Pliny's Epistles In Ten Books Part 1

Pliny's Epistles In Ten Books.

The Life of Pliny

by Mr. Henley Address'd to the Right Honourable the Lord Parker. My Lord, The Practice of setting the Life of an Author at the head of his Writings, is no less useful than it is prevailing; as it tends very much to improve and finish one of the n.o.blest Branches of History, to give us an Idea of the Writer in a single Draught, and to adjust the Sense and Merit of his Pieces.

But this is a Debt we particularly owe to the Character of P liny; as he abounds in every Grace and Talent that is requir'd to make up, or to adorn the Man, the Gentleman, the Roman, the Author, in every Scene, whether more publick, or disengag'd: And as in his Mind, his Conduct and Writings, he is a s.h.i.+ning Model of Worth and Honour, of Understanding and Politeness.

Caius Plinius Ccilius Secundus, or, the Younger, was born, according to Gruter, in the Year of Christ LXI. The Name of his Father was Ccilius: Both he, and Pliny the Elder, were called Veronensis, as we are told by Johannes Mansionarius; his particular Rank and Quality are uncertain. Indeed, the Race that bore that Name was n.o.ble, but originally Plebian; and a variety of distinct Families, with several Sir-Names, belong'd to it. The most conspicuous are those of the Metelli, and the Nigri, which we find are mark'd upon the ancient Denarii. That of our Author was doubtless of great Note and Antiquity: For he speaks himself of the Honour and Eminence of his Line, and of the successive Statues of his House, convey'd down to him, and preserv'd upon several Parts of his Estate. Indeed, his Uncle, C. Plinius Secundus, the Writer of the Natural History, (which he dedicated to t.i.tus Vespasian) ad his adoptive Father, whose Names and Fortunes he therefore shar'd, does not seem to be above the Equestrian Order; and what Tacitus reports of his Office of Procurator in Spain, which belong'd to that Rank, is a Proof of it. But yet our Pliny rose to the Dignity of Senator, and wore the Latus Clavus in view of it. The Place of his Nativity was Como, in the Neighbourhood of a colony filled by Julius Csar: He stiles it his Delight; and calls the Larian-Lake, that is near it, and is term'd Lago di Como, his own; besides other Pa.s.sages that confirm it in his Epistles.

We might, in the course of this Narrative, insert a train of Occurrences relating to himself and his Friends, according to the order of Time; but it will be more suitable to our Purpose, and to the Subject, to cut off the greatest part of them, and take in only the princ.i.p.al Events and Circ.u.mstances, that cleave immediately to his own History.

At the Age of Fourteen he wrote a Greek Tragedy, while he was subject to the Care of his Domestick Tutors, and not yet mature enough in Years, according to the Roman Method of Education at that Time, to enter the Schools of Rhetorick. That happen'd when he a.s.sum'd the Toga Virilis, in the Year following, and became an Auditor of Quintilian and Nicetes. He pursu'd his Studies at Rome; and Voconius Roma.n.u.s, and Roma.n.u.s Firmus were his most intimate Partners in the prosecution of them.

He ascribes likewise a great part of his Proficiency to others, as Corellius Rufus, Hispulla, and Arulenus Rusticus. And after, when his Friend Helvidius Priscus, and the Philosophers were expell'd the City by Vespasian, for their insolent Language against him; it was thought, that he followed the Fortunes of some of them, as Artemidorus and Euphrates in Syria.

It was a natural Effect of his growing Reputation; that, in his early Years he was chosen the Patron of Tifernum Tiberinum, a Town so called from its Situation near the River Tyber, (now Citta di Castello;) soon after which happen'd the death of his Uncle, by an uncommon Irruption of Mount Vesuvio, one of the greatest publick Disasters that befel the Reign of t.i.tus. He was then at Misenum, discharging his Command at Sea, and led by his Curiosity in the Knowledge of Nature to make the nearest Enquiry into the Causes of it, was suffocated by a drift of Smoak and Ashes. The Conflagration of the Mountain lasted several Days; it begun about Autumn, and was attended by frequent Earthquakes. All the Neighbourhood was alarm'd with the utmost Terror by it; but our Pliny, that accompany'd his Uncle, during this Incident at Sea, expres'd a peculiar firmness of Mind in it: He pursu'd his darling Studies with his usual Ease and Application, and gave no Marks of Fear, either in Voice or Appearance.

At the Age of Nineteen he began to plead in the Forum, after the Apotheosis of t.i.tus. When the College of the Sodales Flaviales was form'd, in Honour of the deceas'd Emperor (like that mention'd by Suetonius, of the Augustales; or those, in several Inscriptions, of the Antoniniani, the Hadria.n.a.les, the Commodiani, &c. ) it was the first Dignity of Pliny, the being taken into the Number of them. This we are told by the Inscription of a Stone in the Comasco (his native Country) towards the close of it. For these Marble Monuments begin commonly with the highest and last Honours of great Men, and conclude with the smallest and first in order of Time. He is styl'd in the same a Decemvir, so that his bearing that Office likewise must be referr'd to this Period.

A Year after he was rais'd to be a Military Tribune of the third Gallic Legion, in the Reign of Domitian; for he was grac'd with no publick Honour till after the death of t.i.tus: This we learn from the same Monument. At that time the Discipline and Manners of the Soldiery were very loose and remiss. He serv'd in Syria under Attilius Rufus, a Consular Man; and his Legion was encamp'd in Phoenicia, then a Part of Syria. Some of his intimate Companions in the Army were afterwards Men of Distinction, as Calestrius Tyro, Claudius Pollio, Nymphidius Lupus &c. He pursu'd on this Occasion a close Acquaintance with the Philosophers, Euphrates and Artemidorus.

It would be endless to dwell upon the several Variations of Chronology in many Parts of his Story: How long, for Instance, he serv'd in Spain, is uncertain. There was no Law to confine the Senatorian, or Equestrian Offices to a number of Years: He continu'd in the Post of Military Tribune no more than two or three Years at the farthest: He tells us indeed of a Tribunes.h.i.+p that lasted no longer than half a Year, Lib IV. Epist. IV. And this is apply'd by many learned Men to that of the People. But since it is desir'd there by Pliny of Sosius (probably Senecio) in favour of C. Calvisius, as if he had the Power of conferring it, it must be the Military Charge of that Name; given by the Commanding Officers, which cannot be said of the Tribunes.h.i.+p of the People. This Senecio had the Honour of a particular Friends.h.i.+p with Trajan. However, what he writes of his Familiarity with the two Philosophers above mentioned, is a Proof that he was in this Function above half a Year.

