London and the Kingdom Volume I Part 35

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The decline of Antwerp which followed Alva's administration marks the foundation of London's supremacy in the world of commerce. Hitherto the queen had been accustomed through Gresham, her factor, to raise what money she required by loans from merchants abroad. Merchant strangers were well content to lend her money at ten or twelve per cent., seeing that the City of London was as often as not called upon to give bonds for repayment by way of collateral security.(1556) When that door was closed to her she turned to her own subjects, the Company of Merchant Adventurers, to whom she had shown considerable favour. Her first application to this company for a loan was, to her great surprise, refused. The matter was afterwards accommodated through the intervention of Sir Thomas Gresham; and as the confidence of the city merchants increased, loans were afterwards frequently negotiated between them and the Crown, much to the convenience of one party and to the advantage of the other.(1557)

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As another means of raising money Elizabeth had resort to a lottery-the first public lottery ever held in London, although the game called "The Lott" was not unknown in the city in the reign of Henry VIII.(1558) The lottery was advertised in 1567 as being a very rich lottery general, without any blanks, containing a number of good prizes of ready-money, plate and divers sorts of merchandise, the same having been valued by expert and skilful men. The lottery was, as we should say at the present day, "under the immediate patronage" of the queen herself, and the proceeds, after deducting expenses, were to be devoted to the repair of harbours and other public works conducive to strengthening the realm.

Besides the prizes, of which a long list is set out in the city's records, there were to be three "welcomes" or bonuses given to the first three winners of lots. The first person to whom a lot should happen to fall was to have for "welcome" a piece of silver-gilt plate of the value of 50, and the second and third fortunate drawers were to have respectively, in addition to their prizes, a piece of gilt plate of the value of 20. The prizes, the chief of which amounted to 5,000 sterling, although the winner was to receive only 3,000 in cash, the rest being taken out in plate and tapestry,(1559) were exhibited in Cheapside at the sign of the Queen's Arms, the house of Antony Derick, goldsmith to Elizabeth and engraver to the Mint in this and the preceding reign.(1560) The mayor and aldermen agreed to put into the lottery thirty "billes or lottes" at the least under one posy, viz.:-_G.o.d preserve the Cytye of London quod M and A._ Any profit that might arise from the lots was to be equally divided between them.(1561)

The livery companies of the city were also invited to subscribe to the lottery as well as the Company of Merchant Adventurers.(1562) On the 4th August the livery of the Merchant Taylors' Company were summoned to their hall to declare the amount each individual was ready to venture-"all under our posy in the name of this Common Hall," the posy subsequently determined upon being the following:-

"One byrde in hande is worthe two in the woode, Yff wee have the greate lott it will do us good."(1563)

The "reading" of the lottery was postponed till the 10th January, 1569.(1564) It took place at the west door of St. Paul's, commencing on the 11th day of that month, and continued day and night until the 6th May following.(1565) It was reported at the time that Elizabeth withdrew a large sum of the prize-money for her own use previous to the drawing of the lots, and this report, whether well founded or not, created no little disgust among the subscribers.(1566)

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Before the close of 1568 Alva had severed the last links connecting England with the Low Countries by suddenly seizing and imprisoning all English merchants found at Antwerp on the ground that certain Spanish treasure-s.h.i.+ps had been detained in England. Such conduct on his part was characterized by Elizabeth as "verie straunge and hertofore in no tyme used betwixt the Crowne of England and the House of Burgondye wt owt some manner of former conferrence proceedyng and intelligence had of the myndes and intentions of the prynces themselves on both sides," and she forthwith issued a proclamation for the seizure of Spanish vessels and merchants found in English ports by way of reprisal.(1567) She was careful to show that any former detention of Spanish vessels served as a mere pretence for Alva's conduct. Certain Spanish vessels of small tonnage, called "zabras,"

