raised the subject of his future, she replied, apparently with no show of emotion, that he would remain in Rome with an allowance of 15,000 ducats. It could be deduced that the Este had indicated that they would prefer Lucrezia to come to Ferrara with the appearance at least of a virgin bride and without any of the baggage of her previous life. The spectre of the murdered Alfonso Bisceglie hung over his son as an unpleasant reminder of Lucrezia's scandalous past. It was terrible for Lucrezia to be parted from the son who had been with her since birth but as a realist, a Borgia and a woman of her time, she accepted it, apparently without question. The infant Rodrigo had his part to play in the Borgias' dynastic plans to consolidate their power around Rome at the expense of the local barons. That month of September 1501, the child was entrusted to the guardians.h.i.+p of Frances...o...b..rgia, Cardinal Cosenza, and created Duke of Sermoneta with estates including the Caetani lands purchased by Lucrezia and some of the recently confiscated Colonna lands in a new Borgia duchy. Giovanni Borgia, born in 1498, had his part to play in this reshuffle of Borgia lands necessitated by Lucrezia's departure for Ferrara. He was legitimized in two successive Bulls, the first declaring him to be the son of Cesare before his marriage, the second acknowledging him as Alexander's son. As the Borgias' historian Michael Mallett has pointed out, the timing of these Bulls may have been designed to counteract the rumours that Giovanni Borgia was an illegitimate son of Lucrezia; copies of them were among the many doc.u.ments that the careful Lucrezia took with her to Ferrara. Again to avoid awkward memories, the Pope had requested that Giovanni Sforza, despite being linked to the Este family, should not be present in Ferrara when Lucrezia arrived for the nuptials. Among the subjects raised with Lucrezia was that of the census which Ercole now wished to be remitted to his heirs in perpetuity, though the Pope had not wished to change the terms of the Bull. The envoys had appealed both to Lucrezia and Cesare to change Alexander's mind: 'The d.u.c.h.ess had spoken to him of this the previous evening but without result; and she thought it was necessary to put off the demand to another time.' The Pope had apparently told her that it would be necessary to p.a.w.n her jewels to raise the cash for her dowry since Ercole had refused to take them in lieu. But she said they would not be taken from her and she still hoped the Pope would find other means to raise the money. She cunningly told them that 'His Holiness increasingly believed her to be too zealous for the interests of the Estensi'.4 Lucrezia hastened to give Ercole the same impression, a.s.suring him in her letters that she would do everything possible to serve him. 'As to the particulars to negotiate with His Holiness I will make every effort to execute justly my debt to you [and] with every reverence and swiftness to observe your orders as you will see at greater length in the letters of your amba.s.sadors...' she wrote on 28 September, following it up with an even more ingratiating letter on 8 October. She was taking the opportunity of the departure of the messenger for Ferrara to send Ercole a few lines in her own hand in place of a visit in person: 'meanwhile with the help of G.o.d I will be able to revere and serve you as is my only desire: concerning the other things which are being negotiated, I am sure Your Ill.u.s.trious Lords.h.i.+p will be informed by your most diligent envoys...'5 In return, Lucrezia received the most charming letter from her prospective father-in-law: So great is the love and affection we bear Your Ill.u.s.trious Ladys.h.i.+p and so pleasing is everything to do with you that, having received your letter of the 8th which you sent me in place of a personal visit which has brought us greater pleasure, delight and content than any visit, even personal which could be made by any other person, because reading Your Ladys.h.i.+p's letter so full of sweetness, it seems as if we were seeing you and talking to you whose presence we desire as much as anything else we have ever had to heart, to be able to welcome you and treat you in a manner suited to a most beloved daughter. And thus we as you see are not failing on our side to do everything necessary so that your arrival here should not be delayed...6 Behind the sweet words, however, the haggling between Pope and Duke continued. Lucrezia played her part, a.s.suring Ercole that she was on his side. She had understood from the envoys, she wrote on 11 October, how great was his desire for the extension of the remission of the census beyond the third generation of his descendants: So desirous as your devoted and most obedient daughter to do all I possibly can in everything... I have recently with great insistence besought His Holiness Our Lord [about this] and although I understand it to be a somewhat difficult matter yet Your Excellency can be certain that for my part here I will endeavour to work on His Holiness so that you will recognize how great is my desire to serve and to please you: for this reason I have today been with the Cardinal of Modena who is most devoted to you and begun to set the matter in order: so that I hope that on the return of the aforesaid Holiness, I will be able to do something pleasing to Your Excellency, whom I again beseech to be of quiet and tranquil mind.7 Engaged in preparations for the bride's sumptuous reception in Ferrara, Ercole sent to Rome asking for details of the Borgia ancestry to be used in the customary welcoming orations at the wedding festivities.8 A fake genealogy was hastily cobbled together representing the Borgias as descendants of Don Pedro de Atares, feudal lord of Borja and pretender to the throne of Aragon. The claim was entirely baseless since Don Pedro died without successors, although this was either not known or not admitted at the time. A fake genealogy was hastily cobbled together representing the Borgias as descendants of Don Pedro de Atares, feudal lord of Borja and pretender to the throne of Aragon. The claim was entirely baseless since Don Pedro died without successors, although this was either not known or not admitted at the time.9 The amba.s.sadors had to report that, although in Spain the house of Borgia was certainly most n.o.ble and ancient, they had had trouble finding outstanding deeds by their forebears and suggested that the oration should concentrate on the achievements of Popes Calixtus and Alexander. Since tales of high deeds and chivalric romance (such as Ariosto's The amba.s.sadors had to report that, although in Spain the house of Borgia was certainly most n.o.ble and ancient, they had had trouble finding outstanding deeds by their forebears and suggested that the oration should concentrate on the achievements of Popes Calixtus and Alexander. Since tales of high deeds and chivalric romance (such as Ariosto's Orlando Furioso Orlando Furioso featuring the house of Este) were considered an essential part of the history of n.o.ble families, the Borgias' failure to produce anything better than a dubious relations.h.i.+p to the shadowy Don Pedro de Atares was of particular embarra.s.sment, emphasizing the difference in social standing between their family and the Este. featuring the house of Este) were considered an essential part of the history of n.o.ble families, the Borgias' failure to produce anything better than a dubious relations.h.i.+p to the shadowy Don Pedro de Atares was of particular embarra.s.sment, emphasizing the difference in social standing between their family and the Este.

