George, Nicholas And Wilhelm Part 6

Only a few days after George's visit, however, on 30 January 1902, the British dropped a bombsh.e.l.l on the international community and revealed that they were signing a defensive alliance with j.a.pan. The world-especially Russia and Germany-was extremely surprised. For decades Britain had kept aloof from such deals, and its new ally j.a.pan was regarded as a second-rung power, one of the "yellow races" whom Wilhelm, with cla.s.sic racist logic, claimed to despise while at the same time regarding the "Yellow Peril"-it is to him that the phrase, so redolent of the turn-of-the-century fear and fascination of the East, is attributed-"as the greatest danger threatening the white race."45 Not that the British were immune to such views: the languidly sophisticated British prime minister, Arthur Balfour, did not consider the j.a.panese quite as "civilized" Not that the British were immune to such views: the languidly sophisticated British prime minister, Arthur Balfour, did not consider the j.a.panese quite as "civilized"46 as the British-though he would never have said so in public. However, they had a not inconsiderable navy, and their proximity to China made the alliance a cheap way of defending British interests in the Far East against Russia, with whom the j.a.panese had repeatedly clashed over Manchuria and Korea. They were also sufficiently far away to make this first toe-in-the-water of alignment seem not too dramatic. The effects were gratifying. The Russians were both angry and rattled. Almost immediately Lamsdorff, the Russian foreign minister, promised the British that all Russian troops would be evacuated from Manchuria by 1903, and agreed to an open-door trading policy in China and Korea, which they had blocked for years. The Germans were taken aback that their negotiations with Britain had not been quite as centre stage, nor Britain quite as desperate or without friends, as they had imagined. Edward, as courteously as he could, had made sure that Wilhelm was the first foreign head of state to be informed about the defence treaty with j.a.pan. w.i.l.l.y replied gracefully that his government regarded the new alliance as a "guarantee of as the British-though he would never have said so in public. However, they had a not inconsiderable navy, and their proximity to China made the alliance a cheap way of defending British interests in the Far East against Russia, with whom the j.a.panese had repeatedly clashed over Manchuria and Korea. They were also sufficiently far away to make this first toe-in-the-water of alignment seem not too dramatic. The effects were gratifying. The Russians were both angry and rattled. Almost immediately Lamsdorff, the Russian foreign minister, promised the British that all Russian troops would be evacuated from Manchuria by 1903, and agreed to an open-door trading policy in China and Korea, which they had blocked for years. The Germans were taken aback that their negotiations with Britain had not been quite as centre stage, nor Britain quite as desperate or without friends, as they had imagined. Edward, as courteously as he could, had made sure that Wilhelm was the first foreign head of state to be informed about the defence treaty with j.a.pan. w.i.l.l.y replied gracefully that his government regarded the new alliance as a "guarantee of47 peace in the East"-though it was almost certainly not what they really thought. peace in the East"-though it was almost certainly not what they really thought.

As if to confirm that the British were indeed putting their house in order, in May the Boer War finally ground to its grim close. "Thank G.o.d48 it is over at last," George wrote in his diary. Almost immediately the British government handed over 3 million for reparations and the reconstruction of the two Boer states and promised their inc.u.mbents self-government within the British empire-a gesture which kick-started the country's international rehabilitation, but also signalled the pointlessness of the struggle, and prompted questions for the first time about whether the empire was costing Britain rather than enriching it. The cost had been monstrous. A fortune spent, the goodwill of Europe forfeited, the idea of Britain as both invulnerable and as a force for good blown out of the water, an estimated 75,000 dead it is over at last," George wrote in his diary. Almost immediately the British government handed over 3 million for reparations and the reconstruction of the two Boer states and promised their inc.u.mbents self-government within the British empire-a gesture which kick-started the country's international rehabilitation, but also signalled the pointlessness of the struggle, and prompted questions for the first time about whether the empire was costing Britain rather than enriching it. The cost had been monstrous. A fortune spent, the goodwill of Europe forfeited, the idea of Britain as both invulnerable and as a force for good blown out of the water, an estimated 75,000 dead49-between 22,000 and 28,000 British soldiers, 7,000 Boer soldiers, 20,000 to 28,000 Boer civilians (of which the majority had been children under sixteen), somewhere between 14,000 and 20,000 non-combatant black Africans.

With the end of the war, it was a.s.sumed that the reasons for the hostility between Germany and Britain would diminish and calm down. After all, the two nations still had close trading ties, many Germans and British attended the other country's universities, the British Left had closer relations with the German Social Democrats than any other European left-wing party, and of course there were the blood ties of the royal family. But in one section of the British press the antipathy did not go away. In the right-wing papers a new kind of story about Germany began to appear, suggesting that it had long-term hostile intentions against Britain, and noting with some anxiety that Germany was overtaking Britain: its population was bigger, its s.h.i.+pbuilding outstripping the British for the first time. The stories were true: by 1913, Germany would have a population of 65 million to Britain's 46 million; and while Britain's GDP had been 40 percent bigger than Germany's in 1870, by 1913 it would be 6 percent smaller. More seriously, The Times's The Times's Berlin correspondent, George Saunders, who had lived in Germany for years, was convinced that there was inst.i.tutionalized ill will towards Britain in the German government. Germany, Saunders told his editor, was "a Berlin correspondent, George Saunders, who had lived in Germany for years, was convinced that there was inst.i.tutionalized ill will towards Britain in the German government. Germany, Saunders told his editor, was "a new new, crude,50 ambitious, radically ambitious, radically unsound unsound Power," insidious in its methods: "It is Power," insidious in its methods: "It is not business not business, it is dining, shooting, toasts, finance, honours, marriages, dynastic friends.h.i.+ps dining, shooting, toasts, finance, honours, marriages, dynastic friends.h.i.+ps. It is not hard Steel, like Joe Chamberlain ... It is not English English." Saunders's coverage so alarmed Bulow that in mid-1902 the German government tried and failed to get the journalist recalled. The new German amba.s.sador, Count Paul von Wolff Metternich zur Gracht, a rare Anglophile in the German diplomatic service, went to see Edward about it. The king, by way of response, waved a viciously anti-British German article which The Times The Times had reprinted. In truth, he had been dismayed by had reprinted. In truth, he had been dismayed by The Times's The Times's reporting, and had personally approached its editor to ask that coverage of Germany be modified, just as his mother had done five years before. To his quiet humiliation, the editor, Charles Moberly Bell, refused. reporting, and had personally approached its editor to ask that coverage of Germany be modified, just as his mother had done five years before. To his quiet humiliation, the editor, Charles Moberly Bell, refused.