had, it was true, entered English harbours in the west country, and the bullion and merchandise had been discharged on English soil; but all this had been done in order to prevent the s.h.i.+ps and cargo falling into the hands of the French s.h.i.+ps which threatened them. Some of the treasure had been even "borrowed"; but this was not contrary to the honorable usage of princes in their own dominions. The Spanish amba.s.sador had called upon her majesty to ask that the vessels and cargo might be given up, "pretending the monye to appertaine to the king his maister," which her majesty had declared her willingness to a.s.sent to as soon as she should have had communication from the west country. The amba.s.sador, who was asked to return in four or five days to receive the s.h.i.+ps and treasure, had failed to appear, and her surprise was great to find that orders had been given for the arrest of her subjects at Antwerp on the very day (29 Oct.) that the Spanish amba.s.sador was with her majesty. Such was the account of the matter as given in the queen's proclamation to the citizens of London. But there are other and contradictory accounts. Whoever may have been the rightful owner of the treasure, which in all probability was on its way to Flanders for payment of Alva's soldiers,(1568) the opportunity of dealing a blow to Spain and at the same time of replenis.h.i.+ng the Exchequer at home afforded by the presence of the s.h.i.+ps in English waters was thought too good to be lost.

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On the 5th January the mayor received orders from Sir Nicholas Bacon to seize all Flemings' goods to the queen's use, inasmuch as it was quite possible that what had taken place in Flanders had been done without the King of Spain's commission. The following day the mayor informed the council that he had arrested the bodies and goods of certain merchant strangers in the city.(1569) Throughout the greater part of the month frequent letters pa.s.sed between the city, the merchant adventurers, the merchants of the staple and the lords of the council concerning Alva's proceedings and measures to be taken by way of reprisal. The citizens showed themselves very anxious to devise measures of retaliation and to avail themselves to the utmost of the opportunity afforded them of avenging themselves of their foreign rivals, as the following memorial signed by the mayor and nine of the princ.i.p.al merchants of the city proves:-(1570)

"First, we doe thinck it very needfull and necessary that wth all possible speed the bodies, s.h.i.+pps and goodes of all the subiects of the said king be had under arrest, and their bodies to be sequestred from their houses, comptinghouses, books, warehouses and goods; and they themselves to be committed unto severall and sure custodie and keeping. And that alsoe comission may be granted to sage persons to enquire and trie out all coulorable transports and contracts don since the XXth of December last by any of the subiects of the said king or by any other nation. And that a proclamation be made by the queene's mates aucthorite forthwth for the avoiding of collorable bargaines, transports and contracts hereafter to be made."

Thomas Rowe(1571) (he had not yet received the honour of knighthood), who was mayor at the time, happened to be a connection by marriage of Sir Thomas Gresham, having married Mary, the eldest daughter of Sir John Gresham, of t.i.tsey, Sir Thomas's uncle. It was owing to this connection that the mayor received information of Alva's arbitrary proceedings before the news reached the ears of Secretary Cecil; for Gresham's factor at Antwerp, Richard Clough, had lost no time in despatching a special messenger to his master, who, immediately after hearing the news, broke in upon the mayor's slumbers at twelve o'clock on the night of the 3rd January in order to communicate the same to him. The next morning the mayor wrote to Sir William Cecil informing him of what had occurred and how under the circ.u.mstances he (the mayor) had taken upon himself to stay the despatch of letters abroad for a while.(1572)

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Towards the end of January, 1569, the Duke of Alva sent over an agent, Monsieur D'a.s.soleville, to demand the rest.i.tution of the treasure. The mayor deputed John Gresham and another to escort the envoy from Gravesend to London, where he was lodged at Crosby Place, at that time the mansion house of William Bond, alderman of Candlewick Street Ward.(1573) At first he demanded an audience with the queen herself, but was fain to be content with a reference to her council.(1574) The treasure in the meantime had been removed to London for greater security.(1575) Negotiations proving fruitless the agent returned to Antwerp, "having succeeded in obtaining from Elizabeth nothing beyond the a.s.surance that she was ready to surrender the treasure when his master promised indemnity to all her subjects in the Low Countries, and agreed solemnly to ratify the ancient treaty of alliance between the Crown of England and the House of Burgundy."(1576)