While wrangling continued through the medium of the envoys on such subjects as whether the dowry was to be calculated in 'fiorini di camera 'fiorini di camera', as the Pope wished, or ducati larghi, ducati larghi, as the Duke demanded, Lucrezia found a new way in which she could earn Ercole's grat.i.tude. Ercole was extremely pious and his hobby was collecting nuns. And of all nuns, those who showed the sign of the stigmata, or Christ's wounds on their bodies, were the most prized. Whatever modern Catholics may think of the phenomenon, to deeply religious people such as Ercole they were a new manifestation of Christ's pa.s.sion: 'These things,' he wrote, 'are shown by the Supreme Craftsman in the bodies of His servants to confirm and strengthen our Faith, and to remove the incredulity of impious men and hard of heart.' as the Duke demanded, Lucrezia found a new way in which she could earn Ercole's grat.i.tude. Ercole was extremely pious and his hobby was collecting nuns. And of all nuns, those who showed the sign of the stigmata, or Christ's wounds on their bodies, were the most prized. Whatever modern Catholics may think of the phenomenon, to deeply religious people such as Ercole they were a new manifestation of Christ's pa.s.sion: 'These things,' he wrote, 'are shown by the Supreme Craftsman in the bodies of His servants to confirm and strengthen our Faith, and to remove the incredulity of impious men and hard of heart.'10 Such nuns were considered a badge of honour, even a tourist attraction in their local towns. The three most famous women of the time were Sister Columba of Rieti, who lived in a convent in Perugia, Sister Osanna Andrea.s.si of Mantua and Ercole's particular target, Sister Lucia Brocadelli of Narni, at the time in a convent in Viterbo. He had even tried to persuade his daughter Isabella d'Este to bring Sister Osanna (who was later to predict, to everyone's satisfaction, that Cesare's rule in the Romagna would be 'like unto a straw fire') to Ferrara, a request which Isabella cunningly evaded. He had, however, after a series of cloak-and-dagger episodes, succeeded in having Sister Lucia smuggled out of her Dominican convent in Viterbo and brought to Ferrara on 7 May 1499. Less than a month later, he had laid the first stone of the convent he had promised to build for her and on 29 May 1500 he had obtained from Alexander a Bull enabling him to establish for Lucia a convent of sisters of the third order of St Dominic, followers of St Catherine of Siena, and conferring special privileges and chief authority upon 'our beloved daughter in Christ, Lucia da Narni...' By the summer of 1501, the fame of Sister Lucia had spread even to the French court where the Queen sent messages to Ercole asking him to obtain Sister Lucia's prayers to G.o.d to give her a son. Such nuns were considered a badge of honour, even a tourist attraction in their local towns. The three most famous women of the time were Sister Columba of Rieti, who lived in a convent in Perugia, Sister Osanna Andrea.s.si of Mantua and Ercole's particular target, Sister Lucia Brocadelli of Narni, at the time in a convent in Viterbo. He had even tried to persuade his daughter Isabella d'Este to bring Sister Osanna (who was later to predict, to everyone's satisfaction, that Cesare's rule in the Romagna would be 'like unto a straw fire') to Ferrara, a request which Isabella cunningly evaded. He had, however, after a series of cloak-and-dagger episodes, succeeded in having Sister Lucia smuggled out of her Dominican convent in Viterbo and brought to Ferrara on 7 May 1499. Less than a month later, he had laid the first stone of the convent he had promised to build for her and on 29 May 1500 he had obtained from Alexander a Bull enabling him to establish for Lucia a convent of sisters of the third order of St Dominic, followers of St Catherine of Siena, and conferring special privileges and chief authority upon 'our beloved daughter in Christ, Lucia da Narni...' By the summer of 1501, the fame of Sister Lucia had spread even to the French court where the Queen sent messages to Ercole asking him to obtain Sister Lucia's prayers to G.o.d to give her a son.11 In order to make Lucia happy, Ercole had resolved to get some of her former friends, nuns from Narni and Viterbo, and had sent his emissary Bartolommeo Bresciano for the purpose, only to meet with an absolute refusal from the prior of the Dominicans. In this impa.s.se, Ercole turned to the one person he knew to have influence with the Pope Lucrezia. In order to make Lucia happy, Ercole had resolved to get some of her former friends, nuns from Narni and Viterbo, and had sent his emissary Bartolommeo Bresciano for the purpose, only to meet with an absolute refusal from the prior of the Dominicans. In this impa.s.se, Ercole turned to the one person he knew to have influence with the Pope Lucrezia.

Bresciano was sent on to Rome to Lucrezia with a letter from Ercole of 28 September asking her help. When he arrived on 11 October he was deeply impressed with Lucrezia and her eagerness to help: 'In truth this Lady has taken up this thing with all her powers to gratify Your Lords.h.i.+p, and I find her so well disposed to you that she could not be more. I hope that Your Excellence will be well satisfied with the most Ill.u.s.trious Madonna, for she is endowed with so much graciousness and goodness that she continually thinks of nothing else, save how to serve you.'12 The affair took on the aspect of comedy as the two nuns Bresciano had brought to Rome then absolutely refused on the feeblest of excuses to be sent to Ferrara, while the authorities in Viterbo and Narni in turn refused to let the women whom Sister Lucia had requested go. Lucrezia gave them a good scolding and the heads of the Dominican order, intimidated by the will of the Pope's daughter, instructed them to give way. In a stream of impa.s.sioned, almost hysterical letters, Ercole implored Lucrezia's help, which she, intent on her marriage and anxious to please her father-in-law, willingly gave. She had taken up his case with the Pope, she soothed him on 28 October, and she was sure that he would give Ercole entire satisfaction in this matter. 'Be of good heart,' she adjured him, 'because in this and every other affair concerning you I hope to achieve what you desire.' The affair took on the aspect of comedy as the two nuns Bresciano had brought to Rome then absolutely refused on the feeblest of excuses to be sent to Ferrara, while the authorities in Viterbo and Narni in turn refused to let the women whom Sister Lucia had requested go. Lucrezia gave them a good scolding and the heads of the Dominican order, intimidated by the will of the Pope's daughter, instructed them to give way. In a stream of impa.s.sioned, almost hysterical letters, Ercole implored Lucrezia's help, which she, intent on her marriage and anxious to please her father-in-law, willingly gave. She had taken up his case with the Pope, she soothed him on 28 October, and she was sure that he would give Ercole entire satisfaction in this matter. 'Be of good heart,' she adjured him, 'because in this and every other affair concerning you I hope to achieve what you desire.'13 By December the nuns Ercole had requested were on their way to Rome to be sent on to Ferrara: his letters to Lucrezia were effusive with grat.i.tude: 'We have heard... that all the sisters we have requested are now in Rome with the intention of being brought here,' he wrote on 28 December. 'We have received singular pleasure and content from this [and] incredible satisfaction: and we could not thank Your Ladys.h.i.+p more, seeing that with your prudence and favour you have brought this matter to this end...' By December the nuns Ercole had requested were on their way to Rome to be sent on to Ferrara: his letters to Lucrezia were effusive with grat.i.tude: 'We have heard... that all the sisters we have requested are now in Rome with the intention of being brought here,' he wrote on 28 December. 'We have received singular pleasure and content from this [and] incredible satisfaction: and we could not thank Your Ladys.h.i.+p more, seeing that with your prudence and favour you have brought this matter to this end...'14 She could have found no better way to win his heart. She could have found no better way to win his heart.