Seeds of concern about Germany had also begun to germinate in several government departments. The Admiralty called a conference in 1902 about Germany's suddenly expanding navy and what it was for. In the Home Office, Special Branch, the Metropolitan Police's intelligence unit, reported that German army intelligence had recently started to gather information on British coastal defences, when previously the Germans had freely swapped information on the Russians and the French. In the Foreign Office, Salisbury's former right-hand man, Thomas Sanderson, who had always felt Germany's posturing was more irritating than effective, observed glumly to his friend Francis Lascelles that he was starting to feel a "settled dislike"51 and mistrust of Germany taking hold among the younger generation. and mistrust of Germany taking hold among the younger generation.

Wilhelm and Edward, meanwhile, went on demonstrating their amicability in public. In the autumn of 1902, against the advice of his entourage, Wilhelm invited the British "hero" of the Boer War, Lord Roberts, to army manoeuvres, and declined to meet three Boer War generals who toured the European capitals, an unpopular decision in Germany which irritated Bulow. Edward, whom Saunders considered too pro-German, invited Wilhelm to Sandringham for his birthday in November, and arranged for the kaiser's British regiment to be briefly stationed near Dover so he could inspect it.

The kaiser was shocked by the new strain of hostility he discovered in the British papers-though they gratifyingly still made a distinction between himself and the German government. His own welcome, as he told Bulow, had been "as hearty and affectionate as ever;" it was the chancellor and the government "they would like to send to the devil."52 He and George went out and shot 2,201 pheasants He and George went out and shot 2,201 pheasants53 in one day. "He made himself in one day. "He made himself54 most agreable most agreable [sic] [sic] when he came here," George told Nicholas. The interaction between the monarchs was as p.r.i.c.kly as ever, though. When the king proudly showed off his new motor car, Wilhelm was keen to show off his own expertise. What did it run on? Edward-hating being made to feel ignorant by his nephew-had to admit he had no idea. Ah, potato spirit was the thing, Wilhelm announced. Far better than petrol. He promised-despite Edward's protestations-to have his experts whip up a sample by the end of the week. As Wilhelm departed, one German diplomat claimed to have heard Edward grunt, "Thank G.o.d he's when he came here," George told Nicholas. The interaction between the monarchs was as p.r.i.c.kly as ever, though. When the king proudly showed off his new motor car, Wilhelm was keen to show off his own expertise. What did it run on? Edward-hating being made to feel ignorant by his nephew-had to admit he had no idea. Ah, potato spirit was the thing, Wilhelm announced. Far better than petrol. He promised-despite Edward's protestations-to have his experts whip up a sample by the end of the week. As Wilhelm departed, one German diplomat claimed to have heard Edward grunt, "Thank G.o.d he's55 left." left."

The strength of new anti-Germanism was made alarmingly evident at the end of 1902. The British and German governments sent a flotilla of wars.h.i.+ps to blockade the coast of Venezuela, which-as South American states were wont to do-was threatening to renege on large debts it owed both countries. When members of the British government-Chamberlain, now rabidly anti-German-and the Conservative press led by The Times The Times kicked up a fuss, the British s.h.i.+ps were almost immediately withdrawn. In fact the situation was more complicated than it looked: the Conservative administration was also bowing to American pressure to withdraw, and because it was very unpopular in the country, it felt more obliged than it otherwise might have to listen to its more right-wing elements; most Liberals were not opposed to working with the Germans. Then the same thing happened a few months later. The government organized a conference with the German government to arrange for British financiers to invest in the German-backed Baghdad railway, the right-wing press hissed again, and the government withdrew. The new British hostility wasn't helped when in February 1903 the kicked up a fuss, the British s.h.i.+ps were almost immediately withdrawn. In fact the situation was more complicated than it looked: the Conservative administration was also bowing to American pressure to withdraw, and because it was very unpopular in the country, it felt more obliged than it otherwise might have to listen to its more right-wing elements; most Liberals were not opposed to working with the Germans. Then the same thing happened a few months later. The government organized a conference with the German government to arrange for British financiers to invest in the German-backed Baghdad railway, the right-wing press hissed again, and the government withdrew. The new British hostility wasn't helped when in February 1903 the National Review National Review, the country's most pa.s.sionately anti-German publication, published an article claiming that the previous summer, on board a yacht belonging to some rich Americans, the kaiser had launched into a stream of invective against Britain and his uncle, voicing his dislike "with such brutal frankness"56 that his audience was shocked. The kaiser denied it, but even Lascelles, who vainly tried to minimize the damage-"We should remember that his audience was shocked. The kaiser denied it, but even Lascelles, who vainly tried to minimize the damage-"We should remember57 that he always exaggerates and that people who do not know him well are apt to misunderstand him"-believed it was true. There was another splurge of anti-German rhetoric in the British press, and this time the finger pointed at the kaiser and his new navy. "There is a that he always exaggerates and that people who do not know him well are apt to misunderstand him"-believed it was true. There was another splurge of anti-German rhetoric in the British press, and this time the finger pointed at the kaiser and his new navy. "There is a58 menace growing up in the east which cannot be ignored and which means that an adequate squadron must be at some strategical point in home waters," reported the right-wing menace growing up in the east which cannot be ignored and which means that an adequate squadron must be at some strategical point in home waters," reported the right-wing Morning Post Morning Post, a paper which in the past had glowingly praised Wilhelm.

When relations with Britain were going badly it had now become almost a cliche that Germany would find itself getting on better with Russia, and so it proved. In September 1901, after nearly four years of frostiness on Russia's part, Wilhelm and Nicholas, with Bulow and Lamsdorff, had met in the North German town of Danzig. The Germans knew by now that the tsar found the kaiser difficult, and so Wilhelm's uncle, the Duke of Baden-to whom he was said occasionally to listen-had sat him down beforehand and carefully suggested that he must simply be friendly and make no obvious demands. It seemed to work. Nicholas wrote with some relief to his mother that Wilhelm was "in good spirits,59 calm and very amiable." He told Bulow he hoped the two countries would "always fight calm and very amiable." He told Bulow he hoped the two countries would "always fight60 shoulder to shoulder," and showed some keenness when the Germans proposed a continental league with France. Even better, the Russian press reported favourably on the meeting. shoulder to shoulder," and showed some keenness when the Germans proposed a continental league with France. Even better, the Russian press reported favourably on the meeting.