After this Expedition, he made a Return to Rome, but was sometime detained by adverse Winds in the Island of Icaria, and compos'd some Latin Elegies on the Place and Occasion. He attended the Court as a Spectator, before he enter'd the Senate: Soon after he marry'd, still under Domitian, and in his (as he calls it) melancholy Reign, had two Wives. He undertook, with some Apprehension, the Cause of Julius Pastor, against the Friends of the Emperor, though before he had maintain'd a Cause in Opposition to the Friends of t.i.tus, undaunted. He was never in the Army, after that single Service we spoke of above, for it was not the Usage for Youths of a n.o.ble or Senatorian Rank, to go thro' the common Stages of War, the Cohort, the Wing, and the Office of Tribune.

After his Return, we find in the Inscriptions aforesaid, that he is styl'd Sevir Equit. Roman. (vid. Ezech. Spanheim) By Law, he was not qualified to be City Qustor (which was the first Degree in the Senate, and an annual Employ) till the Age of Twenty Six. He was Candidate for that Post in the ensuing Year, and obtain'd it, by the a.s.sistance and Votes of several Friends who were Men of Fortune and Character in the City. He was Qustor of Domitian himself, and Calestrius Tyro was his Collegue; Domitian was then the thirteenth Year consul. A Year after, Tyro was Tribune of the People; and towards the Conclusion of it, Pliny was advanced to the same Employment. During his stay in it, he forbore to plead. He has left us a Description of it in his Epistles, and the Senate gave an Approbation to his Management of it, by several publick Memorials.

He was then appointed to be Advocate of the Province Btica in Spain, together with Herennius Senecio, by the Senate; against Bebius Ma.s.sa: In this Action Ma.s.sa was condemned. At the desire of Rusticus, he likewise pleaded for Arionilla, and was raised to be Prtor of the City, when the Philosophers were again expelled by Domitian, whose Death was Prophesy'd by Apollonius Tyra.n.u.s, at Ephesus about the same Time. While he was Prtor, he celebrated as usual, the Ludi Apollinares, and the Senate repeated their Applause of his Care and Skill in the Execution of his Trust, by publick Monuments.

Had the Life of Domitian been extended beyond the Ninety sixth Year of Christ, Pliny would have been brought to the Bar, in an Accusation by him; for a Bill drawn up against him was found in his Cabinet, which might have prov'd of dangerous Consequence. After the Prtors.h.i.+p he courted no Honours, 'til the Death of that Emperor, but was rather timorous of appearing in Publick, and lay concealed: About the same Juncture, Martial gave himself the Credit to make him a Theme to his Muse. But in the opening of the Reign of Nerva, the Successor of Domitian, who join'd together the most disagreeable Things, lately at variance, Liberty and Sovereignty, when every Man pursu'd and crush'd his Enemies, according to his own private Will and Power, he thought it the fairest Province to quell the Guilty, and revenge the Wretched. Accordingly he accused Publicius Certus, first in the Treasury, and design'd Consul, for laying Violent Hands in the Senate, upon Helvidius Priscus the Younger, who was kill'd by Domitian; and tho' Nerva did not refer the Cause of Certus to the Senate, yet Pliny carry'd his Affair. For the Consulate was given to his Colleague in the Treasury; and another was put to succeed him in that Branch of the Government. This Action he collected after and Publish'd under the t.i.tle of Libri de Helvidij Ultione.

This was soon follow'd by the Decease of his Wife, and his Friend, Corellius Rufus; as also by a Misfortune of Virginius Rufus, now the third Time Consul with Nerva; who,preparing to give publick Thanks to the Emperor in his Consuls.h.i.+p, broke his Hip by an Accidental Fall, and dy'd on the ill setting of it. But during the Indisposition that was caus'd by it; in Fear to be chosen by the Senate, one of the Quinqueviri for reducing the publick Charges, he excused himself by Pliny: Our Author pet.i.tioned Nerva to call Voconius Roma.n.u.s into the Senate; but this was deferred to the Reign of Trajan, and to grant him the Liberty of removing the Statues of his Ancestors from the Tuscan Fields, to Tifernum, and adding his own to the Number. This Indulgence was allow'd him, and Pliny wrote to the Decurions to a.s.sign the Ground that was proper for that Purpose. It may suffice here, once for all, to remark, That the Epistles are very much transpos'd with regard to the Series of Time; none being, for Example, of higher Antiquity, than the first of the Second Book.

Pliny was seiz'd with a Distemper, a little before the Sickness and Death of Nerva; which disappointed a Design he had laid of retiring for some Time to his more remote Estate: Trajan succeeded that Prince; and Pliny paid his Compliment of Congratulation to him on that Subject. He likewise demanded, gain'd, and acknowledg'd to him the Jus trium liberorum, in Behalf of Voconius L. X. Ep. II. He had not yet entered into his third year Marriage; Trajan set him over the Treasury of Saturn, and offered him and Tertullus the consuls.h.i.+p; Pliny complain'd of the Fatigue of that Office, that it broke his Studies, and diverted him from hearing the Philosophers. Then we find him styl'd in Inscriptions, Prfect of the Military Treasury, or Pay-Master General; and Place that was inst.i.tuted by Augustus, but it is not mention'd by himself, nor does it then appear to be distinct from the other. Next, after a lavish Experience of the Favour of Trajan, he desired him to call Voconius Roma.n.u.s into the Senate, since the former Obstacle to it was now clear'd by his Mother's legal Performance of some Articles, that could not be satisfied before, under Nerva. He recommends, likewise Priscus a commanding Officer, for Tribune; that so he might advance to the Dignity of Qustor, and rise by that Step to a Place among the Fathers.

Another Request he put up to Trajan, was to confer the Freedom of the City upon Harpocrates, a Physitian, whom he consulted the Year following in a very severe Fit of Illness; as likewise for the Jus Quiritium to the Freed Men of Antonio Maximilla, a Lady of his Acquaintance. Both these were readily granted, Pliny receiv'd them with a grateful Acknowledgment, and at the same time, with a desire of fresh Favours to Harpocrates. This occasioned a new Correspondence between him and his Imperial Master. We are convinc'd by it, that he takes every possible Opportunity of recounting and praising the lowest of his Actions; and after a Complaint in one Epistle of the Obstruction he found in building his Tuscan Temple, he begs his Leave to erect his Statue in it.