From all the reports of the Ferrarese envoys in Rome to Ercole, it is clear that Lucrezia herself handled the negotiations and that the Ferrarese, rather than speaking directly to the Pope, generally used her as their intermediary. This cleverly underlined her importance in the eyes of the Ferrarese, as it was made clear that any concessions made by the Pope were gained by her intercession. Indeed, Alexander and Cesare were out of Rome on two occasions that autumn in late September visiting Nepi, Civita Castellana and other Borgia fortresses and from 10 to 17 October touring the former Colonna properties Lucrezia being left as regent in the Vatican.



Lucrezia was involved in every aspect of the discussions, from Ercole's demands for the archbishopric of Bologna for Ippolito d'Este, which necessitated her writing to Giuliano della Rovere asking him to renounce the archbishopric in Ippolito's favour, to the wrangling over income of the Romagna castles to be given as pledges for the eventual consignment of Cento and La Pieve, and the financial agreements over the dowry. Saraceni and Berlinguer reported to Ercole the extreme difficulty they were having over the banker Jacopo de'Gianuzzi's absolute refusal to deliver a sum of money to Ferrara. Then, they said, Lucrezia stepped in to resolve the situation: 'When the Ill.u.s.trious Lady heard of the difficulties over this matter, and understanding that perhaps this could delay her departure [for Ferrara], she sent for Messer Jacopo and spent a long time in discussion with him.' The upshot was that the banker agreed to provide the cash within three days of presentation of the letters of exchange in agreed places without taking any commission. There was a discussion over jewels: the Pope asked in jest what he could expect to see from Ercole so that perhaps he would not have to provide them himself. The envoys replied in the same vein, that with the jewels she already possessed, those the Pope intended to give her and those which Ercole would give her 'she will be the best-equipped Lady with jewels in Italy'. Alexander questioned the richness of the brocade which the Ferrarese intended to give her, considering that he would send her with four most beautiful lengths of golden brocade. 'Thus the Pope was laughing and joking along these lines for a very considerable time,' the envoys reported, and in truth His Holiness being very splendid and high-spirited enjoyed this exchange because from every honour that has been done and will be done to the aforesaid Lady [Lucrezia] he derives as much joy as it is possible to describe, and thus holds it most dear that in all things she should be the chief, and moreover at the same time having said something about the invest.i.ture of Ferrara [the census] and the confirmation of matters relating to the bishopric of Ravenna, His Holiness said how the aforesaid Lady had spoken to him of them, and that everything will be done in good form, saying give the letters to the d.u.c.h.ess: because she is your good procurator [representative].15 Alexander never missed an opportunity to impress the Ferrarese with Lucrezia's qualities. When they complained that they had not been able to obtain an audience with Cesare, the Pope sympathized with them, saying that Cesare had left the envoys of Rimini waiting for an audience for two months. 'He lamented that [the Duke] turned night into day and day into night, comporting himself in such a manner that it left room for doubt that if his father died he would be able to keep what he had conquered. He commended the d.u.c.h.ess Lucrezia as the opposite for her prudence and willingness to receive [people] benevolently, praising the way in which she had governed Spoleto, and the way in which she could capture the heart of the pontiff in every matter she dealt with him...'16 On another occasion he praised her again as beautiful and prudent, comparing her with the d.u.c.h.ess of Urbino and the Marchioness of Mantua, both of whom were famous for their intelligence and culture. On another occasion he praised her again as beautiful and prudent, comparing her with the d.u.c.h.ess of Urbino and the Marchioness of Mantua, both of whom were famous for their intelligence and culture.

Minute observers of Lucrezia's life as they were, none of the four Ferrarese officials in Rome mentioned an extraordinary episode recorded by Burchard, of an orgy which he said took place in the Vatican on 30 October, five days after the Pope and Cesare returned from the tour of inspection of the Borgia fortress of Civita Castellana: On Sunday evening, the last day of October, there took place in the apartments of the Duke Valentino in the Apostolic Palace, a supper, partic.i.p.ated in by fifty honest prost.i.tutes of those who are called courtesans. After supper they danced with the servants and others who were there, first clothed, then naked. After supper the lighted candelabra which had been on the table were placed on the floor, and chestnuts thrown among them which the prost.i.tutes had to pick up as they crawled between the candles. The Pope, the Duke and Lucrezia, his sister, were present looking on. At the end they displayed prizes, silk mantles, boots, caps, and other objects which were promised to whomsoever should have made love to those prost.i.tutes the greatest number of times...

That Cesare did at least give a party that night in the Vatican is attested by another source, the Florentine envoy Pepi, who reported on 4 November that the Pope had not attended ma.s.s in St Peter's or the papal chapel on the days of All Saints' and All Souls' because of an indisposition which, he added cautiously in cipher, 'did not impede him on Sunday night, the vigil of All Saints', from spending the night until the twelfth hour with the Duke who had brought into the palace that night singers, courtesans, and all the night they spent in pleasures, dancing and laughter...' Of the two accounts of the notorious 'Chestnut Supper', Pepi's sounds the most plausible. Courtesans of the first rank, like Cesare's Fiammetta, were an essential part of a lively, informal party in early sixteenth-century Rome; whether Lucrezia was actually there, Pepi does not say. As a Borgia, she was unshockable, and equally loved parties, dancing and singing, as the Ferrarese accounts of finding her worn out by Alexander's late evenings attest. Hot chestnuts are traditional at that particular time of year but when it comes to nakedness and s.e.xual contests the only witness is Burchard who must have had one eye to the keyhole and the other on posterity.

Just over two weeks later Burchard had another 'incident' to report, again heavily spiced with s.e.xual connotations and specifically involving Lucrezia. A peasant had brought mares loaded with wood into the city through the Porta Viridaria near the Vatican: When the mares reached the Piazza San Pietro, some of the palace guard came up, cut through the straps and threw off the saddles and the wood in order to lead the mares into the courtyard immediately inside the palace gate. Four stallions were then freed from their reins and harness and let out of the palace stables. They immediately ran to the mares, over whom they proceeded to fight furiously and noisily among themselves, biting and kicking in their attempts to mount them and seriously wounding them with their hoofs. The Pope and Madonna Lucrezia, laughing and with evident satisfaction, watched all that was happening from a window above the palace gate.

Although Burchard clearly disapproves, most people of the time had an earthy sense of humour and would have found it funny if, indeed, it did occur. It found an echo with the rabidly anti-Borgia chronicler Matarazzo of Perugia, whose bloodthirsty lords, the Baglioni, had every reason to hate the Borgias. Matarazzo found it necessary to spice it up: 'And as if this were not enough, [the Pope] returning to the hall, had all the lights put out, and then all the women who were there, and as many men as well, took off all their clothes; and there was much festivity and play.'

