London and the Kingdom Volume I Part 14

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When Parliament met in London in February, the City made presents of money to the king, the queen, the chancellor, the treasurer, and others,(498) for no other purpose apparently, but to win their favour. In the following month the City obtained a charter declaring its liberties and customs to be unaffected by the recent statute establis.h.i.+ng free trade,(499) when presents in money or kind were again made to the officers of state.(500)

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The services which the mayor had done the city in the work of obtaining this charter were acknowledged by a gift of two silver basins and the sum of 20 from his fellow citizens.(501) It was by Pulteney's influence that the king consented to allow a sum of 1,000 marks to be taken into account at a future a.s.sessment for a fifteenth, instead of insisting upon its being a free gift from the citizens.(502)

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In March, 1337, a statute forbade the importation of wool, as a preliminary to the imposition of an additional custom, and in the following year parliament granted the king half the wool of the kingdom.(503) The Londoners having no wool of their own, paid a composition,(504) and were often reduced to sore straits. Thus in April, 1339, an a.s.sessment had to be made in the several wards of the City to discharge a debt to the king of 1,000 marks. The men of Aldersgate ward refused to pay their quota of 9. A precept was thereupon issued to the sheriffs to levy the larger sum of 16 10s., on the lands, tenements, goods, and chattels of the ward, and pay the same into the Chamber of the Guildhall by a certain day.(505) The citizens of London, and the nation generally, would the more willingly have borne these exactions if any adequate good had resulted from them. But Edward's first campaign resulted in nothing more than the a.s.sumption by him of the name and arms of the King of France, at a cost of 300,000.(506)

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Among the s.h.i.+ps which had been prepared for the king's expedition to France, three were known as "La Jonette," of London; "La Cogge," of All Hallows; and "La Sainte Marie Cogge." The last mentioned belonged to William Haunsard,(507) an ex-sheriff of London, who subsequently did signal service in the great naval battle of Sluys. Prior to the king's departure, measures were taken for the safe custody of the city during his absence.(508) The City had difficulties in raising a contingent of soldiers, for many of the best men had joined the retinue of n.o.bles, and all that could be mustered amounted to no more than 100 men, viz: 40 men-at-arms, and 60 archers.(509)

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After the king's departure (12 July, 1338) the City laid in provisions for transmission abroad, 500 quarters of corn and 100 carcases of oxen to be salted down. In addition to which it purchased 1,000 horseshoes and 30,000 nails.(510) In October steps were taken to protect London from attack by sea and land. Piles were driven into the bed of the river to prevent the approach of a hostile fleet; the wharves were "bretasched" with boards, and springalds set at different gates and posterns.(511)

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In February, 1339, the citizens received the king's orders to furnish four s.h.i.+ps with 300 men, and four sc.u.mmars(512) with 160 men, victualled for three months, to proceed to Winchester. Upon some demur being made to this demand, the number of s.h.i.+ps was reduced to two, well equipped with men and arms. Pursuant to these orders each ward was a.s.sessed for the purpose of levying 110 men armed with haketon, plates, bacinet with aventail, and gloves of plate; and sixty men armed with only haketon and bacinet. The pay of the men was to be threepence a day each for two months. The vessels were to be joined by s.h.i.+ps from various other ports, and proceed to sea in charge of Sir William Trussel by the middle of March to intercept, if possible, the enemy's fleet.(513)

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By Easter time the danger appeared more imminent, and the mayor and aldermen met hurriedly in the Guildhall, on Easter Sunday afternoon after dinner. An immediate attack up the Thames was expected. The mayor and aldermen agreed to take it in turns to watch the river night and day. On the following Wednesday, each alderman was ordered to enquire as to the number of arbalesters, archers, and men capable of bearing arms in his ward. A number of carpenters were sworn on the same day to safe-guard the engines of war laid up in the new house near Petywales.(514) This new house appears to have been known as "La Bretaske," and was used for storing springalds, quarels, and other war material.(515)

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At this period there were kept in the chamber of the Guildhall six instruments called "gonnes," which were made of latten, a metal closely resembling bra.s.s, five "teleres" or stocks for supporting the guns, four cwt. and a half of pellets of lead, and thirty-two pounds of gunpowder by way of ammunition.(516) The mention of "teleres" and the small amount of ammunition favours the a.s.sumption that the instruments were rather hand-guns than heavy pieces, as has been supposed.(517) A "telere" or tiller was a common name for the stock of a cross-bow,(518) and the earliest hand-guns or fire-arms known consisted of a simple tube of metal with touch-hole, fixed on a straight stick or shaft, which when used was pa.s.sed under the arm so as to afford a better grip of the weapon.