In fact, the original impetus for the Russian thaw had come not from Anglophobia but from a pragmatic financial calculation made by the new foreign minister, Count Vladimir Lamsdorff, who had taken over in June 1900, when Muraviev, aged fifty-five, had dropped dead. (Some said it was too much champagne, though it might as easily have been exhaustion; both his predecessors had keeled over in the job.) Lamsdorff, a short, shy man (he wore stacked heels), famous for his beautiful manners-one British diplomat called him "the politest man61 in the world"-had spent his career as a backroom boy among the files of the Russian Foreign Ministry and had been deputy to the more showy but less knowledgeable Muraviev. He was also regarded within the Russian government as Sergei Witte's man. in the world"-had spent his career as a backroom boy among the files of the Russian Foreign Ministry and had been deputy to the more showy but less knowledgeable Muraviev. He was also regarded within the Russian government as Sergei Witte's man.62 Like Witte, he believed that good relations with Germany were common sense, since Russia's defence of their mutual border now took a big bite out of its defence budget. In 1900 Russia had spent ten times more on the army than on education, and more on the navy than on the ministries of agriculture and justice put together. Before the lapse of the Russo-German Reinsurance Treaty in 1890 those sums had been almost negligible. It was obvious that better relations ought to have a tangible effect on Russia's defence budget. Like Witte, he believed that good relations with Germany were common sense, since Russia's defence of their mutual border now took a big bite out of its defence budget. In 1900 Russia had spent ten times more on the army than on education, and more on the navy than on the ministries of agriculture and justice put together. Before the lapse of the Russo-German Reinsurance Treaty in 1890 those sums had been almost negligible. It was obvious that better relations ought to have a tangible effect on Russia's defence budget.

Bulow was delighted. He'd been angling for the tsar and the kaiser to make up for years, though having shut Russian grain out of Germany with exceptionally high tariffs in order to please the Junker land-owning lobby in the Reichstag, he was as responsible as anyone for the deeper reasons for the rift between Russia and Germany.* As Russia's biggest-selling newspaper, As Russia's biggest-selling newspaper, Novoe vremia Novoe vremia, observed, closer relations could hardly come about "between peoples with63 tense economic relations." tense economic relations."

Wilhelm instantly took against Lamsdorff-as he had every Russian foreign minister since Lobanov-and made him the b.u.t.t of his "jokes" all through the meeting. It seemed the kaiser had envisaged himself and Nicholas putting the world to rights all by themselves, and resented the foreign minister's presence. Lamsdorff's discomfort-and it was considerable-was shared by the entire imperial entourage, who found meetings with the kaiser "a thorough martyrdom." He would lecture them on Russian ballet, ask them abrupt personal questions, or deliberately get their names wrong and laugh uproariously. Worse, he would play humiliating practical jokes on his own entourage in front of them-smacking his chief of staff on the bottom, or snipping someone's braces-so the Russians didn't know where to look. The minister of the court, Fredericks, said that every encounter with the kaiser left him "a complete wreck."64 A few weeks later, to demonstrate his goodwill, Wilhelm rode across the Russian border to a small village called Wyshctyten, which had recently experienced a devastating fire. There, in the town square, he distributed several purses of money to the mostly Jewish inhabitants, and made a speech in German which none of the villagers understood. It was meant as a kindly gesture-though it's hard not to see it as an unconscious attempt to invade and usurp his fellow monarch's s.p.a.ce-and Nicholas took it as such, though he apparently65 thought it rather odd. thought it rather odd.

From then on the relations.h.i.+p seemed to improve by leaps. In the spring of 1902, when the argument between Bulow and Chamberlain had caused such bitterness between Britain and Germany, Bulow sweetened the latest harsh rise in German tariffs on Russian grain with a large state loan to Russia of 2 million roubles. In August, when the Germans complained about the hostility of the British press, the two emperors again met on their yachts at the Estonian port city of Reval (present-day Tallinn) in the Russian Baltic states. Privately, it was not an encounter Nicholas was looking forward to. "Be friendly and66 severe so that severe so that he he realizes realizes he he dare not joke with you," Alix told him before the meeting, "and that he learns to dare not joke with you," Alix told him before the meeting, "and that he learns to respect respect you and be afraid of you-that is the you and be afraid of you-that is the Chief Chief thing. How I wish I were with you." On the day, Wilhelm referred to himself constantly as "the Admiral of thing. How I wish I were with you." On the day, Wilhelm referred to himself constantly as "the Admiral of67 the Atlantic," and to Nicholas as "the Admiral of the Pacific," which intensely irritated the tsar. As he departed on his yacht, Wilhelm signalled, "The Admiral of the Atlantic bids farewell to the Admiral of the Pacific." Nicholas muttered to his entourage, "He's raving the Atlantic," and to Nicholas as "the Admiral of the Pacific," which intensely irritated the tsar. As he departed on his yacht, Wilhelm signalled, "The Admiral of the Atlantic bids farewell to the Admiral of the Pacific." Nicholas muttered to his entourage, "He's raving68 mad!" Once again the kaiser didn't help things by insulting Lamsdorff, refusing to award him a decoration, the German Order of the Black Eagle, that he'd been promised. He claimed that Lamsdorff was intriguing against Germany. mad!" Once again the kaiser didn't help things by insulting Lamsdorff, refusing to award him a decoration, the German Order of the Black Eagle, that he'd been promised. He claimed that Lamsdorff was intriguing against Germany.* which made no sense as he had initiated the thaw between the two countries, and told Bulow that Nicholas disliked his foreign minister and he'd soon be sacked. "I will arrange everything which made no sense as he had initiated the thaw between the two countries, and told Bulow that Nicholas disliked his foreign minister and he'd soon be sacked. "I will arrange everything69 directly with the Tsar." directly with the Tsar."

This was familiar wishful thinking from Wilhelm, but he had touched on something true about Nicholas. After eight years as tsar, he was beginning to feel more confident, and since the beginning of 1902 had shown a marked disinclination to listen to his senior ministers. Having agreed to evacuate troops from Manchuria, and despite the increasingly perilous state of Russian finances, he stopped the evacuation, closed Russian-controlled ports to foreign trade, and took the control of Manchuria's civil and diplomatic administration out of the hands of Witte and Lamsdorff, giving it to the ambitious but remarkably incompetent General Alekseev. This was an extraordinarily bad idea: the entire Manchurian plan had become an imperial vanity project which ate money. Between 1897 and 1903 Russia spent 1,141 million roubles on China-only slightly less than the entire state budget for 1903. It would make only one-tenth of that back in Chinese customs tariffs, and only a little more in selling Russian goods. It seems unlikely Nicholas had any notion of what a financial catastrophe Manchuria was, however. He had a very sketchy grasp of economics. He told Mossolov, who ran the tsar's chancellery, that he had no idea which was worth more, 25 roubles or a gold watch. (The watch was worth hundreds of roubles.) "It is one of70 the big gaps in my education," he said blithely. "... I don't know the price of things; I have never had reason to pay for anything myself." the big gaps in my education," he said blithely. "... I don't know the price of things; I have never had reason to pay for anything myself."