At about this time a vitriolic attack on the Borgias, apparently originating in Venice where several of Cesare's enemies had taken refuge, circulated in the form of a letter to Silvio Savelli, one of the expropriated Roman barons. It accused them of being 'worse than the Scythians, more perfidious than the Carthaginians, more cruel than Caligula and Nero'. It included every charge hitherto levelled against them including murder of Bisceglie and Perotto and incest. Burchard's chestnut supper and rutting stallions were included (whether the anonymous author got these from Burchard or Burchard appropriated them to liven up his text one can only speculate). The terms used to describe Alexander and Cesare were particularly bitter: His father favours him [Cesare] because he has his own perversity, his own cruelty: it is difficult to say which of these two is the most execrable. The cardinals see all and keep quiet and flatter and admire the Pope. But all fear him and above all fear his fratricide son, who from being a cardinal has made himself into an a.s.sa.s.sin. He lives like the Turks, surrounded by a flock of prost.i.tutes, guarded by armed soldiers. At his order or decree men are killed, wounded, thrown into the Tiber, poisoned, despoiled of all their possessions.

It was typical of Alexander that this vicious diatribe made him laugh, and when Silvio Savelli came to Rome a year later he received him with the utmost amiability. Cesare, however, was far less relaxed than his father when it came to insult. In the first week of December, shortly after the publication of the letter, a man who had been going masked about the Borgo uttering scurrilous rumours about him was arrested on his orders and thrown into the Savelli prison where his right hand and part of his tongue were cut off and exposed at the window with the tongue hanging from the little finger. Alexander liked to contrast his own tolerance with his son's vengefulness: 'The Duke,' he told Beltrando Costabili, 'is a good-hearted man, but he cannot tolerate insults... I could easily have had the Vice-Chancellor [Ascanio Sforza] and Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere killed: but I did not wish to harm anyone...' It was a curious remark for a pope to make.

In the wake of all this, the Ferrarese envoy Gian Luca Pozzi felt obliged to rea.s.sure Ercole d'Este as to the virtuous character of his future daughter-in-law:17 'Madonna Lucrezia is a most intelligent and lovely, also exceedingly gracious lady. Besides being extremely graceful in every way, she is modest and lovable and decorous. Moreover she is a devout and G.o.d-fearing Christian. Tomorrow she is going to confession, and during Christmas week she will receive communion. She is very beautiful, but her charm of manner is still more striking. In short, her character is such that it is impossible to suspect anything "sinister" of her...' 'Madonna Lucrezia is a most intelligent and lovely, also exceedingly gracious lady. Besides being extremely graceful in every way, she is modest and lovable and decorous. Moreover she is a devout and G.o.d-fearing Christian. Tomorrow she is going to confession, and during Christmas week she will receive communion. She is very beautiful, but her charm of manner is still more striking. In short, her character is such that it is impossible to suspect anything "sinister" of her...'

Finally, after endless delays instigated by Ercole who had originally sent the list of personnel to be included to the Pope for approval in October, the wedding escort left Ferrara on 9 December. It was headed by Ercole's fourth son, Cardinal Ippolito d'Este, who with the ducal chancellor Giovanni ('Zoanne' in Ferrarese dialect) Ziliolo, took with him caskets of jewels for the bride, and an inventory signed on each page by Ercole the previous day. The remaining Este jewels were not to be given to Lucrezia until she actually reached Ferrara, and even the handing over of those to be delivered to her by Ippolito in Rome was to be governed by strict instructions based on Ercole's mistrust of the Borgias.

The Borgias' riposte to the Este was a display of astonis.h.i.+ng richness. Lucrezia's trousseau of dresses and jewels surpa.s.sed in splendour the most lavish of recent years, that of Bianca Maria Sforza to the Emperor Maximilian I in 1495. Recently, a papal chamberlain had died, leaving 13,000 ducats in money and goods; Lucrezia had asked for and obtained it as an addition to her funds. It was obvious from the Inventory of her Wardrobe made in Ferrara in 1502-3 that she had kept her wedding presents as well as her dowries from her previous marriages. Among the goods mentioned which she took with her to Ferrara was the magnificent silver service presented to her by Ascanio Sforza on her marriage to Giovanni in 1493, when her dowry of 30,000 ducats was supplemented by 10,000 ducats' worth of dresses, jewels, plate, ornaments and 'things for the use of ill.u.s.trious women'. Her dowry at her marriage to Alfonso Bisceglie had been 40,000 ducats, half of which Alexander had given in kind jewels, dresses etc.18 Lucrezia was a woman of her time in her awareness of the power of display, and her clothes, jewels and possessions were designed to impress the Este with her family's wealth and prestige. Lucrezia was a woman of her time in her awareness of the power of display, and her clothes, jewels and possessions were designed to impress the Este with her family's wealth and prestige.

She had ordered more than fifty underdresses of the richest materials: gold brocade lined with turquoise taffeta, and sleeves in the French style lined with crimson satin; one of cloth of gold striped with violet satin and lined with half-turquoise and half-green taffeta, the wide French-style sleeves again lined with violet (satin); another was made of black velvet sewn with golden toggles linked by gold cords with lining and sleeves of turquoise damask; others were made of 'tabi of 'tabi' watered silk of black velvet striped with grey satin. Then there were basques, underskirts, robes, tabards, capes, among which two were particularly notable for their magnificence one of violet satin, lined with ermine and adorned with 84 balas rubies, 29 diamonds and 115 pearls, the other of crimson satin, also lined with ermine and embroidered with 61 rubies, 55 diamonds, 5 large pearls, 412 medium-sized pearls and 114 small ones. There were trunks of enamelled gold ornaments, elaborate bed hangings, valances and canopies, richly embroidered tablecloths, bedcovers of crimson satin, cloth of gold, azure velvet, embroidered with gold and silver thread, dozieri dozieri (cus.h.i.+oned backrests), wall hangings, tapestries and door curtains depicting biblical scenes, great cus.h.i.+ons in valuable materials for seating, and tapestries of flowers and trees. Harness for horses and mules included elaborate cloths of velvet and caparisons of silver and gold, including one with twenty-two little hanging bells, fans one of which contained one hundred ostrich feathers elaborate coffers and chests, shoes in velvet and satin, including twenty-seven pairs imported from Valencia in gilded leather, emblazoned crystal cups with gold feet and covers, huge quant.i.ties of silver and silver gilt (some of it bearing Ascanio Sforza's arms), flasks, dishes, candlesticks and candelabra, sweetmeat dishes, a salt with the arms of Aragon (presumably from her marriage to Alfonso Bisceglie). There were lavish furnis.h.i.+ngs for her private chapel, including a great crucifix in crystal with the figures of the Virgin and St John, mounted on silver, porphyry reliquaries, golden chalices, pyxes, ampoules and bowls; altar cloths, cus.h.i.+ons, two missals on vellum in velvet covers with silver and gold clasps and holy paintings. (cus.h.i.+oned backrests), wall hangings, tapestries and door curtains depicting biblical scenes, great cus.h.i.+ons in valuable materials for seating, and tapestries of flowers and trees. Harness for horses and mules included elaborate cloths of velvet and caparisons of silver and gold, including one with twenty-two little hanging bells, fans one of which contained one hundred ostrich feathers elaborate coffers and chests, shoes in velvet and satin, including twenty-seven pairs imported from Valencia in gilded leather, emblazoned crystal cups with gold feet and covers, huge quant.i.ties of silver and silver gilt (some of it bearing Ascanio Sforza's arms), flasks, dishes, candlesticks and candelabra, sweetmeat dishes, a salt with the arms of Aragon (presumably from her marriage to Alfonso Bisceglie). There were lavish furnis.h.i.+ngs for her private chapel, including a great crucifix in crystal with the figures of the Virgin and St John, mounted on silver, porphyry reliquaries, golden chalices, pyxes, ampoules and bowls; altar cloths, cus.h.i.+ons, two missals on vellum in velvet covers with silver and gold clasps and holy paintings.