Then, after his Journey into Tuscany, The Emba.s.sadors of Btica desired him of the Senate, as Patron of that Province, in a Cause that was set on Foot against Ccilius Cla.s.sicus, the Pro-Consul; but on the Excuse of his Collegues, it was decreed in Favour of their Pet.i.tion, if they could get the Consent of Pliny: This occasioned a Letter from Octavius Rufus, perswading him to be neutral, if he would not appear for Cla.s.sicus; and his Answer Ep. VII. L. I.

On his Return from Tuscany, when the Province of Afric desired his Patronage against Marius Priscus, he gain'd the Authority of the Senate for it. They were the more easily disposed to it, because in his Prfecture of the Treasury, he relinquish'd the Bar, to pay a more leisurely Attendance to his Office: This Provincial Cause, with that of Btica, he defended with Cornelius Tacitus, and the Emperor presided in the Hearing of them. In the latter he took a particular Care, and was crown'd with the Approbation of the Senate for it. On his Advance to the Consulate with Cornutus Tertullus, he performed the usual Function of a Panegyrick to the Prince, in the Name of the Common-wealth, and of the two Consuls: This was done in September, in the Year of Christ, 100, and of his Age 39. In the Senate, it was delivered more concisely, as the Place, Time, and Custom demanded; but publish'd in his Book more at large, which he sent to be Corrected by Roma.n.u.s, and recited three Days to his Friends before the Publication.

His Qustor in the Consuls.h.i.+p was Rosia.n.u.s Geminus; the Time of it was attended by the Death of Silius Italicus, and soon after of Martial. When that Year was elaps'd, he made a Retreat to Tuscany, and from thence to his Native Country; he built his design'd Temple at his private Expence in Tifernum, and in an Epistle speaks of the Irreligion of delaying the Consecration of it. He purchased a Corinthian Statue to adorn it; it was Sacred to Jove: He was also made about this Time, a Curator of the milian Way, and of the Tyber, and was distinguished with the Office of Augur.

During his Retirement at Como, upon an Information that the Youth of that City, were obliged to Study at Padua, in the Want of Masters residing there; he advised their Fathers to erect a publick School, and promis'd to furnish a third Part of the Stipend and Charge of the Foundation. After this, on another Visit to Rome, and a short stay at Tusculanum; He desired the Favour of Tacitus to overlook the Masters and his new Establishment; and a.s.sisted in Council with Trajan, on the Subject of a publick Game or Prize, that was play'd among the Viennois, on the last Will of a Person deceased; the Continuance of which was then disputed.

He sustain'd the Cause of Julius Ba.s.sus, the Bithynian Pro-Consul, against Pomponius Rufus, and Herennius Pollio; the Advocates of the Bithynian Party, congratulated Trajan on the Success of his Dacian Expedition; and when Rufus Varenus (conjectur'd to be the same with Pomponius Rufus, above-mentioned) was set over Bithynia, in the Place of Servilius Calvus, and accused by his People; he was likewise defended by our Author, who himself was Pro-Consul of that Part of the Empire, after Anicius Maximus.

He was frequently employ'd in Council by Trajan; and when he succeeded Julius Frontinus in the Augurate, Arria.n.u.s congratulated him upon it, which occasion'd an Epistle to him. His t.i.tle in the Bithynian Government was that of Legatus Proprtor consulari Potestate; and there was this Difference between his Post, and that of Proconsul, strictly so call'd, that the latter was ever obliged to consult the Senate in dubious Affairs, as a Provincial Officer to them and to the People: But Pliny was confin'd to refer them to the Emperor; for Bythinia was his Province, exchang'd with the Senate for Pamphylia. He had also the command of Pontus and the Byzantii; and was succeeded by Clius Clemens. Here he solemnly kept the Days of the Birth and Inauguration of Trajan, he put up votive Prayers for his Safety, in conjunction with the People, and submitted every step of his Measures to his Judgment. Several of his Epistles turn upon the Affairs of Bithynia, where a Persecution arose against the Christians, while he was Pro-Consul; about which Time, Trajan made a second Expedition against the Dacians. Then Pliny, on his Return to Italy, went to Alsia, to a Country-Seat belonging to Pompeia Celerina, his near Relation, and formerly in the Possession of Rufus Virginius: He found here with Grief and Anger, that he dy'd ten Years before, and lay buried without the least Epitaph or Inscription. The Year of the death of Pliny himself, is uncertain; the entire Chronology of his Life reaches to the 106th Year of Christ, and of his Age the 45th, as far as the Traces of it are evident; the rest is Conjecture. More might be offered on his Retirements, Poetical Works, and the just Order and Publication of his Epistle; but this would swell our Account beyond the proper Limits we intend, and would at last, turn more upon Imagination, than Reality.

Some Particular Notice is due to the Inscriptions that relate to him. One is extant on the Sh.e.l.l of the largest Temple at Como; another at Fegium in the Milanese, on an ancient Roman Building which is half destroy'd; another of the Citizens of Como to his Honour; another in the Church of St. Ambrose at Milan &c. Let the first at large suffice, as a Taste of them, tho' the shortest.

C. PLINIO L.F.O.V.F. CCILIO SECUNDO COS. AUG. CURAT. TIBER.

These Inscriptions are silent on his Office of Curator of the milian Way; nor does he mention the Honours that are recounted in those Inscriptions. It is Remarkable, That Cornutus shar'd with him in most of them; and that in one of these Monuments we find the mention of a Library which he founded at Como, for the Benefit of his School there.