The Manchurian plan made Nicholas and his cohorts feel that Russia was still a Great Power-and made the British and every other Power with interests in China furious. The timing, however, could hardly have been worse. There had been peasant risings and general strikes across Russia since the spring. Even the most fertile regions were in the grip of an agricultural crisis the government had no idea how to handle. In the towns, food prices were rising and living conditions were among the worst in the world. a.s.sa.s.sinations of government officials had become endemic, the universities were in uproar. ("I am so sorry71 to see the Students have again been kicking up a row in the different universities," George wrote to Nicholas in early 1902, "as I know it must be a great worry to you.") At Easter a police-condoned pogrom in Kis.h.i.+nev in Bessarabia, in which a large number of Jews (estimates range from between forty-seven and 120) were murdered, caused such an international uproar that the Russian government felt obliged to publish an official condemnation. There were whispers-unfounded-that the tsar had been personally involved. Things had got so bad that Russia's great secular saint, Leo Tolstoy, wrote an open letter to the tsar, begging him to hear the suffering of his people and reconsider the whole basis of autocracy. Unsurprisingly, the missive merely irritated Nicholas; Tolstoy found himself excommunicated-which in turn made the government look vindictive and on the wrong side. In September Nicholas effectively sacked Sergei Witte, sidelining him to a powerless position on the Council of Ministers. Witte opposed the Far Eastern policy, and his economic policy had by no means been an unadulterated success, but he was also the only minister with any ideas on how to deal with the agricultural crisis. Witte's demotion left his rival Vyacheslav Plehve, the deeply repressive minister of the interior, as Nicholas's most senior and influential minister. The tsar was not just being inconsistent, he was actively playing one minister off against another in order to keep the upper hand. to see the Students have again been kicking up a row in the different universities," George wrote to Nicholas in early 1902, "as I know it must be a great worry to you.") At Easter a police-condoned pogrom in Kis.h.i.+nev in Bessarabia, in which a large number of Jews (estimates range from between forty-seven and 120) were murdered, caused such an international uproar that the Russian government felt obliged to publish an official condemnation. There were whispers-unfounded-that the tsar had been personally involved. Things had got so bad that Russia's great secular saint, Leo Tolstoy, wrote an open letter to the tsar, begging him to hear the suffering of his people and reconsider the whole basis of autocracy. Unsurprisingly, the missive merely irritated Nicholas; Tolstoy found himself excommunicated-which in turn made the government look vindictive and on the wrong side. In September Nicholas effectively sacked Sergei Witte, sidelining him to a powerless position on the Council of Ministers. Witte opposed the Far Eastern policy, and his economic policy had by no means been an unadulterated success, but he was also the only minister with any ideas on how to deal with the agricultural crisis. Witte's demotion left his rival Vyacheslav Plehve, the deeply repressive minister of the interior, as Nicholas's most senior and influential minister. The tsar was not just being inconsistent, he was actively playing one minister off against another in order to keep the upper hand.

Donald Mackenzie Wallace, the Russian-speaking former foreign editor of The Times The Times, who had begun to send regular reports to Edward via his private secretary, Sir Francis Knollys, felt the Russian government was becoming "more and more72 conservative," and lurching towards an atavistic anti-Westernism. The new line at the Russian court was, "Russia ought not to adopt certain peculiarities of European Civilization which are generally supposed in western Europe to be a symptom of national progress." He thought the government was in "chaos," however, and reported that his Russian friends predicted "a great political change." conservative," and lurching towards an atavistic anti-Westernism. The new line at the Russian court was, "Russia ought not to adopt certain peculiarities of European Civilization which are generally supposed in western Europe to be a symptom of national progress." He thought the government was in "chaos," however, and reported that his Russian friends predicted "a great political change."73 By early 1903 Edward's public bonhomie had begun to win over the British public, and in the spring he finally made his great splash on the European stage. In March he set off on a five-week cruise to the Mediterranean, making stop-offs in Lisbon, Gibraltar, Malta, Sicily, Naples and Rome and, at his own instigation, a last-minute state visit to Paris. He refused to take a government minister with him, as was the custom, instead picking Sir Charles Hardinge, an ambitious young diplomat with good connections at court through his wife. In European terms it was as if Edward had got himself a diplomatic aide-de-camp such as the kaiser might have, an act of self-a.s.sertion which the foreign secretary, Lansdowne, didn't much like. Hardinge was clever, confident, had a talent for pleasing the right people and, some said, "an unbecoming74 degree of self regard." He was part of a new generation in the Foreign Office which argued that Britain needed to rebuild its bridges with France and Russia, and ought to be wary of Germany. Edward's patronage would have a profound effect on his career: within three years, he would become successively amba.s.sador to Russia and the senior civil servant at the Foreign Office. degree of self regard." He was part of a new generation in the Foreign Office which argued that Britain needed to rebuild its bridges with France and Russia, and ought to be wary of Germany. Edward's patronage would have a profound effect on his career: within three years, he would become successively amba.s.sador to Russia and the senior civil servant at the Foreign Office.

The King set out on the Victoria and Albert with Victoria and Albert with a small all-male party that included Fritz Ponsonby. The yacht was accompanied by eight battles.h.i.+ps, four cruisers, four destroyers and a dispatch vessel, which slightly spoilt the effect when he insisted on drawing into Naples "incognito." Right from the start, however, it was clear that Edward had a flair and enthusiasm for this kind of project. Fritz Ponsonby was surprised to discover that he had "made all the a small all-male party that included Fritz Ponsonby. The yacht was accompanied by eight battles.h.i.+ps, four cruisers, four destroyers and a dispatch vessel, which slightly spoilt the effect when he insisted on drawing into Naples "incognito." Right from the start, however, it was clear that Edward had a flair and enthusiasm for this kind of project. Fritz Ponsonby was surprised to discover that he had "made all the75 arrangements and supervised every detail." In public Edward showed endless good humour, stood for hours, remembered names. He walked into the crowds and refused police protection. Everywhere he went, the public went wild, the press enthused. The Italians loved it-it was the first time a British monarch had visited since the Middle Ages. Little gestures brought the house down: in Rome, he stopped and bared his head as he went through the Porta Pia, and met the Pope-despite Balfour's suggestion that it would play badly back home. arrangements and supervised every detail." In public Edward showed endless good humour, stood for hours, remembered names. He walked into the crowds and refused police protection. Everywhere he went, the public went wild, the press enthused. The Italians loved it-it was the first time a British monarch had visited since the Middle Ages. Little gestures brought the house down: in Rome, he stopped and bared his head as he went through the Porta Pia, and met the Pope-despite Balfour's suggestion that it would play badly back home.