Lucrezia took with her a small private library. This included a Spanish ma.n.u.script with gilded miniatures, covered in crimson velvet, with silver corners and clasps, in a case of red chamois leather; a printed volume of the letters of St Catherine of Siena bound in azure leather with bra.s.s corners and clasps; a printed book of letters and gospels in Italian; a book in the Valencian language ent.i.tled 'the twelve [principles] of the Christian'; a ma.n.u.script volume of Spanish songs by various authors, beginning with the proverbs by Diondigi Lopes, bound in red leather with bra.s.s tr.i.m.m.i.n.gs; a printed romance of chivalry ent.i.tled L L'Aquila Volante, by Leonardo Bruni; a world history, the by Leonardo Bruni; a world history, the Supplementum Chronicarum, Supplementum Chronicarum, by Jacobus Philippus de Bergamo; a book in Italian ent.i.tled by Jacobus Philippus de Bergamo; a book in Italian ent.i.tled The Mirror of Faith; The Mirror of Faith; a volume of Dante with commentary bound in violet leather; a book of philosophy in Italian; a book of the legends of the saints in Italian; a copy of St Bonaventure; a Latin school book, the a volume of Dante with commentary bound in violet leather; a book of philosophy in Italian; a book of the legends of the saints in Italian; a copy of St Bonaventure; a Latin school book, the Donatus; a Donatus; a Life of Christ in Spanish by Ludolphus de Saxonia; and a small ma.n.u.script Petrarch on vellum, bound in red leather. These were her own treasured books: at the Vatican and at Ferrara, where the Este library was celebrated for its size, range and magnificence, she would never be short of reading matter. And, as we know, she took with her significant family doc.u.ments, including the Giordano letters. Life of Christ in Spanish by Ludolphus de Saxonia; and a small ma.n.u.script Petrarch on vellum, bound in red leather. These were her own treasured books: at the Vatican and at Ferrara, where the Este library was celebrated for its size, range and magnificence, she would never be short of reading matter. And, as we know, she took with her significant family doc.u.ments, including the Giordano letters.

The Florentine envoy Pepi was, or pretended to be, shocked by the Borgias' extravagance: 'The things that are ordered here for these festivities are unheard of: and for a minor feast the shoes of the Duke's staff-bearers are made of gold brocade, and the same for the Pope's grooms: and he and the Duke vie with each other in producing the most magnificent, the latest, and the most expensive things...' When Cesare rode out to meet the Ferrarese procession headed by Alfonso's brothers Ippolito, Ferrante and Sigismondo, he put on a show of armed power with four thousand immaculately equipped men, horse and foot. He rode a 'most beautiful strong horse, which seemed as if it had wings... and [its] trappings were estimated at 10,000 ducats because one could see nothing but gold, pearls and other jewels'.19 The Ferrarese noted that Cesare's hors.e.m.e.n indulged in a good deal of showing off, caracoling and sidling sideways and backwards. Cesare greeted Ippolito, whom he knew as a fellow cardinal, then the other two Este brothers; after a two-hour ceremony of welcome with the orations considered necessary for Renaissance ceremony (which must have been exceedingly tedious in the cold), the procession, swollen by the retinues of nineteen cardinals and the amba.s.sadors of France, Spain and Venice, marched across Rome to the deafening sound of oboes, drums and trumpets. At the bridge of Sant'Angelo leading to the Vatican the noise of bombards from the castle was such that it frightened the horses. After being welcomed by Alexander in the Vatican, Cesare led the Este brothers across the piazza to Lucrezia's house. The Ferrarese noted that Cesare's hors.e.m.e.n indulged in a good deal of showing off, caracoling and sidling sideways and backwards. Cesare greeted Ippolito, whom he knew as a fellow cardinal, then the other two Este brothers; after a two-hour ceremony of welcome with the orations considered necessary for Renaissance ceremony (which must have been exceedingly tedious in the cold), the procession, swollen by the retinues of nineteen cardinals and the amba.s.sadors of France, Spain and Venice, marched across Rome to the deafening sound of oboes, drums and trumpets. At the bridge of Sant'Angelo leading to the Vatican the noise of bombards from the castle was such that it frightened the horses. After being welcomed by Alexander in the Vatican, Cesare led the Este brothers across the piazza to Lucrezia's house.

From the moment the Ferrarese delegation met Lucrezia we have minute descriptions of her dress and behaviour, demanded by Isabella d'Este of her brothers and of her particular spy, known as El Prete, a gentleman in the retinue of the poet and courtier Niccol da Correggio who was part of the Este contingent. According to Ferrante, whose descriptions tended to be shorter and sketchier than those of El Prete (who had promised Isabella that he would follow Lucrezia 'like the shadow does the body'), Lucrezia came to meet them at the foot of the stairs leading to her apartments. She was wearing a dress in her favourite colour, mulberry (morello), (morello), with tight sleeves slashed in the Spanish mode 'in the fas.h.i.+on of ten years ago,' sneered El Prete with a mantle of gold brocade lined with sable over her shoulders, her blonde hair covered with a little cap of green netting bound with a fillet of gold and two strings of pearls, and others decorating her cap. with tight sleeves slashed in the Spanish mode 'in the fas.h.i.+on of ten years ago,' sneered El Prete with a mantle of gold brocade lined with sable over her shoulders, her blonde hair covered with a little cap of green netting bound with a fillet of gold and two strings of pearls, and others decorating her cap.20 Round her neck she wore a string of large pearls with a pendant balas ruby ('not very big and not a very fine colour', commented El Prete). For greater effect and to set off her dress and jewels, she leaned on the arm of an elderly gentleman dressed in black velvet lined with sable and wearing a gold chain. 'She is a sweet and graceful lady,' El Prete admitted. Lucrezia then offered them what Burchard described as a 'beautiful collation and many presents'. Round her neck she wore a string of large pearls with a pendant balas ruby ('not very big and not a very fine colour', commented El Prete). For greater effect and to set off her dress and jewels, she leaned on the arm of an elderly gentleman dressed in black velvet lined with sable and wearing a gold chain. 'She is a sweet and graceful lady,' El Prete admitted. Lucrezia then offered them what Burchard described as a 'beautiful collation and many presents'.21 Wearing a long Turkish-style robe of gold brocade she attended Christmas ma.s.s in St Peter's with the Este brothers, at which time the sword and biretta destined for Alfonso were blessed by the Pope. Wearing a long Turkish-style robe of gold brocade she attended Christmas ma.s.s in St Peter's with the Este brothers, at which time the sword and biretta destined for Alfonso were blessed by the Pope.