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That such a large amount of treasure should be lying idle did not commend itself to the mind of so astute a financier as Sir Thomas Gresham. He accordingly suggested to Sir William Cecil by letter (14 Aug., 1569) that the queen should cause it to be minted into her own coin, and thereby make a profit of 3,000 or 4,000. As for repayment, her majesty could effect it by way of exchange, to her great profit, or give bonds for a year or more to the merchants who owned the money, and who, in Gresham's opinion, would willingly accede to such proposal.(1577) Bold as this suggestion was, it appears, nevertheless, to have been carried into execution.(1578)

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The hards.h.i.+ps already experienced by Spanish merchants from stoppage of commercial intercourse with England must have been materially increased the following year by an order of the Court of Aldermen (11 July, 1570) to the effect that all matters and suits brought by merchant strangers, subjects of the King of Spain, in any of the Queen's Majesty's Courts within the city of London for the recovery of a debt should be stayed, and no manner of arrest or attachment allowed until further notice, unless the stranger suing were a denizen or a member of the Church.(1579)

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By proclamation made the last day of June, 1570, English merchants who had suffered loss by Alva's proceedings were desired to make a return of such loss to the officers of one or other of the cities or towns of London, Southampton, Bristol, Chester, Newcastle, Hull or Ipswich, as they should find it most convenient,(1580) and on the 20th July following every Englishman into whose hands any goods belonging to Spanish subjects might have come was ordered to make a certificate under his hand and seal into the Court of the Admiralty, in the city of London, for her majesty to take further order thereon as should be thought meet.(1581) Negotiations, which had been renewed for mutual rest.i.tution, again broke down, for when the terms on which rest.i.tution was to be effected were to be reduced to writing, or, in the language of the record, "_put into mundum_,"(1582) the Spanish commissioners were found to have no authority to arrange matters, whilst at the same time they wished to introduce clauses and conditions which Elizabeth could in no wise accept. Seeing that she was being played with, and knowing that much of the goods of English merchants seized in Spain and the Netherlands had already been sold, the queen determined to put up for sale the Spanish merchandise which for three years had been in English hands. Proclamation to this effect was made the 14th January, 1572.(1583) The queen showed every desire to treat the Spanish merchants with consideration. The sale was entrusted to Spanish subjects, who, upon their oath, were to make sale of all the s.h.i.+ps, goods, wares and merchandise arrested, to the utmost advantage they could; and Spanish owners were allowed, either by themselves, their factor or attorney, freely to enter the realm within thirty days after the date of the proclamation to attend the sale, provided they made no attempt against her majesty or the peace of the country and departed immediately the sale was over. This proclamation, coupled with the hopelessness of Alva's case and the manifestation of discontent displayed by his own ruined merchants, led to articles being drawn up (25 Mar.) between Elizabeth and the King of Spain for an adjustment of their respective claims. Sir Thomas Gresham had previously (4 Feb.) been directed by letter from Lord Burghley and Sir Walter Mildmay to deliver up certain bonds of the Governor and Company of Merchant Adventurers to be cancelled now that the whole matter was to be referred to arbitration.(1584)

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To add to the queen's difficulties, Mary, who had been deposed from the throne of Scotland and had sought shelter in England, was importuning her for a.s.sistance for the recovery of her lost crown. Whilst Elizabeth hesitated either to replace her rival in power or to set her at liberty, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland endeavoured to carry out a scheme for marrying Mary to the Duke of Norfolk and forcing Elizabeth to acknowledge her as successor to the crown of England. The Duke of Norfolk obeyed the queen's summons to attend the court, and was committed to the Tower (Oct., 1569).(1585) The earls refused to obey the summons, and rose in insurrection. On the 24th November they were proclaimed traitors.(1586) Troops were sent against them, but they cowardly left their supporters to their own fate and fled to Scotland. The rebellion, fruitless as it proved to be, caused no little excitement in the city.

