Dixie After the War Part 2

"After requesting Major-General Weitzel to have all the other troops marched out of the city, I took the Hon. Joseph Mayo, then Mayor of Richmond, with me to the City Hall, where I established my headquarters.

With the help of the city officials, I distributed my regiment quickly in different sections. The danger to the troops engaged in this terrific fire-fighting was infinitely enhanced by the vast quant.i.ties of powder and sh.e.l.ls stored in the section burning. Into this sea of fire, with no less courage and self-devotion than as though fighting for their own firesides and families, stripped and plunged the brave men of the First Brigade.

"Meanwhile, detachments scoured the city, warning every one from the streets to their houses.... Every one carrying plunder was arrested....

The ladies of Richmond thronged my headquarters, imploring protection.

They were sent to their homes under the escort of guards, who were afterwards posted in the center house of each block, and made responsible for the safety of the neighborhood.... Many painful cases of dest.i.tution were brought to light by the presence of these safeguards in private houses, and the soldiers divided rations with their temporary wards, in many cases, until a general system of relief was organised."[2]

THE COMING OF LINCOLN

CHAPTER IV

THE COMING OF LINCOLN

The South did not know that she had a friend in Abraham Lincoln, and the announcement of his presence in Richmond was not calculated to give comfort or a.s.surance.

"Abraham Lincoln came unheralded. No bells rang, no guns boomed in salute.

He held no levee. There was no formal jubilee. He must have been heartless as Nero to have chosen that moment for a festival of triumph. He was not heartless." So a citizen of Richmond, who was a boy at the time, and out doors and everywhere, seeing everything, remembers the coming of Lincoln.

One of the women who sat behind closed windows says: "If there was any kind of rejoicing, it must have been of a very somber kind; the sounds of it did not reach me." Another who looked through her shutters, said: "I saw him in a carriage, the horses galloping through the streets at a break-neck speed, his escort clearing the way. The negroes had to be cleared out of the way, they impeded his progress so." He was in Richmond April 4 and 5, and visited the Davis Mansion, the Capitol, Libby Prison, Castle Thunder and other places.

His coming was as simple, business-like, and unpretentious as the man himself. Anybody who happened to be in the neighbourhood on the afternoon of April 4, might have seen a boat manned by ten or twelve sailors pull ash.o.r.e at a landing above Rockett's, and a tall, lank man step forth, "leading a little boy." By resemblance to pictures that had been scattered broadcast, this man could have been easily recognized as Abraham Lincoln.

The little boy was Tad, his son. Major Penrose, who commanded the escort, says Tad was not with the President; Admiral Porter, General Shepley and others say he was.

Accompanied by Admiral Porter and several other officers and escorted by ten sailors, President Lincoln, "holding Tad's hand," walked through the city, which was in part a waste of ashes, and the smoke of whose burning buildings was still ascending. From remains of smouldering bridges, from wreckage of gunboats, from Manchester on the other side of the James, and from the city's streets smoke rose as from a sacrifice to greet the President.

A Northern newspaper man (who related this story of himself) recognizing that it was his business to make news as well as dispense it, saw some negroes at work near the landing where an officer was having debris removed, and other negroes idling. He said to this one and to that: "Do you know that man?" pointing to the tall, lank man who had just stepped ash.o.r.e.

"Who _is_ dat man, marster?"

"Call no man marster. That man set you free. That is Abraham Lincoln. Now is your time to shout. Can't you sing, 'G.o.d bless you, Father Abraham!'"

That started the ball rolling. The news spread like wild-fire. Mercurial blacks, already excited to fever-heat, collected about Mr. Lincoln, impeding his progress, kneeling to him, hailing him as "Saviour!" and "My Jesus!" They sang, shouted, danced. One woman jumped up and down, shrieking: "I'm free! I'm free! I'm free till I'm fool!" Some went into the regular Voodoo ecstasy, leaping, whirling, stamping, until their clothes were half torn off. Mr. Lincoln made a speech, in which he said:

"My poor friends, you are free--free as air. But you must try to deserve this priceless boon. Let the world see that you merit it by your good works. Don't let your joy carry you into excesses. Obey G.o.d's commandments and thank Him for giving you liberty, for to Him you owe all things.

There, now, let me pa.s.s on. I have little time here and much to do. I want to go to the Capitol. Let me pa.s.s on."