Lucrezia's last Roman carnival began the day after Christmas, on Alexander's orders. Cesare and the Este rode about the streets masked where, according to El Prete, 'One sees nothing but courtesans wearing masks'. Rome was known politely as 'la terra da donne terra da donne', 'the City of Women', although in I Ragionamenti Ragionamenti Pietro Aretino put it more bluntly: 'Rome always has been and ever will be... the town of wh.o.r.es'. The rich courtesans, splendidly equipped at their lovers' expense, often dressed as boys and rode through the streets throwing gilded eggs filled with rose water at the pa.s.sers-by and indulging in every kind of prank until the twenty-fourth hour when, by law, they were forced to retire. Courtesans' lives were precarious: they risked revenge mutilation by the Pietro Aretino put it more bluntly: 'Rome always has been and ever will be... the town of wh.o.r.es'. The rich courtesans, splendidly equipped at their lovers' expense, often dressed as boys and rode through the streets throwing gilded eggs filled with rose water at the pa.s.sers-by and indulging in every kind of prank until the twenty-fourth hour when, by law, they were forced to retire. Courtesans' lives were precarious: they risked revenge mutilation by the sfregia, sfregia, or face slas.h.i.+ng, which destroyed their beauty and their livelihood. Equally horrible, if not more so, was revenge by multiple rape the or face slas.h.i.+ng, which destroyed their beauty and their livelihood. Equally horrible, if not more so, was revenge by multiple rape the Trentuno Trentuno carried out by thirty-one men, and the carried out by thirty-one men, and the Trentuno reale, Trentuno reale, involving seventy-nine. involving seventy-nine.

On the 26th, Lucrezia gave an informal ball at her palace, closely observed by the dutiful El Prete: A n.o.bleman from Valencia and a lady of the court, Niccola, led the dance. They were followed by Don Ferrante and Madonna [Lucrezia], who danced with extreme grace and animation. She wore a camorra camorra [robe] of black velvet with gold borders... Her breast was covered up to the neck with a veil of gold thread. About her neck she wore a string of pearls, and on her head a green net and a chain of rubies... Two or three of her women are very pretty... one, Angela [Borgia, an illegitimate cousin of Lucrezia]... I picked out as my favourite. [robe] of black velvet with gold borders... Her breast was covered up to the neck with a veil of gold thread. About her neck she wore a string of pearls, and on her head a green net and a chain of rubies... Two or three of her women are very pretty... one, Angela [Borgia, an illegitimate cousin of Lucrezia]... I picked out as my favourite.

Over the following days there were the traditional races in various categories for wild boar, buffalo, prost.i.tutes, Jews, young men, old men and boys. Then there were races for three different breeds of horses Barbary horses imported from Morocco via Naples, much prized for their speed, light 'Spanish' horses and the heavy corsieri, corsieri, cavalry chargers. As usual there was a good deal of violence and cheating, notably by Cesare's stable. cavalry chargers. As usual there was a good deal of violence and cheating, notably by Cesare's stable.

On 30 December, to the sound of trumpets and other musical instruments, Lucrezia, dressed in a long robe of golden brocade with a train carried by her damsels, and accompanied by Ferrante and Sigismondo, walked across to the Vatican for the ceremony of the giving of the ring, performed by Ferrante, 'with the greatest reverence and elegance', followed by a tedious oration by the Bishop of Adria which Alexander ordered to be cut short. Then Ippolito ordered a table to be brought forward for presentation of the jewels to Lucrezia: 'Our Reverend Cardinal,' wrote Pozzi and Saraceni, reporting the ceremony to Ercole, made the presentation of the jewels with the greatest grace so that the aforesaid Holiness said the present was fine, but that His Reverend Lords.h.i.+p had made it most beautiful, and in that presentation His Lords.h.i.+p was very well a.s.sisted by Zoanne Ziliolo, treasurer, who in all that was necessary used singular expertise and diligence and it was done very well [in order to] enjoy the preciousness and greatness of the gift. Thus by His Holiness Our Lord and the Most Reverend Cardinals and also by the Most Ill.u.s.trious Madonna Lucrezia it was praised, and was estimated at some 70,000 ducats according to the Most Reverend Cardinal of Santa Praxede, and also the Most Ill.u.s.trious Don Ferrante took the utmost trouble to demonstrate the presentation and goodness of the Jewels, and above all the Most Ill.u.s.trious Madonna Lucretia commended the ornaments and the work surrounding the Jewels, there not being such good masters of the art here...

According to Burchard, Ippolito presented Lucrezia with 'four rings of great value, a diamond, a ruby, an emerald and a turquoise'. He then took out of a box a cap or head ornament studded with fourteen diamonds, as many rubies and about a hundred and fifty large pearls, four collars similarly decorated with jewels and pearls, many bracelets, four of which were of very great value, a pendant for the breast or head made of larger jewels, four long strings of large pearls, four beautiful crosses made of diamonds and other jewels, and finally another cap similar to the first.