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The same day that the earls were proclaimed traitors the Mayor of London issued his precept to the several aldermen, enjoining them to take steps for safe-guarding the city and taking into custody all rogues, masterless men and vagabonds.(1587) On the following day another precept was issued to the several livery companies for providing a certain number of soldiers, "well and sufficientlie furnyshed wth a jerkyn and a paire of gally sloppes of broad clothe, collor watchet, one calyver wth flaske and tuchebox, a moryan, a sworde and a dagger."(1588) The soldiers were to be ready to serve her majesty at an hour's warning. The Chamberlain received orders to amend the several gates of the city and the portcullises belonging to them, as well as to repair the city's guns and put them in readiness, and lay in a stock of powder and shot to serve as occasion should require.(1589) By the 12th December all fear of immediate danger had pa.s.sed away, and the livery companies were ordered to receive back the armour and weapons supplied to the soldiers and to keep them in their hall. The men were to be dismissed to their several industries, but still to hold themselves in readiness for service at an hour's warning if occasion should require them. A week later the soldiers were dismissed to their houses, those who had no house being allowed sixpence a day until called upon for active service.(1590)

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Although the rising in the north had failed, the Catholics were not without hope. They were encouraged by the issue of a Papal Bull excommunicating Elizabeth and absolving her subjects from their allegiance. This Bull was affixed to the door of the Bishop of London's palace by a man named John Felton. The queen was alarmed. She believed that the long-threatened union against her of the Catholic powers had at length been effected. Felton was seized and tried at the Guildhall. He was found guilty, and paid the penalty of his rashness by being hanged, drawn and quartered.(1591) His exemplary punishment failed, however, to put a stop to Catholic intrigues against Elizabeth.

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The defeat of the Turkish fleet at Lepanto by Don John of Austria (7 Oct., 1571) was commemorated two days later in London by a thanksgiving service at St. Paul's,(1592) which was attended by the mayor, Sir William Allen,(1593) the aldermen and members of the companies in their liveries.

In the evening of the same day bonfires were lighted in the streets of the city by precept of the mayor.(1594) The immediate effect of the victory was the release of a large number of captives (variously estimated at 12,000 and 14,000)(1595) from Turkish slavery, for whose redemption the citizens were constantly being called upon to subscribe.(1596)

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Whilst the Low Countries were winning their way to freedom from the Spanish yoke, and France was suffering the horrors of Saint Bartholomew's day (24 Aug., 1572), England remained tranquil, and the city merchant had little cause to complain, except, it might be, on account of the number of strangers who rivalled him in his business.(1597) For the better preservation of peace members of the French and the Dutch churches were ordered (28 Sept.) not to leave their houses after 9 o'clock at night.(1598)

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So long as the Spanish king turned a deaf ear to the exhortations of the Pope, and refused to make a descent upon England, Elizabeth was able to cope with Catholicism at home by peaceful measures. But the time was approaching when she could no longer refuse to give practical a.s.sistance to her struggling co-religionists on the continent. The Netherlands had for some time past been preparing for open revolt against the barbarous government of Alva. In 1572 a party seized Brill, and thus laid the foundation of the Dutch Republic. It wanted but the active adhesion of Elizabeth to enable the French to drive the Spaniards out of the country, but this the queen was as yet unwilling to give. Two years later (1574) she offered her services to effect an understanding between Spain and the Netherlands, but her mediation proved futile. Both in 1572 and 1574 there are signs of military preparations having taken place in the city. In the first mentioned year Elizabeth held a review of the city troops in Greenwich Park.(1599) In 1574 the city was called upon to furnish 400 soldiers for the queen's service, and steps were taken to allot to the livery companies their quota of men or money in view of future calls.(1600) A store of gunpowder was also laid up.(1601)

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If one thing more than another was calculated to precipitate a rupture between England and Spain it was the action of English seamen, who roved the seas and indirectly rendered a.s.sistance to the Netherlanders by plundering Spanish vessels, in spite of all proclamations to the contrary.(1602) The Londoner was not behind-hand in this predatory warfare.