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The danger blew over, and before the close of the year the king was expected to return to England.(519) He did not return however before February, 1340, having intimated his intention to the mayor of London, by letter from Sluys, dated Sunday the 20th.(520) Notwithstanding his long absence, he had accomplished little or nothing.

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He had come to the end of his resources and was in want of money to carry on the war. The City was asked to lend him 20,000. It offered 5,000 marks. This was contemptuously refused, and the munic.i.p.al authorities were bidden to re-consider the matter, or in the alternative to furnish the king with the names of the wealthier inhabitants of the City. At length the City agreed to advance the sum of 5,000 for a fixed period, and this offer the king was fain to accept.(521) At the close of 1339, the chief towns of Flanders had entered into an offensive and defensive alliance with Edward, and an arrangement was made for paying the sum of 1,500 out of the 5,000 to Jacques van Arteveldt, the king's agent at Bruges.(522) Three aldermen and nine commoners were appointed to make the necessary a.s.sessment for the loan, for the repayment of which John de Pulteney was one of the king's sureties.(523)

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Provided with this and other money supplied by parliament, Edward again set out for the continent (June, 1340). With him went a contingent of 283 men-at-arms, furnished by the City, 140 of them being drawn from that part of the city which lay on the east side of Walbrook, and 143 from the western side. It had been intended to raise 300 men, and the better cla.s.s of citizens had been called upon to supply each a quota, or in default to serve in person; but eleven had failed in their duty and, on that account, had been fined 50 s.h.i.+llings each, whilst six others, making up the deficit, had set out in the retinue of Henry Darcy, the late mayor.(524)

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The names of the transport s.h.i.+ps and the number of men-at-arms supplied by each city, the number of mariners and serving-men (_garzouns_), which were about to take part in the great battle fought off Sluys (24 June), are on record.(525) Although the French fleet was superior to his own in numbers and equipment, Edward did not hesitate to attack. The struggle was long and severe, lasting from noon on one day until six o'clock the next morning. If any one person was more conspicuous for valour on that occasion than another, it was William Haunsard, an ex-sheriff of London, who came with "a s.h.i.+p of London" and "did much good."(526)

An account of the battle was despatched by the king to his son the Prince Regent, dated from his s.h.i.+p, the "Cogg Thomas," the 28th June.(527)

CHAPTER VIII.

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It was one of the conditions of the Flemish alliance, mentioned at the close of the last chapter, that the campaign of 1340 should open with the siege of Tournay, and it was with this object specially in view that Edward had set out from England. After his brilliant victory over the French fleet which opposed his pa.s.sage Edward marched upon Tournay. Its siege, however, proved fruitless, and, disappointed and money-less, he slipt back again to England and made his appearance unexpectedly one morning at the Tower(528) (30 Nov.).

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The king attributed the failure of the war to the remissness of his ministers in sending money and supplies. Scarcely had he landed before he sent for the chancellor, the treasurer, and other ministers who were in London, and not only dismissed them from office, but ordered them each into separate confinement. John de Pulteney was one of those made to feel the king's anger, and he was relegated to the castle of Somerton, but as soon as Edward's irritability had pa.s.sed off he and others obtained their freedom.(529) A searching enquiry was inst.i.tuted in the spring of the following year (1341) as to the way in which the king's revenues had been collected in the city. Objection was raised to the judges holding their session within the city and they sat at the Tower. Great tumult prevailed, and the citizens refused to answer any questions until the judges had formally acknowledged the City's liberties. A special fund was raised for the purpose of defending the City's rights.(530) From the 5th March to the 17th March the justices sat, and then an adjournment was made until the 16th April. On resumption of the session another adjournment immediately took place owing to parliament sitting at Westminster, and when the judges should have again sat, the Iter was suddenly determined by order of the king.(531) The king showed much annoyance at the att.i.tude taken up by the citizens, or at least by a certain portion of them, with respect to this enquiry, and endeavoured to procure the names of the ringleaders.(532) Failing in this, and not wis.h.i.+ng to make an enemy of the city on which he largely depended for resources to carry out his military measures, he bestowed a general pardon on the citizens, and promised that no Iter should be held at the Tower for a period of seven years.(533)