Nor may it be improper to look a while into the Suffrage that is given unto him, by the greatest Hands, Ancient and Modern. Quintilius applauds his Elegance, Macrobius his florid Vein, Martial his eloquence, Sobriety, and studious Life; Sidonius Apollinaris extols his Judgment, Delicacy and Exactness: He professes to make him the Standard of his Writing, and tells us, That he acquir'd a brighter Name by his Oration in defence of Attia Variola, (on which Pliny himself sets an uncommon Value; and a.s.sures us, it was back'd by the Opinion of his Friends) than by his P anegyrick. Just so the same Sidonius prefers the Oration of Tully for Cluentius to all others, not for the acuteness and flower of Speaking, but the difficulty of Invention, in a Cause that was hard, and of a narrower Compa.s.s. On the other hand, Baudius gives the Prize to the Panegyrick; Ca.s.siodorus speaks of him as a renowned Orator and Historian. Erasmus celebrates the Propriety, Smartness, Nicety, Refinement, Grace and Familiarity of his Letters: The Art, Wit and Life, and at the same time the natural and unlabour'd Ease of his Style. By Vives we are inform'd, That few antient Epistles are left of Plato and Demosthenes; that many of Tully's are lost, tho' many indeed are preserv'd, famous for Language and Judgment in Affairs, publick and private; that Seneca's are fill'd with Philosophy; and those of Tully, on publick Matters, are the most excellent. but that the Letters of Pliny are better adapted to common Use; that he is sententious, learned, sharp, sprightly, and a very fit Pattern for a Correspondence between Scholars, where more of Ornament and Seasoning is required, than of Things.

This might be enlarg'd to a great Variety, but a Specimen only can be here propos'd.

It will not be amiss, at the Foot of this Narration, to take a short Review of some considerable Pa.s.sages, if any Fact of Circ.u.mstance may have escap'd us, to give it an after-Place in the Conclusion, and mingle a few incidental Remarks with them.

We find, That while he was very young, Fate depriv'd him of his Father. This cast the Oversight of his Education upon his Uncle, who was so extreamly pleas'd with the dawn of his Merit, that he made him his adoptive Son and Heir. In Rhetorick he was bred up under Quintilian, and conform'd very much to his Model, as appears by his running so often thro' the Decads of Livy; an Author always admir'd by Quintilian, and recommended in his Inst.i.tutions.

Under Nicetes the Priest, he carried on his Philosophick Studies, and was sent to finish his Acquirements by Travel into Syria, then (like Egypt formerly) a princ.i.p.al Seat and Nursery of Learning. Euphrates of that Country (whose Character he draws to Advantage in his Epistles) directed his Studies; and it is not unlikely that he gave him the first Motive to fix in Rome.

At Eighteen he succeeds his Uncle in Name and Estate; who also left him a valuable Legacy of 160 Volumes of his Works, fill'd up on the very Margin and Covers, with his own hand Writing. Plinius Major was a laborious Man, and ever exhorting his Nephew to pursue the same Conduct, to that degree, that he gave him a Rebuke one Day, for walking. So that probably the first Platform of his future Industry and Application was laid in an habitual Care to oblige him. An Instance of it we meet at Micene, when his Uncle took his last Voyage to observe upon Vesuvius, and ask'd his Company; he reply'd, That his Books were his leading Pleasure. In Writing and Reading he was very a.s.siduous, and even in Hunting, or on a Journey, would dictate on Horseback to his Amanuensis.

After his Resolution to build his Fortunes at Rome, his chief Employ was in Study and Retirement; his Reputation grew up daily: After some efforts in Poesy, he apply'd to the Civil Law, and was retain'd in most Causes of Moment. When Marius Priscus was accus'd of Bribery and Extortion, he was so vehement in the Action, that the Emperor commanded his attending Freed-Man to check his Eagerness, in fear of hurt to him; with humble Thanks for the Caution, he still proceeds, and the issue of the Cause, was the perpetual Banishment of the Criminal.

Trajan apprehending a Shock to the Empire from the Christian Religion, dispers'd an Order for the suppressing of it. Pliny was so Impartial as to state the Cause to him in a fair Light; and to inform him that all he found particular in it, was, That the Professors of it a.s.sembled before Day in devotion to Christ, bound themselves by a Sacrament not to commit a Crime, or to violate the Laws, and quietly departed. On this Account he check'd the Persecution, and allow'd them a fair Tryal; and yet this Emperor was ever jealous of the growth of Faction, a Sect, or Party; for when Pliny ask'd a Charter for a Corporation of Mechanicks at Nicomedia, he refused it, alledging the p.r.o.neness of those Societies to Faction. But he indulg'd the utmost Favours to Pliny on the score of his Desert and Loyalty; gave the Freedom of Rome by Chrysippus, and other Aliens, at his Instance; as also the Privilege and Name of Gentlemen to the Children of Antonia &c. the Prtors.h.i.+p to Sura, and many Offices to Voconius.

He oblig'd his Friends with the utmost Generosity, and lov'd to cherish and mature a rising Merit, in a conspicuous young Man. He settled a handsom Salary on Caninius Rufus, and confer'd a Pension on Martial in the Country. Besides other Presents of Value, he gave a Military Employ to Metilius Crispus, and 50000 Sesterces as a Portion to the Daughter of Quintilian. All Persons of an eminent Character were favour'd by him; as Suetonius, Tacitus, Silius Italicus; with Pomponius Saturninus, Arria.n.u.s, and other Civilians, &c. It was his first Delight to let them into his nearest Friends.h.i.+p and Conversation.

As to his Fair Partners in the Conjugal State, History is very sparing about them. His second Wife was Calphurnia, of good Fortune and Extraction; she was Mistress of his Heart; we have two Epistles extant to her; but the World was not bless'd with any of his Offspring. His desire however of reaching Posterity in his Fame, was something gratify'd by the Pen of Martial and Tacitus. His Recess was frequent to his Laurentine and Tuscan Villas: After he resign'd his Command in Pontus, we meet no farther Hint of him; it is probable that he dy'd soon after Trajan, according to Eusebius, in the Year of Christ 119. For he that is related to die in the twelfth Year of that Prince, was Pliny the Elder.