Paris was the greatest success of all. It was actually the French foreign minister, Theophile Delca.s.se, who had proposed it. For two or three years he had been of the opinion that it was time to resolve the two countries' wearyingly long-standing quarrels. Germany was France's most dangerous European enemy, and antagonism with Britain, which had reached such a hysterical pitch over Fashoda, was a distraction France could do without. Lord Lansdowne, the British foreign secretary, could see the advantages of an accord with France. It would save Britain a great deal of money and end the quarrels about Egypt, but he was cautious. Public opinion in both countries was still very hostile to the other, to such an extent that the French approaches had been top secret, and the British cabinet needed to be won over. Delca.s.se believed a visit from Edward, Britain's most famous Francophile, might help the mood. Lansdowne was reluctant. He worried that Edward would be booed (he had no desire to travel himself); Balfour thought state visits accomplished nothing. The king, however,76 seems to have supported the idea of rapprochement from the first, and in March 1903 he decided he wanted to go to Paris. Bypa.s.sing both Lansdowne and the British amba.s.sador in Paris-which neither man liked-Edward made the arrangements direct with the French president, Emile Loubet, via the British military attache. The visit was kept secret until the last minute. "Most of the suite," Fritz Ponsonby recalled, "had no idea where they were going." seems to have supported the idea of rapprochement from the first, and in March 1903 he decided he wanted to go to Paris. Bypa.s.sing both Lansdowne and the British amba.s.sador in Paris-which neither man liked-Edward made the arrangements direct with the French president, Emile Loubet, via the British military attache. The visit was kept secret until the last minute. "Most of the suite," Fritz Ponsonby recalled, "had no idea where they were going."

It was like a fairy tale. The king arrived to boos and jeers. Crowds in the Champs-elysees shouted, "Vive Fashoda" and even "Vive Jeanne d' Arc," which as Ponsonby nervously noted, "seemed to be going back a long way in history."77 The nationalist paper The nationalist paper L'Autorite L'Autorite ran an open letter which began: "Your presence in ran an open letter which began: "Your presence in78 Paris shocks, offends and revolts us patriots ...;" Paris shocks, offends and revolts us patriots ...;" La Patrie La Patrie enumerated every Anglo-French quarrel since the Middle Ages. By the time Edward left, three days later, the Paris crowds were cheering him frenziedly. He turned in a pitch-perfect performance-aided by the fact that the French government had made the second day of his visit a public holiday. The whole city turned out to see him, and the Paris papers covered his every move in minute, breathless detail. In a perfect volte-face, they seemed simply to forget Fashoda and the Boers. Edward walked into the crowds, spoke in fluent French about how much he loved the city and how at home he felt there, looked constantly delighted. Parisians, who like so many in Europe felt a curious combination of fascination and dislike for Britain, had long harboured a soft spot for an English "milord," and though he hadn't been back since the mid-1890s, Edward had had the equivalent of film-star glamour ever since he had pursued actresses there in the 1860s. enumerated every Anglo-French quarrel since the Middle Ages. By the time Edward left, three days later, the Paris crowds were cheering him frenziedly. He turned in a pitch-perfect performance-aided by the fact that the French government had made the second day of his visit a public holiday. The whole city turned out to see him, and the Paris papers covered his every move in minute, breathless detail. In a perfect volte-face, they seemed simply to forget Fashoda and the Boers. Edward walked into the crowds, spoke in fluent French about how much he loved the city and how at home he felt there, looked constantly delighted. Parisians, who like so many in Europe felt a curious combination of fascination and dislike for Britain, had long harboured a soft spot for an English "milord," and though he hadn't been back since the mid-1890s, Edward had had the equivalent of film-star glamour ever since he had pursued actresses there in the 1860s.

After Paris, Edward went to Dublin and then to Vienna, to meet Emperor Franz Joseph. Though they had almost nothing in common-Franz Joseph was well known for rising at 4 a.m., eating his lunch at twelve and his dinner at five and being in bed by seven; Edward had barely drunk his first cup of coffee by ten-Edward admired the Hapsburg emperor. Franz Joseph had chosen to place himself above the general melee of politics, embracing the role of a ceremonial and dutiful leader, and was almost universally respected. His famous inscrutability probably made Edward want to charm him all the more.

From Vienna, the king progressed to Marienbad, the most fas.h.i.+onable spa in Europe, a diplomatic bazaar of princes, aristocrats, statesmen and dieters, made more so by Edward's subsequent annual visits. There he networked, cut a figure and was followed everywhere by thrilled crowds. Few other royals had Edward's appet.i.te for being in public-Wilhelm was almost the only one. "I can still79 remember Uncle Bertie sitting unperturbed in front of his hotel," Nicholas's sister Olga later wrote, "puffing a cigar while hordes of Germans stood staring at him with awe and curiosity. 'How can you stand it, Uncle Bertie?' I asked him one day. 'Why, it's as much entertainment for me to stare at them as it is for them to stare at me,' the King replied." remember Uncle Bertie sitting unperturbed in front of his hotel," Nicholas's sister Olga later wrote, "puffing a cigar while hordes of Germans stood staring at him with awe and curiosity. 'How can you stand it, Uncle Bertie?' I asked him one day. 'Why, it's as much entertainment for me to stare at them as it is for them to stare at me,' the King replied."

Wilhelm watched Edward's success with growing jealousy and irritation. Within days of the king's departure from Rome in April 1903, he arrived, announcing that he he too had come to see the Pope-Bulow putting it about, a little too insistently perhaps, that the trip had been planned for months. When Edward left Vienna, there once again was Wilhelm on his way to see his old friend Franz Joseph. The one place Edward failed to visit was Berlin-he said he was too busy. The truth was that when it came to Wilhelm, his bonhomie failed him. Wilhelm made a scene to the latest British military attache, who gloried in the name of Colonel Wallscourt Hely-Hutchinson Waters, listing his myriad acts of sacrifice for Britain, and said how wounded he was that Germany had been excluded from the king's favour. too had come to see the Pope-Bulow putting it about, a little too insistently perhaps, that the trip had been planned for months. When Edward left Vienna, there once again was Wilhelm on his way to see his old friend Franz Joseph. The one place Edward failed to visit was Berlin-he said he was too busy. The truth was that when it came to Wilhelm, his bonhomie failed him. Wilhelm made a scene to the latest British military attache, who gloried in the name of Colonel Wallscourt Hely-Hutchinson Waters, listing his myriad acts of sacrifice for Britain, and said how wounded he was that Germany had been excluded from the king's favour.

In October, seething with resentment of Edward, Wilhelm waylaid Nicholas on his annual visit to Hesse. Revealing a pleasing anxiety about the direction of Anglo-French relations, Nicholas told Wilhelm that "he had to80 keep up relations with France and prevent them from joining the English." Afterwards, Wilhelm wrote to Nicholas. The world was polarizing, he said, the "democratic countries keep up relations with France and prevent them from joining the English." Afterwards, Wilhelm wrote to Nicholas. The world was polarizing, he said, the "democratic countries81 governed by Parliamentary majorities, against the Imperial monarchies." In April the following year, when Britain and France signed the Entente Cordiale, his words rang only too true. governed by Parliamentary majorities, against the Imperial monarchies." In April the following year, when Britain and France signed the Entente Cordiale, his words rang only too true.