All was not as it seemed, however. Ippolito had received previous instructions from his father to the effect that he should use a certain form of words which Gian Luca Pozzi would provide for him, so that in case Lucrezia was unfaithful to Alfonso the jewels would remain with the Este. In the envoy's long report of the ceremony on the 30th it was stressed 'concerning the said deponatione deponatione [handing over] there has been made an instrument in which it is said that the wedding ring is given and no mention is made of anything else which may be given: and for this the affair has pa.s.sed off... according to the intention of Your Excellency that it should not be written nor that there should be any idea of a donation, and there is no need for Your Excellency to be suspicious of it'. [handing over] there has been made an instrument in which it is said that the wedding ring is given and no mention is made of anything else which may be given: and for this the affair has pa.s.sed off... according to the intention of Your Excellency that it should not be written nor that there should be any idea of a donation, and there is no need for Your Excellency to be suspicious of it'.22 After the presentation of the jewels, in which Alexander had gleefully partic.i.p.ated, pa.s.sing the jewels through his hands and showing them off to his daughter, he and Lucrezia withdrew to the window to watch the games in the piazza beneath; these included the mock siege of a castle defended by eight gentlemen against a similar number of combatants, during which five of them were wounded. Afterwards the company went up to the Sala del Pappagallo for a party which lasted until five in the morning. Lucrezia was splendidly dressed in a robe (veste) (veste) of curled cloth of gold in the French style with wide sleeves down to the ground, a cloak of crimson satin lined with ermine slashed deep on the left-hand side showing a rich fringe and jewel-studded embroidery. Round her neck she wore a string of pearls with a pendant comprising an emerald, a ruby and a pendant pearl and on her head she wore a cap worked in gold, her floor-length plait bound with a black cord and a covering of gold-striped silk. of curled cloth of gold in the French style with wide sleeves down to the ground, a cloak of crimson satin lined with ermine slashed deep on the left-hand side showing a rich fringe and jewel-studded embroidery. Round her neck she wore a string of pearls with a pendant comprising an emerald, a ruby and a pendant pearl and on her head she wore a cap worked in gold, her floor-length plait bound with a black cord and a covering of gold-striped silk.23 At the Pope's request, Lucrezia danced with Cesare and then her damsels danced in pairs. Two eclogues were recited,' one very boring' and the other more lavish, ordered by Cesare with woods, fountains and hills, animals and shepherds and featuring two young men who represented Alfonso and Cesare, each dominating their lands on different sides of the Po. There was a ballet a ' At the Pope's request, Lucrezia danced with Cesare and then her damsels danced in pairs. Two eclogues were recited,' one very boring' and the other more lavish, ordered by Cesare with woods, fountains and hills, animals and shepherds and featuring two young men who represented Alfonso and Cesare, each dominating their lands on different sides of the Po. There was a ballet a 'moresca' and general dancing.

The Roman carnival that year, the Ferrarese reported, was more splendid than the usual celebrations. There was a parade of armed and mounted Romans and thirteen triumphal cars with representations of Caesar, Hercules and Scipio Africa.n.u.s. The piazza was barricaded off for the next two days for bullfights and at night the Borgias, the Este and their guests danced and feasted in the Vatican.

Behind the gracious smiles and words and splendid ceremony, the business dealings went on. The Bull of Remission of the Census was 'very fine', drawn up with all of Ercole's suggestions, sealed with the papal seal and undersigned by all the cardinals present at the consistory ready to be taken to Ferrara by Lucrezia. The dowry was also all in order, the Ferrarese reported, 'except the 8,000 ducats and because they are lacking that sum here, there is some difference over the payment, which will be made without doubt; and if it is not we will not leave here'. The fault, they considered, lay not with the Pope but with his ministers. They were still wrangling at the beginning of January as to how the dowry should be paid. The Pope got his way with a sweetener for the Este in the form of the promise of a bishopric for Don Giulio and the archbishopric of Bologna for Ippolito.24 All was now sweetness and light between Ercole and the Borgias for the moment. All was now sweetness and light between Ercole and the Borgias for the moment.

Yet, in an interview with Gian Luca Pozzi on the eve of Lucrezia's departure, Alexander experienced last-minute anxiety as to how his beloved daughter might be treated by the Este once she was out of his sphere. At Ercole's instance, Pozzi had raised the subject of the marriage between the Gonzaga heir and Cesare's daughter by Charlotte d'Albret. Alexander put him off, saying that Cesare would do nothing about this at the moment without the permission and goodwill of the King of France, and that he had discussed this with Lucrezia. He then went on to tell Pozzi that he 'loved the aforesaid Madonna [Lucrezia] far more than he did the Duke [Cesare] because she was virtuous and prudent and had always been most obedient to him: and that if she would be well treated in Ferrara, nothing they could ask him would ever be in vain'.25 The sixth of January 1502, the Feast of the Epiphany, was the date of Lucrezia's final departure from the city she had known all her life to face her new future in Ferrara. She spent a long time kneeling at her father's feet in the Sala del Pappagallo where the two of them spoke alone before Alexander summoned Cesare. There was no mention of Lucrezia's farewell to Rodrigo, now just two, which must have been heartbreaking for her, nor of Vannozza, who as always seemed to play little part in her life. Once the Pope had given her leave to go, Lucrezia left the Vatican escorted by Ippolito and Cesare. She was dressed, according to Ferrante, in a robe of curled cloth of gold cut with crimson thread and over it a cloak of cloth of gold lined with ermine. She wore a hat of crimson silk with a golden cap ornament with a large pendent jewel on one side and a necklace of large pearls. At the foot of the steps of the Vatican she mounted a 'very fine mule, harnessed very richly with beaten gold and a long wide cloth of mulberry velvet'.26 It was snowing as she left, followed by her huge company. As she did so, Alexander went from window to window of the palace to catch the last glimpse of his beloved daughter. It was snowing as she left, followed by her huge company. As she did so, Alexander went from window to window of the palace to catch the last glimpse of his beloved daughter.

PART TWO.

d.u.c.h.ess of Ferrara 150219

7. The Road to Ferrara

'She kept always to her room to wash her hair but also because she is rather solitary and remote by nature'

The Ferrarese envoys accompanying Lucrezia to Duke Ercole describing her embarra.s.sing experience in finding herself in her former city of Pesaro

A list preserved in the archives at Modena details Lucrezia's company on the long hard journey northwards. She rode either her mule or a white jennet, or, when she was tired, in a handsome litter provided by her father. She was accompanied by her old friends and relations, Geronima Borgia, Adriana de Mila and her ladies, each with her personal servant. Headed by the beautiful Angela Borgia, always known as Dona Angela, they included 'Elisabetha senese [of Siena] and her daughter, Elisabetha perusina [from Perugia], Catherina Spagnola [from Spain], Alexandra, Geronima [who later married Lucrezia's favourite doctor, Lodovico Bonaccioli], Nicola [who married into the Ferrarese aristocratic family of Trotti], Camilla, Catherinella negra [a favourite black slave], four chambermaids, la Napolitana [the Neapolitan] with two daughters, Samaritana, and Camilla greca [the Greek] and two handmaids ['ancille ['ancille'], and a 'Madonna Joanna' (possibly Juana de Moncada, married to one of Alexander's nephews), with four personal servants. Unmentioned in the archive list or in the list provided by the Ferrarese chronicler Zambotti was a woman named Drusilla, reputed to be Cesare's lover. The only evidence for this Drusilla is an epigram by the poet Fausto Evangelista Maddaleni ent.i.tled 'On the sorrow of Cesare for the departure of Lucrezia Borgia and Drusilla'. and a 'Madonna Joanna' (possibly Juana de Moncada, married to one of Alexander's nephews), with four personal servants. Unmentioned in the archive list or in the list provided by the Ferrarese chronicler Zambotti was a woman named Drusilla, reputed to be Cesare's lover. The only evidence for this Drusilla is an epigram by the poet Fausto Evangelista Maddaleni ent.i.tled 'On the sorrow of Cesare for the departure of Lucrezia Borgia and Drusilla'.1 Cesare's biographer, Gustavo Sacerdote, hazards a guess that this Drusilla may have been the mother of his two illegitimate children, Girolamo and Camilla, who followed Lucrezia to Ferrara. Cesare's biographer, Gustavo Sacerdote, hazards a guess that this Drusilla may have been the mother of his two illegitimate children, Girolamo and Camilla, who followed Lucrezia to Ferrara.