The Remarks which arise upon his Epistles are so obvious, that it is needless to be very formal about them: and it is partly antic.i.p.ated in the Head of others that attest his Character. Indeed they set themselves to View in the strongest Light; so that a minute detail of them before, would only prevent and lessen the agreeable Surprize of the Reader. However, it will be expected that we should offer some Notice of them: Each of them is, in its kind, a compleat Work, single, uniform, and a Pattern to all future Writings of the same Nature. It carries an air of Undesign, and yet goes on in a Plan that is regular, however it appears to be unconcerted, and a Chain of Thought preserving the loose, easy Matter that fits so well on Epistolary Writings. All of them give a lively Insight into the learned, genteel, polite, busie and familiar Life: the Thoughts are proper and natural; they enter into the Pa.s.sions proper to be rais'd on each Subject, whether Joy or Sorrow, Hope or Fear, Love or Aversion; and express them on all the Points of Friends.h.i.+p and Intelligence, with a Sense, a Concern, an Interest in the Point, a beautiful Sympathy, or gaiety of Heart; a variety of Impression that moves the Pa.s.sions of the Reader, and perswades him, that every Part is inform'd with the Soul of the Writer. An uncommon Turn is lent to the most common Pa.s.sages, and many Sentiments less usual, very often arise. What is apt to touch or strike the Mind or the Fancy, on the Stage of the World, is finely represented; the Expression is clear, choice, careful, tho' seemingly negligent; polish'd, concise, various and musical; well judg'd and weigh'd, without the Appearance of it. In short, the whole is justly, tho' readily design'd, and masterly executed. If there be any Defect, it is now and then a little Obscurity, and perhaps a declension of Style, tho' scarce sensible, from the Standard of the Augustan Age. I might, on this Occasion, launch into the History and Critique of Epistle, and the Rules and Writers of it, ancient and modern. But that is too large a Field at present, and out of my Limits. It would be indeed superfluous, when Pliny himself is offer'd as the Rule and Master; if he be well study'd and imitated, it will be sufficient, in a good Measure; tho' others may have their turn. And it would be an ill Complement to his Ashes, if I should run here into the smallest Track of Thinking, that is not the most respectful to our great Original.

As to his Personal Character, his Works afford the best Idea of it. He possess'd the Height of good Understanding, Honour, Conduct, and Humanity. He felt the Joys and Pains, the Disquiet and Satisfaction of his Friends in every Occurrence; was a Patron to the deserving, a Support to the Feeble, a Relief to the Wretched, and a general Benefactor to Mankind; a firm Patriot, an indulgent Friend, a delicate Companion, a successful Pleader, a s.h.i.+ning Statesman, an able Manager; a Lover of Study and Letters, of Probity and Virtue, Free-thinking, and publick Spirit. It was an Honour to him, that he was not so well relished by Domitian, but a Favourite of Trajan; who reviv'd the Roman Arms and Greatness, and bore her Eagles beyond the Extent of any that went before him.

He was extreamly correct in his Writings; review'd, p.r.o.nounc'd them distinctly, and adjusted the sound of them again by the Voice of others: Imparted them at first to a few, and after, to all his select Acquaintance; and laid the Amendments a-fresh before the best Judges amongst them: Then rehears'd them in a full a.s.sembly, read them to his Visitants, and put the finis.h.i.+ng Hand to them. He could rise or fall, cast a Light or a Shade where he pleas'd; and could maintain or vary his Style without the Extreams, either of Flatness or Affectation, and by turns would follow either Tully or Demosthenes. He was ever thankful of a Reproof, and ready to retract an Error. He was remarkably sober and abstemious. Martial applauds him for that, and his studious Life, in some Lines addrest to him at his House on the Esquilian Mount. But his Books, like his Friends, were few and well chosen: He had often the complaisance to quit the one, in order to entertain the other; but was more shy and tender in the Choice, than in the Continuance of the latter. Was averse to Ceremony, true to his Word, even angry at the request of a Favour, because he took a delight in bestowing it freely and unask'd: had a great fort.i.tude of Mind, tho' he was seldom put upon the exerting of it. Was far more severe on himself than others; easy to forgive, and of an unbya.s.s'd Integrity; not Censorious, but more inclin'd to spare the bold, than the wary Writer; so that it was a frequent Observation with him, that a Slip below was more unpardonable than a Fall above; and that to have no Fault, might be the Greatest. He excus'd his Inclination to Poetry by the Example of eminent Romans; design'd an Historical Work, but did not perform it; there is a small Tract, Of Man famous for Civil and Military Government that is ascrib'd to him; and has also been father'd upon Cornelius Nepos, but is concluded by Vossius &c. to belong to Aurelius Victor. To enlarge farther on this Head, would be Repet.i.tion, or a lessening to the Flavour of his Epistles: His Behaviour in all the Relations, Affairs and Characters of Life, was Just and Graceful, and the Esteem and Love that was paid to him, was great and universal.

After this, a research into his Works, Ma.n.u.script and Printed, may be thought and Office too dry and mechanical; but some Account of them will not be incommodious. Oxford affords three of the clearest and best MSS. of them, in the Opinion of good Judges; two in the Bodleian Library, one of which is of Vellum, the other of Paper, mark'd and inscrib'd very much by the Hand of Laurentius Valla, who was the most diligent upon this Author, of any other. Another of Paper, in the Library of Lincoln College. There is one in Corpus-Christi College in Oxford, mention'd by Vossius. The Westminster MS. was burnt in the Fire of London. There was another in the Hands of Rodolphus Agricola, given us in part by Sichardus, a Palatine MS. us'd by Gruter; some others preserv'd in Fragments by Modius; one of Paris, procur'd for Aldus by Aloisius Mocenicus, not to insist on others. But those of Aldus, Stepha.n.u.s and Cataneus, are ent.i.tled also to a leading Value. The first Edition of Pliny was put out by Beroaldus at Bononia, Anno 1598. and there is one of Stepha.n.u.s in the Bodleian Library, with the Panegyrick remark'd by the Hand of Joseph Scaliger. Farther it is not requisite to advance on this Topick.

But there is some Variation in them; the viiith and xth Book of the Epistles, with the Panegyrick, are wanting in the Oxford MSS. In those of the Time of Sidonius, only nine Books appeared; as also in those us'd by Beroaldus, and the first Editors. No more than eight Books were known to Mansionarius. The tenth was convey'd by Peter Leander from France to Italy, and first published by Hieronymus Avantius of Verona, Anno 1502. probably taken from the Parisian MS. of Aldus. His Conjecture is nut just, that this Book was written in the Time of our Author; for it is most likely that it was published by a Friend, or, according to Custom, by his Freed-Man, after his Decease; as Tyro digested and put out the Epistles of Tully; and Phlegon Trallia.n.u.s discharg'd the like Office to Adrian. But that it was the genuine Work of Pliny, is proved by the Epistles relating to the Christians, known before Sidonius, and mention'd by Tertullian, Orosius and Sulpitius Severus. His last seen to be those from Pontus to Trajan.