Although it was essentially an agreement about colonial disputes, particularly in Egypt, where France acknowledged Britain's dominant influence, and in Morocco, where Britain reciprocated, the Entente Cordiale couldn't but seem a great sea change in Anglo-French relations. It promised a new era of cooperation between the two major democratic powers in Europe, it appeared to set42 aside a thousand years of hostility, and it was hard not to feel that it owed more than a little to each country's suspicions of Germany. Though he had taken no role at all in the negotiations nor had invented the policy, Edward was given much of the credit for the Entente, and he showed no inclination to disabuse anyone of the notion. The miraculous turnaround his visit to Paris had caused was certainly an amazing public relations coup and a catalyst for serious negotiations. It helped to convince the doubters in the British cabinet. But if Delca.s.se and Lansdowne hadn't been ready to get down to serious talks, the effect of the visit, like so many royal visits such as the king's subsequent trip to Dublin that year, would have been negligible. To ill.u.s.trate Edward's new status, Count Osten Sacken, the Russian amba.s.sador in Berlin, sent to the Russian Foreign Office a summary of an article in the German magazine aside a thousand years of hostility, and it was hard not to feel that it owed more than a little to each country's suspicions of Germany. Though he had taken no role at all in the negotiations nor had invented the policy, Edward was given much of the credit for the Entente, and he showed no inclination to disabuse anyone of the notion. The miraculous turnaround his visit to Paris had caused was certainly an amazing public relations coup and a catalyst for serious negotiations. It helped to convince the doubters in the British cabinet. But if Delca.s.se and Lansdowne hadn't been ready to get down to serious talks, the effect of the visit, like so many royal visits such as the king's subsequent trip to Dublin that year, would have been negligible. To ill.u.s.trate Edward's new status, Count Osten Sacken, the Russian amba.s.sador in Berlin, sent to the Russian Foreign Office a summary of an article in the German magazine Der Tag Der Tag published just after the Entente was made public in April 1904. It said that Edward, once "regarded with published just after the Entente was made public in April 1904. It said that Edward, once "regarded with82 scepticism," was now held up "as one of the wisest state figures of our time. Having made a clever use of circ.u.mstances, King Edward has managed to restore England's prestige as the master of Europe's fate." It was painful irony, the piece added, that Bulow's failed attempts to promote German interests "had greatly contributed" to this. "Germany has failed to secure its interests in either the Persian Gulf, the Far East, or the Northern Coast of Africa." scepticism," was now held up "as one of the wisest state figures of our time. Having made a clever use of circ.u.mstances, King Edward has managed to restore England's prestige as the master of Europe's fate." It was painful irony, the piece added, that Bulow's failed attempts to promote German interests "had greatly contributed" to this. "Germany has failed to secure its interests in either the Persian Gulf, the Far East, or the Northern Coast of Africa."

In little over a year Edward established himself as the face of British foreign policy, as well as the most glamorous monarch in Europe. He at last looked effective and successful. He enjoyed his newfound reputation, and it had its uses for Britain. The country needed a front man in Europe, and Edward fitted the role perfectly. With the exception of Chamberlain-who would resign from the government in 1903 to campaign and waste the rest of his career on the excitingly named tariff reform-the British government was notably lacking in charismatic public figures or statesmen who took talking to the public seriously. Lansdowne didn't travel and his only foreign language was French. His successor, Sir Edward Grey, was even less inclined to travel. Both would be increasingly swamped with the sheer volume of Foreign Office paperwork. Frederick Ponsonby believed that the foreign secretary resented83 the credit the king was given for work that Lansdowne had actually done; on the other hand, he was happy to exploit the access and influence the king's new reputation offered. When, in late 1903, Lansdowne decided that there was nothing to be lost by suggesting a similar Entente to Russia, Edward was brought in to make sure the proposals got through to Nicholas personally. Everyone knew the tsar was hard to get at. The king also charmed the new Russian amba.s.sador, Count Alexander Benckendorff, whom he invited to Windsor, spoke to of his enthusiasm for the proposal, and asked back to play bridge. After the Entente Cordiale was announced, it was Edward who went round Europe rea.s.suring the various monarchs and presidents that it had only peaceful implications. the credit the king was given for work that Lansdowne had actually done; on the other hand, he was happy to exploit the access and influence the king's new reputation offered. When, in late 1903, Lansdowne decided that there was nothing to be lost by suggesting a similar Entente to Russia, Edward was brought in to make sure the proposals got through to Nicholas personally. Everyone knew the tsar was hard to get at. The king also charmed the new Russian amba.s.sador, Count Alexander Benckendorff, whom he invited to Windsor, spoke to of his enthusiasm for the proposal, and asked back to play bridge. After the Entente Cordiale was announced, it was Edward who went round Europe rea.s.suring the various monarchs and presidents that it had only peaceful implications.

Historians still argue over Edward's contributions to foreign policy. Sentimental monarchists invariably overestimate his importance. Brisk political historians dismiss him as a genial sybarite who was surrounded by an efficient circle of aides, such as Knollys and Hardinge, who managed him. Arthur Balfour's words to Lord Lansdowne after Edward died are often quoted: "So far as I84 can remember, during the years which you and I were Ministers, he never made an important suggestion of any sort on large questions of policy." Policy was never what Edward was about. Sir Edward Grey was nearer to the mark when he wrote that while Edward was not one for "long sustained discussion can remember, during the years which you and I were Ministers, he never made an important suggestion of any sort on large questions of policy." Policy was never what Edward was about. Sir Edward Grey was nearer to the mark when he wrote that while Edward was not one for "long sustained discussion85 about large aspects of policy," he had a remarkable ability for "projecting his personality over a crowd," and a real talent for personal relations.h.i.+ps. His effect was almost Reaganite. There is also a whiff of jealousy about Balfour's words-his time as prime minister, as it happened, had had less-than-glowing reviews. The truth was that Edward could be selfish, lazy, indulgent, trivial. He was a conventional thinker and an amateur. But within his own limitations and because of the needs of the time, he made a significant contribution to the furtherance of British foreign policy, the consequences of which would be by no means all benevolent. about large aspects of policy," he had a remarkable ability for "projecting his personality over a crowd," and a real talent for personal relations.h.i.+ps. His effect was almost Reaganite. There is also a whiff of jealousy about Balfour's words-his time as prime minister, as it happened, had had less-than-glowing reviews. The truth was that Edward could be selfish, lazy, indulgent, trivial. He was a conventional thinker and an amateur. But within his own limitations and because of the needs of the time, he made a significant contribution to the furtherance of British foreign policy, the consequences of which would be by no means all benevolent.

* Salisbury was in failing health and depressed by the death of his wife and would die just over a year later. Salisbury was in failing health and depressed by the death of his wife and would die just over a year later.

* Taff Vale would be reversed in 1906 by the incoming Liberal government. Taff Vale would be reversed in 1906 by the incoming Liberal government.