Henry J. Raymond speaks of the President as taking his hat off and bowing to an old negro man who knelt and kissed his hand, and adds: "That bow upset the forms, laws and customs of centuries; it was a death-shock to chivalry, a mortal wound to caste. Recognize a n.i.g.g.e.r? Faugh!" Which proves that Mr. Raymond did not know or wilfully misrepresented a people who could not make reply. Northern visitors to the South may yet see refutation in old sections where new ways have not corrupted ancient courtesy, and where whites and blacks interchange cordial and respectful salutations, though they may be perfect strangers to each other, when pa.s.sing on the road. If they are not strangers, greeting is usually more than respectful and cordial; it is full of neighbourly and affectionate interest in each other and each other's folks.

The memories of the living, even of Federal officers near President Lincoln, bear varied versions of his visit. General Shepley relates that he was greatly surprised when he saw the crowd in the middle of the street, President Lincoln and little Tad leading, and that Mr. Lincoln called out:

"Hullo, General! Is that you? I'm walking around looking for Military Headquarters."

General Shepley conducted him to our White House, where President Lincoln wearily sank into a chair, which happened to be that President Davis was wont to occupy while writing his letters, a task suffering frequent interruption from some one or other of his children, who had a way of stealing in upon him at any and all times to claim a caress.

Upon Mr. Lincoln's arrival, or possibly in advance, when it was understood that he would come up from City Point, there was discussion among our citizens as to how he should be received--that is, so far as our att.i.tude toward him was concerned. There were several ways of looking at the problem. Our armies were still in the field, and all sorts of rumors were afloat, some accrediting them with victories.

A called meeting was held under the leaders.h.i.+p of Judge Campbell and Judge Thomas, who, later, with General Joseph Anderson and others, waited on Mr.

Lincoln, to whom they made peace propositions involving disbandment of our armies; withdrawal of our soldiers from the field, and reestablishment of state governments under the Union, Virginia inaugurating this course by example and influence.

Mr. Lincoln had said in proclamation, the Southern States "can have peace any time by simply laying down their arms and submitting to the authority of the Union." It was inconceivable to many how we could ever want to be in the Union again. But wise ones said: "Our position is to be that of conquered provinces voiceless in the administration of our own affairs, or of States with some power, at least, of self-government." Then, there was the dread spectre of confiscation, proscription, the scaffold.

Judge Campbell and Judge Thomas reported: "The movement for the restoration of the Union is highly gratifying to Mr. Lincoln; he will give it full sympathy and cooperation."

[Ill.u.s.tration: THE WHITE HOUSE OF THE CONFEDERACY, RICHMOND, VA.

Presented to Mr. Davis, who refused it as a gift, but occupied it as the Executive residence. Now known as the Confederate Museum.]

"You people will all come back now," Mr. Lincoln had said to Judge Thomas, "and we shall have old Virginia home again."

Many had small faith in these professions of amity, and said so. "Lincoln is the man who called out the troops and precipitated war," was bitterly objected, "and we do not forget Hampton Roads."

A few built hopes on belief that Mr. Lincoln had long been eager to harmonize the sections. Leader of these was Judge John A. Campbell, ex-a.s.sociate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, and ex-a.s.sistant Secretary of War of the expiring Confederacy. He had served with Mr. Hunter and Mr. Stephens on the Hampton Roads Peace Commission, knew Mr. Lincoln well, had high regard for him and faith in his earnest desire for genuine reconciliation between North and South. When the Confederate Government left the city, he remained, meaning to try to make peace, Mr. Davis, it is said, knowing his purpose and consenting, but having no hope of its success.

Only the Christmas before, when peace sentiments that led to the Hampton Roads Conference were in the air, striking ill.u.s.trations in Northern journals reflected Northern sentiment. One big cartoon of a Christmas dinner in the Capitol at Was.h.i.+ngton, revealed Mr. Lincoln holding wide the doors, and the seceded States returning to the family love feast. Olive branches, the "Prodigal's Return," and nice little mottoes like "Come Home, Our Erring Sisters, Come!" were neatly displayed around the margin.

Fatted calves were not to be despised by a starving people; but the less said about the pious influences of the "Prodigal's Return" the better.

That Hampton Roads Conference (February, 1865) has always been a sore spot. In spite of the commissioners' statements that Mr. Lincoln's only terms were "unconditional surrender," many people blamed Mr. Davis for the failure of the peace movement; others said he was pusillanimous and a traitor for sanctioning overtures that had to be made, by Lincoln's requirements, "informally," and, as it were, by stealth.