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As a further mark of favour he granted to the City, soon after the abrupt termination of the Iter, a charter confirming previous charters; allowing the citizens in express terms to vary customs that might in course of time have become incapable of being put into practice, and declaring the city's liberties not subject to forfeiture through non-user.(534)

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In August (1341) the citizens met to consider the question of levying a sum of 2,000, of which 2,000 marks was due to certain citizens in part payment of the 5,000 lent to the king, and 1,000 marks was required for the discharge of the city's own debts. A certain number of aldermen and commoners were at the same time appointed to confer with the king's council touching the sending of s.h.i.+ps of war beyond the seas. The result of the interview was made known to the citizens at a meeting held later on in the same month. A further grievous burden (_vehemens onus_) was to be laid upon them; they were called upon to provide no less than twenty-six s.h.i.+ps, fully equipped and victualled at their own cost.(535)

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The s.h.i.+ps were probably wanted for conveying forces over to Brittany under the command of Sir Walter de Maunay, in the following year. The king himself made an expedition to that country in October, 1342, having previously succeeded in borrowing the sum of 1,000 from the citizens. He had asked for 2,000, but was fain to be content with the lesser sum, security for repayment of which was demanded and granted.(536)

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In March, 1343, Edward returned to England, having made a truce with France for three years.(537) He was beginning to learn the value of the English longbow and the cloth-yard shaft in the field of battle. Hitherto he, like others before him, had placed too much reliance on charges by knights on horseback. What the longbow could effect, under proper management, had been experienced at Falkirk in 1298. It had proved a failure at Bannockburn in 1314 through bad strategy, but at Halidon Hill twenty years later (1333) it was again effective. It was destined soon to work a complete reform in English warfare; and the yeoman and archer were to supersede the n.o.ble and knight. The London burgess and apprentice were especially apt with the weapon from constant practice in Finsbury fields.

Edward realised the necessity of fostering the martial spirit of the Londoners, and on one occasion (January, 1344) invited the wives of the burgesses to witness a tournament at Windsor, where they were entertained right royally.(538)

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Before the expiration of the truce Edward was busy with preparations for a renewal of the war. Four hundred London archers were to be got ready by Midsummer of 1344, as the king was soon to cross the sea; and 100 men-at-arms and 200 hors.e.m.e.n were to be despatched to Portsmouth.(539) In 1345, a royal commission was issued for the seizure for the king's use of all vessels lying in the river.(540) A further contingent of 160 archers was ordered to Sandwich by Whitsuntide, and in August the city received another order for yet more archers.(541) In September, the king informed the mayor by letter that, owing to the defective state of his fleet and the prevalence of contrary winds, he had postponed setting sail for a short time; the civic authorities were to keep their men-at-arms and archers ready to set out the morrow after the receipt of orders to march.(542) Six months elapsed, during which the citizens were kept under arms waiting for orders, when, on the 18th March, 1346, another letter was sent by the king to the effect that he had now fully made up his mind to set sail from Portsmouth a fortnight after Easter. The men-at-arms, the hors.e.m.e.n, and the archers, were to be ready by a certain day on pain of losing life, limb, and property. On the 28th March, the archers mustered in "Totehull" or Tothill Fields, near Westminster.(543)

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The expedition did not actually sail from Portsmouth until the 10th July, the fleet numbering 1,000 vessels more or less.(544) Previous to his departure, Edward caused proclamation to be made in the city and elsewhere, to the effect that the a.s.sessments that had been made throughout the country for the purpose of equipping the expedition, should not be drawn into precedent.(545)

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On the 3rd August the regent forwarded to the city a copy of a letter he had received from the king, giving an account of his pa.s.sage to Normandy and of the capture of various towns, and among them of Caen. There he had discovered a doc.u.ment of no little importance. This was none other than an agreement made in 1338, whereby Normandy had bound itself to a.s.sist the king of France in his proposed invasion and conquest of England.(546) This doc.u.ment the king transmitted to England by the hands of the Earl of Huntingdon, who was returning invalided, and it was publicly read in St.

Paul's Churchyard, with the view of stirring the citizens to fresh exertions in prosecuting the war. The king's own letter was also publicly read in the Husting by the regent's order.(547) The City was exhorted to have in readiness a force to succour the king, if need be. Every effort was made to raise money, and the regent did not hesitate to resort to depreciation of the coinage of the realm in order to help his father. The City made a free gift to the king of 1,000 marks and lent him 2,000 more.(548)

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