While Ippolito had returned to Rome, Cardinal Cosenza was to accompany Lucrezia as far as Gubbio. Three bishops rode with her household, one of whom, the Bishop of Venosa, was Alexander's favourite doctor. Also among the party were the major-domo, or master of Lucrezia's household (bearing the sword and biretta destined for Alfonso from the Pope); 'Messer Christoforo' Piccimini, her secretary; il bacilliere, il bacilliere, an obscure t.i.tle, literally meaning 'the bachelor', i.e. a graduate, who was probably designated to read to her during her journey or possibly also to compose gracious speeches for her; her master of ceremonies; two chaplains (who may also have been chapel singers); her master of the stables; 'Vincentio guardaroba' (probably the same Vincenzo Giordano of her letters from Nepi); Sancho, her an obscure t.i.tle, literally meaning 'the bachelor', i.e. a graduate, who was probably designated to read to her during her journey or possibly also to compose gracious speeches for her; her master of ceremonies; two chaplains (who may also have been chapel singers); her master of the stables; 'Vincentio guardaroba' (probably the same Vincenzo Giordano of her letters from Nepi); Sancho, her scalco scalco (steward); her master of horse; and Balda.s.sare, her cup-bearer. Also in the party were the man in charge of the knives; the (steward); her master of horse; and Balda.s.sare, her cup-bearer. Also in the party were the man in charge of the knives; the credenciero, credenciero, responsible for her plate; the undercup-bearer; the doorkeeper; 'Martin who reads the book'; ten pages; ten grooms; the man in charge of her chapel; the candlemaker; the responsible for her plate; the undercup-bearer; the doorkeeper; 'Martin who reads the book'; ten pages; ten grooms; the man in charge of her chapel; the candlemaker; the spenditore spenditore who oversaw the expenses of her kitchen; the tailor; upholsterer who oversaw the expenses of her kitchen; the tailor; upholsterer (repostero); (repostero); the dispenser of her cellar; two cooks; Alonso, the goldsmith; stable boys; coachmen; the locksmith; the saddler, 'mastro Alvisi da cremona'; and Navarrico, the Spanish Borgia henchman who featured as a trusted messenger in the Vatican correspondence of 1494 and remained with Lucrezia at Ferrara. For this household alone, she travelled with one hundred and fifty carriages and mules and fifty muleteers. the dispenser of her cellar; two cooks; Alonso, the goldsmith; stable boys; coachmen; the locksmith; the saddler, 'mastro Alvisi da cremona'; and Navarrico, the Spanish Borgia henchman who featured as a trusted messenger in the Vatican correspondence of 1494 and remained with Lucrezia at Ferrara. For this household alone, she travelled with one hundred and fifty carriages and mules and fifty muleteers.

Eight squires in the service of the Pope, almost all of them Spaniards, also accompanied her, and a party of Roman barons (those not yet dispossessed by Alexander), including Francesco Colonna of Palestrina and his wife, Giuliano Orsini di Stabia, Guillen Ramon, a nephew of the Pope and captain of the papal guard, and Ranuccio degli Ottoni, shortly to be deprived of his property in Macerata by Alexander in favour of the infant Giovanni Borgia. In addition there were four Roman amba.s.sadors; eight Roman n.o.blemen; more than thirty of Cesare's gentlemen, including the gallant Yves d'Alegre, Ugo de Moneada, Cesare's right-hand man, Juan Castellar, Remolins, Juan Marrades, and many distinguished Italian n.o.blemen such as the Genoese Ottaviano Fregoso (who featured among the cast of characters in Castiglione's The Courtier) The Courtier) accompanied by thirty trumpeters, six jesters and 'Nicolo the musician'. Sanudo computed the Borgia contingent as 753 people, 426 horses and 234 mules. accompanied by thirty trumpeters, six jesters and 'Nicolo the musician'. Sanudo computed the Borgia contingent as 753 people, 426 horses and 234 mules.

The five-hundred-strong Ferrarese party, headed by Ferrante and Sigismondo d'Este, included many Este connections, such as Annibale Bentivoglio who was married to Duke Ercole's illegitimate daughter, Lucrezia; Ercole d'Este, son of the Duke's brother, Sigismondo; Niccol da Correggio, whose mother was an Este (as was the mother of Lodovico Pico della Mirandola); Uguccione dei Contrari, the leading Ferrarese n.o.bleman, married to Diana d'Este, daughter of the elder Sigismondo; and many of the n.o.bility with whom Lucrezia was to become familiar and who were to become part of her new life, both Ferrarese and local lords, bound to the Este not only by ties of kins.h.i.+p but by the gift of lands and city palaces, offices and military service. The party included the two Ferrarese envoys Gian Luca Pozzi and Gherardo Saraceni.

Ippolito d'Este, whom both Cesare and Lucrezia had known as a young cardinal, had remained behind in Rome. The third son of Ercole by his wife, the d.u.c.h.ess Eleonora d'Aragona, and just a year older than Lucrezia, he was the cleverest of the Este brothers and the most ruthless. Like Cesare, he had been destined for the Church from an early age: at only three he was given the abbey of Casalnovo in commendam, in commendam, an early start even for those days. Aged seven, thanks to his aunt, Beatrice d'Aragona, Queen of Hungary, he was given the rich archbishopric of Esztergom in Hungary, with an annual income of 50,000 ducats. Created cardinal in his absence in Hungary by Alexander in 1493, he later spent some time with Ludovico Sforza in Milan where he landed the archbishopric worth 5,000 ducats a year. He also acted as Governor of the city in the absences of Ludovico, but spent most of his time hunting and feasting outside the city. Like Cesare, he was clearly unsuited to the ecclesiastical life and, like him, preferred the exercise of arms and political intrigue to his priestly duties. His father Ercole had frequent occasion to reprove him for wearing armour instead of his priestly robes and for his generally unsuitable behaviour. In 1493 he had adjured the fifteen-year-old cardinal 'to bear yourself in such a way that you be reputed a wise and prudent Cardinal... to give evidence of the virtue of your disposition and of the constancy that a prelate of your rank should have, and one raised to such a dignity as is the Cardinalate'. an early start even for those days. Aged seven, thanks to his aunt, Beatrice d'Aragona, Queen of Hungary, he was given the rich archbishopric of Esztergom in Hungary, with an annual income of 50,000 ducats. Created cardinal in his absence in Hungary by Alexander in 1493, he later spent some time with Ludovico Sforza in Milan where he landed the archbishopric worth 5,000 duca

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