"We must forget dead issues," our pacificators urged. "We have to face the present. The stand Mr. Lincoln has taken all along, that the Union is indissoluble and that a State can not get out of it however much she tries, is as fortunate for us now as it was unlucky once."

"In or out, what matters it if Yankees rule over us!" others declared.

"Mr. Lincoln is not in favor of outsiders holding official reins in the South," comforters responded. "He has committed himself on that point to Governor Hahn in Louisiana. When Judge Thomas suggested that he establish Governor Pierpont here, Mr. Lincoln asked straightway, 'Where is Extra Billy?' He struck the table with his fist, exclaiming, 'By Jove! I want that old game-c.o.c.k back here!'"

When in 1862-3 West Virginia seceded from Virginia and was received into the bosom of the Union, a few "loyal" counties which did not go with her, elected Francis H. Pierpont Governor of the old State. At the head of sixteen legislators, he posed at Alexandria as Virginia's Executive, Mr.

Lincoln and the Federal Congress recognizing him. Our real governor was the doughty warrior, William Smith, nick-named "Extra Billy" before the war, when he was always asking Congress for extra appropriations for an ever-lengthening stage-coach and mail-route line, which was a great Government enterprise under his fostering hand.

Governor Smith had left with the Confederate Government, going towards Lynchburg. He had been greatly concerned for his family, but his wife had said: "I may feel as a woman, but I can act like a man. Attend to your public affairs and I will arrange our family matters." The Mansion had barely escaped destruction by fire. The Smith family had vacated it to the Federals, had been invited to return and then ordered to vacate again for Federal occupation.

Mr. Lincoln said that the legislature that took Virginia out of the Union and Governor Letcher, who had been in office then, with Governor Smith, his successor, and Governor Smith's legislature, must be convened. "The Government that took Virginia out of the Union is the Government to bring her back. No other can effect it. They must come to the Capitol yonder where they voted her out and vote her back."

Uncle Randolph was one of those who had formally called upon Mr. Lincoln at the Davis Mansion. Feeble as he was, he was so eager to do some good that he had gone out in spite of his niece to talk about the "policy" he thought would be best. "I did not say much," he reported wistfully. "There were a great many people waiting on him. Things look strange at the Capitol. Federal soldiers all about, and campfires on the Square. Judge Campbell introduced me. President Lincoln turned from him to me, and said: 'You fought for the Union in Mexico.' I said, 'Mr. Lincoln, if the Union will be fair to Virginia, I will fight for the Union again.' I forgot, you see, that I am too old and feeble to fight. Then I said quickly, 'Younger men than I, Mr. President, will give you that pledge.' What did he say? He looked at me hard--and shook my hand--and there wasn't any need for him to say anything."

Mr. Lincoln's att.i.tude towards Judge Campbell was one of confidence and cordiality. He knew the Judge's purity and singleness of purpose in seeking leniency for the conquered South, and genuine reunion between the sections. The Federal commanders understood his devotion and integrity.

The newspaper men, in their reports, paid respect to his venerable, dignified figure, stamped with feebleness, poverty, and a n.o.ble sorrow, waiting patiently in one of the rooms at the Davis Mansion for audience with Mr. Lincoln.

None who saw Mr. Lincoln during that visit to Richmond observed in him any trace of exultation. Walking the streets with the negroes crowding about him, in the Davis Mansion with the Federal officers paying him court and our citizens calling on him, in the carriage with General Weitzel or General Shepley, a motley horde following--he was the same, only, as those who watched him declared, paler and wearier-looking each time they saw him. Uncle Randolph reported:

"There was something like misgiving in his eyes as he sat in the carriage with Shepley, gazing upon smoking ruins on all sides, and a rabble of crazy negroes hailing him as 'Saviour!' Truly, I never saw a sadder or wearier face in all my life than Lincoln's!"

He had terrible problems ahead, and he knew it. His emanc.i.p.ation proclamation in 1863 was a war measure. His letter to Greeley in 1862, said: "If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If I could preserve the Union without freeing any slaves, I would do it; if I could preserve the Union by freeing all the slaves, I would do it.... What I do about the coloured race, I do because I think it helps to save the Union."

[Ill.u.s.tration: GOVERNOR'S MANSION, RICHMOND, VA.