His Writings have been much enlighten'd by the Criticisms of Lipsius, Livineius, Rittershusius, Is. Casaubon, Fred Gronovius, Lat. Latinius, Casp. Barthius, Schefferus, Cellarius, &c.

The princ.i.p.al Lights that are serviceable in the Chronology, History, and Life of him, are fetch'd from that of Ma.s.son, prefix'd to the Oxford Edition, Dodwell, Ursinus, Augustinus, and Streinius de Gent. & Fam. Rom. Tacitus, Martia, Suetonius, Paterculus, Am. Marcellinus, Dio; from Onuphr. Panvinius's Com. in Fast. Jos. Scaliger's Animadv. ad Eus. Chron. Gruter, Tillemont's Hist. des Emp. Pagi's Crit. in Ann. Baron. Petavius ad Her. Epiph. Spanheim, de Prst. & usu Numism. Noris de Epochis Syromac. Fabretti de Col. Traj. The Medallists, as Vaillaintius, &c. besides all that are already mentioned, and a Train of others, whom it would be too tedious to enumerate.

But it is a Debt of Honour we owe to two modern Writers eminent in Merit and Esteem, to add here there Opinions of our Author, and a just Criticism on a few Pa.s.sages in his Works.

He is rank'd by one, among the Polite Latin Authors, who wrote at the Time when Rome was in its Glory; is styl'd by him one of the greatest and most learned Men in the whole Roman Empire; the first Lawyer of the Age he liv'd in, as well as one of the finest Gentlemen.

The Pa.s.sages in him, which he points out, as beautifully turn'd, are the Compliment he so often pays to his Emperor, upon the brightness and splendour of his Age: He observes, aThat he speaks with a certain n.o.ble Vanity of it; and when he would animate him to any thing Great, or disswade him from any thing that was Improper, he insinuates, that it is befitting or unbecoming (the Claritas and Nitor Seculi) that period of Time, which was made Ill.u.s.trious by his Reigna. He raises the highest Notion of Conjugal Tenderness from three of his Letters, is asham'd that he is oblig'd to have recourse to a Heathen Author on that Subject; and appeals to his Readers, if they would not think it a Mark of a narrow Education in a Man of Quality to write such pa.s.sionate Letters to any Woman but a Mistress.

He takes Notice, That they were all three written to his Wife Calphurnia, on her Indisposition and Absence, and produces the Originals. Another is to his Wife's Aunt, Hispulla, which he calls one of the most agreeable Family-Pieces he ever met with: He believes the Reader will be of his Opinion, that Conjugal Love is drawn in it with the greatest Delicacy. He reflects in another Place, aThat Pliny, in several of his Epistles, is very sollicitous in recommending to the Publick some young Men of his own Profession; and very often undertakes to become an Advocate, upon Condition, that some one of these his Favourites might be join'd with him, in order to produce the Merit of such, whose Modesty otherwise would have suppress'd ita. And farther, aThat it may seem very marvellous to a sawcy Modern, that Multum sanguinis, multum verecundi, multum sollicit udinis in ore, To have the Face first full of Blood, then the Countenance dash'd with Modesty, and then the whole Aspect as of one dying with Fear, when a Man begins to speak, should be esteem'd by Pliny the necessary Qualification of a fine Speakera.

The other is the Sentiment of one, whose Judgment on this Head will not be question'd, however his way of thinking has been constru'd and represented in Affairs of a different Nature: He tells us, aThat for what we call a happy Turn, delicacy of Expression, and speaking only to the Business in Hand, no Modern comes near to Pliny; no more than in the Variety of his Subjects, such as Intrigues of State, Points of Literature and History, Questions in Natural Philosophy, Rural Pleasures, the Concerns of his Friends, and some Trifles which he renders important.a With Regard to the present Version, as it is done by a Variety of Hands, it may be thought not to keep up the Race and Genius of Pliny, so equally, as if perfected by any one Master of him: But this Objection does not always hold, especially in Miscellaneous Writings. We are, however, ent.i.tled to a more than ordinary Allowance; for, besides the common difficulties and Rules of a Translation, many are particular to this Author, arising from the Terms, Language, and Customs peculiarly reigning or observ'd in his Time, (which cannot be compleatly match'd in a different Tongue) or a little Darkness that now and then attends his Expression.

Each Hand is to answer for the Part that belongs to him, and no single Person is concern'd in the Work of another, or in the Design, or Discharge of the whole. The Attempt itself is laudable, and the harder it may be alledg'd to be, it has a Right to the greater Countenance and Encouragement, in order to produce a Better. But it is easier far to censure, than to make a Translation of a Cla.s.sic; and tho' the Gentlemen concerned in the Undertaking, have acquitted themselves so, as not to want the Mercy of a Reader; yet, as to the large Share that I have born in it, I own, it is my Duty to appeal from the Justice, to the Equity and Candour of the learned, ingenious, and polite World.

Especially, as I would follow the most sincere Dictates of my Heart, in aspiring to your Lords.h.i.+p's peculiar Approbation, I beg your Indulgence to this Attempt. In You, my Lord, the worthy Man, and the accomplish'd n.o.bleman are united: And as our Pliny was one of the greatest Patrons of his Age to the Roman Youth, that endeavour'd to merit the Public Esteem, I would humbly annex to his Life, the same Character in your Lords.h.i.+p; and in a particular manner, would take leave to rely on your Protection from the most prevailing Faction in this Island, the Dull and the Malicious. I am, My Lord, Your Lords.h.i.+p's most Dutiful and Obedient Humble Servant, J. Henley.

Pliny -- Epistles -- 1723

Pliny's Epistles Book I

Epistle I. C. Plinius Secundus to his Beloved Sept.i.tius.

by Mr. Pelham He Dedicates his Epistles to Him. You have often advised me to collect and publish, such of my Letters, as were the least negligently Written. I have done it, but have placed them as they came next to Hand, without observing the order of Time in which they were written, not thinking my self obliged, in that Respect, to the strictness of an Historian. I only wish, You may not repent of your Advice, nor I of my Compliance; which may encourage me to enquire after such other of them, as yet lie scattered about, and not to suppress such as I may have occasion to write hereafter.

Farewel.