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In June, 1575, the queen borrowed a sum of 30,000 from the citizens on security.(1603) The money was subscribed by the wealthier cla.s.s of citizens, and a moiety of the loan was repaid in little more than a twelvemonth.(1604) Whatever may have been her faults, Elizabeth honestly paid her debts, and when she discovered in 1577 that money which she had repaid to certain officials had not reached the hands of the original creditor, she forthwith issued a proclamation commanding all such creditors to send in their claims in writing to the chief officer of her majesty's household.(1605) It is difficult to dissociate altogether this proclamation from the removal of George Heton from the office of Chamberlain of the City three months afterwards.(1606)

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In February, 1578, the City was called upon to provide 2,000 arquebusiers.

Refusal was useless, although an attempt was made to get the number reduced to 500. The mayor had scarcely issued his precept to the aldermen to raise the men before he received another order for 2,000 to be trained as directed in handling and using their weapons and kept in readiness for future service.(1607) One hundred and fifty men were ordered (12 June) to be ready at an hour's notice for foreign service.(1608) Strangers and foreigners were not exempt.(1609) Some of the city companies were slow in paying their quota of expenses of fitting out the men, and pressure had to be brought to bear on them by the Court of Aldermen.(1610)

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In the following year Casimir, Count Palatine of the Rhine, paid a visit to England to answer a charge brought against him by the English envoy in Holland, of having used forces against the Netherlanders which had been despatched from these sh.o.r.es for their support. On the evening of Thursday, the 22nd January, 1579, the Count landed at the Tower, where he was received by a party of n.o.blemen and others, among whom we may conjecture was the Mayor of London and representatives of the city.(1611) Thence he was conducted by the light of cressets to Gresham's house, in Bishopsgate Street, where he was received with music and lodged and feasted by the worthy owner for three days. The honour thus shown to Gresham is only one more proof of the esteem and respect in which he was universally held by all parties, and, "in truth," as his biographer justly remarks,(1612) "his great experience, his long and familiar intercourse with men of all grades and professions, from princes and n.o.bles-with whom ... he was on as intimate a footing as the impa.s.sable barrier of rank will permit-to the lowliest of his own dependants, the knowledge of men and manners which he must have derived from foreign travel, and his acquaintance with all the languages of civilised Europe, must have rendered him, towards the close of his life especially, as favourable a specimen as could have been selected of the English gentleman of that day." Casimir's reception was one of the last acts of public service performed by Gresham, for before the close of the year he had died (21 Nov.). On Sunday (25 Jan.) the Count was conducted to Westminster for an interview with the queen, after which lodgings were a.s.signed to him in Somerset House. The court of Common Council had already (23 Jan.) voted "Duke Ca.s.simerus" a gratification "in moneye or anye other thinge" to the value of 500 marks.(1613) His visit was one round of feasting, hunting and sight-seeing; one day dining with the lord mayor, another with the merchants of the Steelyard; one day hunting at Hampton Court, and another day witnessing athletic sports at Westminster. That the Count succeeded in clearing his character may be surmised from the fact of his receiving the Order of the Garter before his departure.(1614)

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In the following year the plague, which had been very virulent towards the end of 1577, and from which the city was seldom entirely free, appeared at Rye (June, 1580). A twelvemonth later it was raging in London, but as the weather grew colder its virulence abated, allowing of the resumption of the lord mayor's feast. The respite was short. In the spring of 1582 it was again rife in the city, increasing in fatality during the hot season and continuing until the winter of 1583.(1615) Business was often at a standstill, the law courts had to be removed to the country, and the sittings of the London Husting suspended.(1616)

St. Paul's Churchyard, which served as the burial ground to no less than twenty-three city parishes, became overcrowded and greatly added to the insanitary condition of the city by its shallow graves. The mayor informed the lords of the council of this state of affairs by letter (15 May, 1582), in which he says that scarcely any grave was then made without exposing corpses, and that the heat of the crowds standing over the shallow graves caused noxious exhalations. It was currently reported at the time that the gravediggers were the cause of the shallow graves "as being desirous to have the infection spred that they might gaine by burieng."(1617)

CHAPTER XVIII.