* While keeping the Reichstag Right happy, this policy, incidentally, had simultaneously alienated the German urban poor, who were voting in ever-bigger numbers for the Socialists. While keeping the Reichstag Right happy, this policy, incidentally, had simultaneously alienated the German urban poor, who were voting in ever-bigger numbers for the Socialists.

* An ambitious Russian military attache had been whispering against Lamsdorff to the Germans-but there was endemic intriguing at both the Russian and German courts, and Bulow considered the stories nonsense. An ambitious Russian military attache had been whispering against Lamsdorff to the Germans-but there was endemic intriguing at both the Russian and German courts, and Bulow considered the stories nonsense.

11.

UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES.

19045 For Russia, even more than for most countries, war had often proved disastrous. The Crimean War and the Russo-Turkish War of the 1870s had been disasters. Both had left Russia in debt and near-bankrupt, had crippled development, created internal disaffection and lasting hostility with foreign powers. The government and its inst.i.tutions were in no state to bear the strains of war, and unlike, say, Britain, the country couldn't bear the expense. It was a lesson the Russian government would have done well to remember before it found itself at war with j.a.pan in February 1904.

The two countries had clashed over rival claims to Korea-the country, connected like a small appendix to the edge of northern China, which lay between Siberia and j.a.pan-and Manchuria. In fact most Russian government ministers opposed the war, while the court hailed it. Nicholas was in constant denial about the ricketiness of Russia's inst.i.tutions. The tsar had told his war minister the year before that he dreamed of extending the Russian empire to China, Tibet, Afghanistan1 and Persia-and his actions had directly contributed to the hostilities. He had taken the running of the Far East out of the hands of his ministers and put it under the command of the hawkish and incompetent General Alekseev-who was said to owe his senior position in the army to having rescued Nicholas's favourite uncle, Grand Duke Alexis, from a French brothel. and Persia-and his actions had directly contributed to the hostilities. He had taken the running of the Far East out of the hands of his ministers and put it under the command of the hawkish and incompetent General Alekseev-who was said to owe his senior position in the army to having rescued Nicholas's favourite uncle, Grand Duke Alexis, from a French brothel.2 He had given policy-making to a "special committee," a group of inexperienced, over-excited court aristocrats who included his own cousin Sandro, who wanted to annex Korea. And whether deliberately or through sheer incompetence, he'd allowed pre-war negotiations with the j.a.panese to descend into insults. According to Edward VII, He had given policy-making to a "special committee," a group of inexperienced, over-excited court aristocrats who included his own cousin Sandro, who wanted to annex Korea. And whether deliberately or through sheer incompetence, he'd allowed pre-war negotiations with the j.a.panese to descend into insults. According to Edward VII,3 whose country had an alliance with j.a.pan, the tsar had rejected his personal attempts to bring about a diplomatic resolution. whose country had an alliance with j.a.pan, the tsar had rejected his personal attempts to bring about a diplomatic resolution.

The truth was the Russians expected to beat the j.a.panese. No Great Power had ever been defeated by a minor one, certainly not one with an army as huge as Russia's, and most Russians regarded the j.a.panese as an "inferior race": Nicholas referred to them as "little short-tailed4 monkeys." The head of the army in Manchuria, General Alekseev, claimed that he needed only two Russian soldiers for every three j.a.panese. In the world of the Great Powers, making an aggressive demonstration seemed a sure way-and perhaps an overly easy one-of reminding everyone of, or even restoring, one's status, especially when one felt insufficiently respected. monkeys." The head of the army in Manchuria, General Alekseev, claimed that he needed only two Russian soldiers for every three j.a.panese. In the world of the Great Powers, making an aggressive demonstration seemed a sure way-and perhaps an overly easy one-of reminding everyone of, or even restoring, one's status, especially when one felt insufficiently respected.

When the j.a.panese sent torpedo boats into Port Arthur, Russian military headquarters in China, in February 1904, and sank the two most modern s.h.i.+ps in the whole Russian navy, then declared war, the entire government and military seemed completely surprised and unprepared. The government found out only when Sergei Witte was informed by a telephone call from a Russian trader in Port Arthur. The Russian war effort went downhill from there. Defeat followed defeat. At every turn the conflict exposed the staggering incompetence of overstretched Russian inst.i.tutions-the army in particular. War planning had been virtually non-existent. Russian generals, whose average age was sixty-nine, spent more time infighting than actually fighting. The conflict would cost 2 billion roubles-all the money Witte had saved up to stabilize the Russian economy. Even then, there wasn't enough to give the soldiers hot breakfasts, or supply them with powder for their guns. Despite an early surge of patriotic enthusiasm, support for the war soon began to haemorrhage. By May 1904 the new British amba.s.sador in St. Petersburg, Sir Charles Hardinge, Edward's former protege, reported that 75 percent of the population were "absolutely indifferent"5 to the war, and most of the educated cla.s.ses were furious at the incompetence and expense; rising opposition was making itself felt in a series of a.s.sa.s.sinations of hated senior officials. to the war, and most of the educated cla.s.ses were furious at the incompetence and expense; rising opposition was making itself felt in a series of a.s.sa.s.sinations of hated senior officials.

One predictable consequence of the war was an outbreak of virulent Anglophobia in Russia. It was almost too easy to blame Russia's disasters on Britain's secret support of its ally. At court, Nicholas and the pro-war clique around him fulminated against Britain. The tsar took to referring to the English as "zhids"6-Jews. Sandro, the tsar's cousin, muttered darkly about the "British-built7 battles.h.i.+ps of the Mikado," and in St. Petersburg the British amba.s.sador was boycotted by society. Wilhelm, so good at spotting his fellow monarch's vulnerabilities, had been writing to Nicholas since 1903 informing him that the British were helping with "the j.a.panese battles.h.i.+ps of the Mikado," and in St. Petersburg the British amba.s.sador was boycotted by society. Wilhelm, so good at spotting his fellow monarch's vulnerabilities, had been writing to Nicholas since 1903 informing him that the British were helping with "the j.a.panese8 mobilization." He sent copies of British newspaper articles demanding the government help plucky j.a.pan against the beastly Russian leviathan. "To us ... mobilization." He sent copies of British newspaper articles demanding the government help plucky j.a.pan against the beastly Russian leviathan. "To us ...9 this hypocrisy and hatred is utterly odious and incomprehensible," he wrote. "Everybody here understands perfectly that Russia is following the laws of expansion." this hypocrisy and hatred is utterly odious and incomprehensible," he wrote. "Everybody here understands perfectly that Russia is following the laws of expansion."