Epistle II. To Arria.n.u.s.

by the Same. [Mr. Pelham] He sends an Oration of his, which he says was written in imitation of Demosthenes, desiring him to correct it, and to give him his Advice as to the Publis.h.i.+ng of it. Since I find you have deferred your coming, I send you the piece, which I formerly promised you, and beg of you to Correct it with your usual Faithfulness. And the rather, because it is the first thing I have written in that Spirit: For I had it in my View to imitate the accurate Demosthenes, who has long been your Delight, and who lately is become mine. But when I speak of imitating him, I mean it only as to the Stile, for the Force and Energy of such a Man is not to be attained to, but by those whom Heaven has equally befriended. Nor was my Subject, which required little else besides earnestness and vehemence in Pleading, at all unfit for such an Emulation (Pardon that presumptuous Word) but rather Favourable to it, as it roused me from a long indulged Idleness, and stirred up all my latent fire; if I do not flatter my self in thinking, there was a Spark yet left in me. Neither have I entirely avoided, the gayer Colourings of my Master Cicero, nor scrupled, to enliven the Subject by a Digression, whenever it did not lead me too far out of the way. For I endeavoured to write closely but without stiffness. But do not imagine that I desire your indulgence upon this Account: On the contrary, to make you more intent upon your Corrections, I own to you that my Friends and I, have no Aversion to the Publis.h.i.+ng this Piece, if by the Addition of your Vote, we can make our Folly the more Excusable. And, indeed, I look upon my self as obliged to Publish something, and my Laziness would fain persuade me, to let it be this, which is ready. I think my self obliged to do it, upon several Accounts, but especially, because my former Writings are still asked for, (tho' they have, long since, lost the Charm of Novelty) unless the Booksellers tell me so, only out of Flattery: But let them flatter, if they will, provided their Fallacies make me the fonder of my Studies.

Farewel.

Epistle III. To Caninius Rufus.

by Mr. Toland. Upon a Country-Seat. How fares Comum, my Delight and yours? That country-Seat, so exceeding lovely? That Gallery, where it is always Spring? That most shady Grove of Plane-Trees? That Ca.n.a.l, so green, and clear as a Diamond? The Lake hard by, which seems designed for a Reservatory to supply it? Those firm, and yet easy Walks? That Bath, which never wants the Sun in his Round? Those large Dining-Rooms for Company, and those lesser Withdrawing-Rooms for a few Friends? How goes it with the Drinking-Rooms? How with those Bed-Chambers for Night, and those Anti-Chambers for Day? Do these possess and share you by Turns? Or, are you hindered (as you were wont) with frequent Excursions abroad, by an over-earnest Desire of increasing your Estate? If these possess you, then are you easy and happy; but if they do not, you are only One of many that admire them. Why do you not rather (for it is high Time) commit those low and sordid Cares to others, and apply your self to Books, in that quiet and plentiful Retreat? Let this be your Business and Leisure, your Labour and Recreation: Let Studies employ your Thoughts by Day, and be the Subject of your Dreams by Night. Invent, and finish something, that may be perpetually yours; for the rest of your Possessions will, after your Death, successively fall to the Share of many Owners; but if this once begins, it can never cease to be yours. I know how great a Soul, and how fine a Genius I exhort. Do you only endeavour to have as good an Opinion of your self, as others must need entertain of you, if once you are conscious of your own Worth. Farewel.

Epistle IV. To Pompeia Clerina, his Wife's Mother.

by Mr. Pelham. Having first praised her Hospitality, and the Diligence of her Servants, he invites her to his Country-Seat. The short Letter, I wrote to you some Time ago, is enough to convince you, That I have now no farther Need of yours to acquaint me, what abundance of Delights are to be met with at your Country-Houses at Ocriculum, Corsulanum, Perusinum, and Narnium, and at your fine Bathing-House there; nor need I repeat any Thing on that Head. I can a.s.sure you, I do not so much enjoy what is my own, as what is yours. They differ only in this, That your People attend me with greater Care and Diligence, than my own do; which perhaps may be your Case, if ever you come to see me, which I beg you to do, not only that you in your turn may enjoy all the Pleasures we can procure you here, but also, that my People may be awakened by your Presence, who expecting my coming alone, are, I dare say, secure and negligent enough: For, with an easy Master, Custom naturally wears off the Awe which his Servants might at first have for him: But when Strangers come, they exert themselves and take more Pains, to gain the Favour of their Master, by their Regard to them, than by any thing else that relates to his Service.

Farewel.

Epistle V. To Voconius Roma.n.u.s.