The war demonstrated the ambivalence of British feelings towards Russia too. The British government initially worried that the war would destroy the Entente by forcing France and Britain to back their allies, but at the same time toyed with helping the j.a.panese. It had hoped the Entente Cordiale12 would bring Britain closer to Russia, but now also hoped the war would disrupt Russia in Asia. In the end Britain, like France, had agreed on friendly neutrality. As Balfour said, even if j.a.pan was beaten-as the British at first a.s.sumed it would be-"nothing could be would bring Britain closer to Russia, but now also hoped the war would disrupt Russia in Asia. In the end Britain, like France, had agreed on friendly neutrality. As Balfour said, even if j.a.pan was beaten-as the British at first a.s.sumed it would be-"nothing could be10 better for us than that Russia should involve herself in the expense and trouble of a Corean better for us than that Russia should involve herself in the expense and trouble of a Corean [sic] [sic] adventure." But to cover their bets, Edward, at Lansdowne's suggestion, sent a personal message adventure." But to cover their bets, Edward, at Lansdowne's suggestion, sent a personal message11 to Nicholas guaranteeing British goodwill and non-intervention. The British version of "friendly neutrality" didn't seem particularly friendly. Russian s.h.i.+ps were refused access to British ports around the world to refuel. The Entente Cordiale, announced in April 1904, looked to the now-hara.s.sed and vulnerable Russians like an attempt to s.n.a.t.c.h France away from them. And just as Russia had exploited British vulnerability during the Boer War, now the Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, sent a military force to Tibet, led by the British soldier and explorer Sir Francis Younghusband, in March 1904. to Nicholas guaranteeing British goodwill and non-intervention. The British version of "friendly neutrality" didn't seem particularly friendly. Russian s.h.i.+ps were refused access to British ports around the world to refuel. The Entente Cordiale, announced in April 1904, looked to the now-hara.s.sed and vulnerable Russians like an attempt to s.n.a.t.c.h France away from them. And just as Russia had exploited British vulnerability during the Boer War, now the Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, sent a military force to Tibet, led by the British soldier and explorer Sir Francis Younghusband, in March 1904.

Wilhelm, by contrast, was only too eager to help his Russian cousin. He offered Nicholas the use of German coaling stations, while telling him repeatedly that the British were pressuring him not to. He promised to "guarantee" the Russian Western Front from attack. German support came at a price, however: Bulow demanded an enormous hike in the German tariffs13 on Russian imports. on Russian imports.

Lord Lansdowne, the British foreign secretary, who after his agreements with j.a.pan and France had gained a reputation as an adept international player, still saw an Entente-like agreement on colonial issues with Russia as an appealing prospect. A bad war might produce a Russia so chastened that it would at last succ.u.mb to British overtures. He recruited Edward to ma.s.sage his Russian relatives. Through the spring and summer of 1904 the king energetically-as energetically as a very large sixty-two-year-old man could manage-demonstrated his goodwill. He wrote to Nicholas to rea.s.sure him about the Entente, and offered himself as a mediator with j.a.pan-an offer Nicholas unsurprisingly turned down. In Copenhagen with Alexandra, Edward spotted Count Alexander Izvolsky, Russian minister to Denmark,* a coming man in Russian politics, not least because he was known to enjoy the patronage of Minny-she may possibly have tipped the king off about him. Izvolsky, like most of Nicholas's leading government ministers, opposed the war with j.a.pan; he also saw an agreement with Britain as a future necessity for peace. And he was a coming man in Russian politics, not least because he was known to enjoy the patronage of Minny-she may possibly have tipped the king off about him. Izvolsky, like most of Nicholas's leading government ministers, opposed the war with j.a.pan; he also saw an agreement with Britain as a future necessity for peace. And he was very very ambitious. The king expressed his desire for an agreement, and Izvolsky showed him a copy of the extravagantly flattering letter he planned to send to Lamsdorff about their meeting: that Edward's views on a deal with Russia were so important "that I ought to transmit them to Your Excellency as verbatim as possible," and attributing the Entente Cordiale "above all to the great personal influence of his Majesty." ambitious. The king expressed his desire for an agreement, and Izvolsky showed him a copy of the extravagantly flattering letter he planned to send to Lamsdorff about their meeting: that Edward's views on a deal with Russia were so important "that I ought to transmit them to Your Excellency as verbatim as possible," and attributing the Entente Cordiale "above all to the great personal influence of his Majesty."14 When Hardinge took over as amba.s.sador in St. Petersburg in May, the king gave him a letter for Nicholas which personally recommended Izvolsky as "a man of remarkable intelligence and ... I am sure, one of your ablest and most devoted Servants." He added that it was his "earnest desire When Hardinge took over as amba.s.sador in St. Petersburg in May, the king gave him a letter for Nicholas which personally recommended Izvolsky as "a man of remarkable intelligence and ... I am sure, one of your ablest and most devoted Servants." He added that it was his "earnest desire15 ... that at the conclusion of the war our two countries may come to a satisfactory settlement regarding many difficult matters." And when on 30 July, at the imperial couple's summer residence of Peterhof, just after the soup, thirty-two-year-old Alix finally gave birth to a baby boy, Alexis, Edward proposed himself as G.o.dfather. ... that at the conclusion of the war our two countries may come to a satisfactory settlement regarding many difficult matters." And when on 30 July, at the imperial couple's summer residence of Peterhof, just after the soup, thirty-two-year-old Alix finally gave birth to a baby boy, Alexis, Edward proposed himself as G.o.dfather.

While war continued, there could be no real resolution. Edward's patronage might give Hardinge entrees to the highest Russian social circles, including to the imperial couple themselves. "... I am looked upon16 as the bearer of an olive branch," he told the king. But when Russian wars.h.i.+ps from the Black Sea sailed into the Suez Ca.n.a.l and began to seize British cargo s.h.i.+ps, claiming they were carrying contraband bound for j.a.pan, the British press howled, and Lansdowne threatened reprisals if the s.h.i.+ps weren't released. as the bearer of an olive branch," he told the king. But when Russian wars.h.i.+ps from the Black Sea sailed into the Suez Ca.n.a.l and began to seize British cargo s.h.i.+ps, claiming they were carrying contraband bound for j.a.pan, the British press howled, and Lansdowne threatened reprisals if the s.h.i.+ps weren't released. And in September 1904, late at night, Hardinge discovered an intruder hiding And in September 1904, late at night, Hardinge discovered an intruder hiding17 under a sofa in the emba.s.sy drawing room, and almost killed him with a curtain pole. It transpired it was one of the footmen trying to break into the emba.s.sy safe in order to find evidence that England was helping the j.a.panese. The tsar, moreover, Hardinge observed, was utterly committed to the war with j.a.pan, and surrounded himself with Anglophobes. The same month, having killed a couple of thousand Tibetans, the Younghusband expedition signed a deal with the rulers of Tibet guaranteeing trading concessions and the exclusion of other powers-Russia specifically. The Russian press breathed fire. In Britain the expedition had been extremely controversial. Since the Boer War the country's "right" to murder a few natives in the prosecution of its business was no longer felt to be a given-but Edward, the alleged champion of a Russian rapprochement, met Younghu