by the Same. [Mr. Pelham.] He gives a Character of Marcus Regulus the Lawyer, who, having injured Him, in Nero and Domitian's Times was now seeking to be reconciled to him. Have you ever seen any one more timorous and abject than Marcus Regulus, since Domitian's Death? His Crimes were not less in his Time, than in Nero's, tho' more secret. He began to be afraid, that I was angry with him, nor was he in the wrong. He had encouraged the Prosecution against Arulenus Rusticus, and triumphed at his Death to that Degree, that he published a Piece full of Invectives against him, wherein he calls him the Ape of the Stoicks, and adds, that he was infamous by the Scar he was marked with on the Account of Vitellius. You are acquainted with the usual Eloquence of Regulus, he fell upon Herennius Senecio, so very immoderately, that Metius Carus said to him, What have You to do with my dead Men? Don't I let Cra.s.sus and Camerinus alone, whom you know Regulus had informed against in Nero's Time? Regulus believed I resented those Things, and therefore he did not invite me to the Rehearsal of his Piece. Besides, he remembred how sharply he had set upon me my self before the Centumvirate. I appeared there for Arionilla, the Wife of Timon, at the Request of Arulenus Rusticus. Regulus was on the other side. In one part of the Cause, we relied upon the Sentence, that had been given against Metius Modestus, an excellent Man, whom Domitian had Banished. Now to shew you Regulus: I question you, says he to me, what you think of Modestus? You see the Danger of answering, I think well of him, and the Baseness of saying the contrary. I can't help thinking that the G.o.ds a.s.sisted me then, in a particular manner. I will tell you, said I, what I thought of him, if the Judges were now to determine about it: Whereupon he replies again, Nay, but what do you think of Modestus? To which I answered, Witnesses are used to be examined against Men accused, not against those already condemned. He attacked me the third Time, I only ask you then, what you think of the Loyalty of Modestus? You ask me, said I, what I think of it? And I think it a Crime to make any Question of that which is already judicially determined. This silenced him. I was praised and congratulated upon my Escape, as having neither injured my Character, by an Answer, which in me would have been base, however useful it might have been to my Cause; nor fallen into the Toils which he had prepared for me, by his ensnaring Questions. But to return to Regulus, now that his Conscience terrifies him, he first flies to Ccilius Celer, and immediately after to Fabius Justus, and begs of them to use their Interests, to reconcile me to him; and not content with that, he applies to Spurinna, I humbly beg of you says Regulus to him, (for Fear makes him most abjectly humble) that you will not fail to go to Pliny to Morrow Morning, but pray let it be early enough, and prevail with him on any Terms, to forgive me; for I can no longer bear the Uneasiness I am under. I had watched all that Night, when in comes a Messenger from Spurinna to tall me he was coming to me. I sent him Word that I would wait on him; as we were going to each other, we met in Livia's Portico; he told me what Directions he had Received from Regulus, adding such intreaties of his own, as became one of the best of Men, to use for one of the worst. You expect, said I, my Answer, I must not deceive you, I wait the Arrival of Mauricus, who was not yet returned from Banishment: Therefore I can say nothing to it, one way or other, having resolved to do whatever he shall think fit, for he has a Right to command me intirely in this Affair. Some few Days after, Regulus himself meets me in the Pretors Court, where he had followed me about, sometime, 'till he had found me alone. He told me he was afraid, that something he had formerly said the the Court of the Centumvirate, might have given me some uneasiness, when in answering me and Satrius Rufus, he had said; Satrius and he who vies it with Cicero, and who is not satisfied with the Eloquence of our Age. I answered him, that I now perceived those Words were spoken with a Design to expose me, since he himself confessed it, but that otherwise, they would admit of a different Construction; for I do, said I, vie with Cicero, nor am I satisfied with the Eloquence of our Age, having always thought it great Folly, to propose to one's Imitation, any thing short of the best. But you, who remember this Cause so well, how came you to forget your asking me, in another Cause, my Opinion of the Loyalty of Metius Modestus. Hereupon he grew considerably paler, than he naturally is, and answered me in a great deal of Confusion, That he did not do it to hurt me, but Modestus, (you see the Cruelty of the Wretch, who could not dissemble his Intention to hurt a banished Man) and he added an extraordinary Reason for it, saying, That in one of Modestus's Letters which was read before Domitian, there was this Expression, Regulus, the most wicked of all Creatures; nor had Modestus said any thing by the Truth. Here we ended, for I avoided going farther, that I might keep my self at Liberty till Mauricus's Return. Besides, I considered that Regulus is a Man, not easy to be overthrown. For he is Rich, considerable in his Party, respected by many, Feared by more; which last Pa.s.sion, is generally stronger than Love. Tho' when once the Shock comes, all these may fail, for the Favour of bad Men is as faithless as they themselves are. But, as I have said before, I wait for Mauricus, who is grave, prudent experienced, and able to provide for future Events by the just Observations he has made of past Ones. And I shall stir in the Affair or lie still, as he shall direct. I have given you this Account, because you have a Right from our mutual Friends.h.i.+p, to know, not only all my Actions, and Words, but also my very purposes.

Farewel.

Epistle VI. To Cornelius Tacitus.

by the Same. [Mr. Pelham.] He gives him an Account of his having been a Hunting, and how he spent his time there. I know you will Laugh, and so you well may. I, Pliny, the very Pliny whom you know so well, have been Hunting, and taken Three Boars, and fine ones too. What Pliny! You'll say, yes, Pliny. But, that I might not entirely part with my beloved Indolence, and Ease, I sat down by the Toils, having ready at Hand, not a Boar-Spear, or a Javelin, but a Pencil, and a Pocket-Book: There I Studied on a Subject I had in view, and Wrote down my Thoughts, that, if I my self were obliged to go Home empty Handed, I might, at least, bring back my Pocket Book full. Nor is this way of Study to be Condemned, it is surprizing how much the mind is excited, by the Agitation and Motion of the Body; besides, the Woods, and Solitude, and the very silence which that sort of Hunting obliges to, are great helps to Thinking. Therefore pray, whenever you Hunt again, be sure, that with the rest of your Provisions, you carry a Table-Book, and quote my Authority for it. And you will find that Minerva Haunts the Woods no less than Diana.

Farewel.

Epistle VII. To Octavius Rufus.

by the Same. [Mr. Pelham.] He returns an Answer to Octavius, who had requested him to Plead for Gallus, against the Btici. See to what a Height you have raised me, giving me the same full Power, and Command, that Homer does to Jupiter the Good, and Great.

Th'Almighty Father granted half his Prayer, The other half deny'd.

For with a like consenting nod, and denying shake of my Head, I can answer your Expectations. For tho' I can Handsomely enough, especially at your Request, Excuse my self to the Btici, for not appearing on their Behalf against a particular Person: Yet it will in no wise be consistent, with my Truth, and Constancy, Vertues which you esteem, to appear against a Province, which I have formerly obliged, by so many laborious, and hazardous Services. I will therefore steer a middle Course, and of the two things, which you leave to my Election to oblige you in, I will chuse that, which may not only content your present Inclination, but your Judgment likewise. For I am not so much to consider, what so excellent a Person, as you are, may desire just for the present, as what you are likely always to approve of. I hope to be at Rome about the Ides of October, and then to give Gallus a Proof of both our Friends.h.i.+ps. In the mean time I give you leave to a.s.sure him, of my good Inclination towards him, Thus said, and awful bent his sable Brows, Saturnian Jove.

For why should not I use Homer's Verses continually, when writing to you? Since you will not let me have any of your own; tho' I long for them to that degree, that I think such a Fee would Corrupt me to appear, even against the Btici. I had like to have omitted, what I ought by no means to forget, that I have received your most excellent Palm-Apples, which I think do not yield to your Figs or Mushrooms.

Farewel.

Epistle VIII. To Pompeius Saturninus.

by the Same. [Mr. Pelham.] He sends him the Oration which he made to his Townsmen, when he gave them a Library: Making some excuses for the Praises he give himself, and his Ancestors in it, and leaving it to him, whether he ought to Publish it or not. Your Letter wherein you desire me to send you something of my Writing, came to me very Seasonably, as I was just preparing to do so. You have therefore only Spurred a free Horse, and at once, prevented your self of all Excuse, from taking the Pains to Correct it, and me, from the shame of asking you that Favour.