Ghost Wars Part 21

14. Rubin, Fragmentation of Afghanistan, Fragmentation of Afghanistan, p. 253, cites reports that funding for the Tanai coup attempt came from "ISI and Saudi intelligence." p. 253, cites reports that funding for the Tanai coup attempt came from "ISI and Saudi intelligence."

15. Interview with Thomas Twetten, March 18, 2002. Twetten said he had no recollection of any "piece of paper" coming into Langley from the Islamabad station providing advanced word or planning about the Tanai coup, and he felt certain that he would remember that "if they had told us" about the coup attempt. "They never were honest with us on Hekmatyar," Twetten said. "When we insisted, they would arrange for a meeting with Hekmatyar, but it wasn't very often and it wasn't very productive, even in the best of times."

16. Interviews with U.S. officials. While serving as amba.s.sador to the Afghan resistance, Tomsen met with Prince Turki seventeen times.

17. Interviews with Saudi officials.

18. The meeting of Ma.s.soud's representative Prince Bandar and Turki's funding for the commanders' shura shura are from interviews with U.S. officials and an aide to Ma.s.soud. are from interviews with U.S. officials and an aide to Ma.s.soud.

19. Funding levels and estimates of private Gulf money are from Rubin, Fragmentation of Fragmentation of Afghanistan, Afghanistan, p. 182. p. 182.

20. Gorbachev Foundation, doc.u.ments presented at "Towards an International History of Afghanistan," Cold War International History Project, Was.h.i.+ngton, D.C.

21. Interviews with U.S. officials.

22. That the CIA reported on the trucks rolling to arm Hekmatyar is from interviews with U.S. officials. Tomsen's meeting and the quotations from the cable to Was.h.i.+ngton: "SE Tomsen Meeting with Shura of Commanders Oct. 6," cable dated October 10, 1990, author's files.

23. Barnett R. Rubin, The Search for Peace in The Search for Peace in Afghanistan, Afghanistan, p. 115, and interview with Tomsen, January 21, 2002. Lunch meeting between Tomsen and Harry is from interviews with U.S. officials. "Not only a horribly bad . . . Afghan political context," ibid. p. 115, and interview with Tomsen, January 21, 2002. Lunch meeting between Tomsen and Harry is from interviews with U.S. officials. "Not only a horribly bad . . . Afghan political context," ibid.

24. Rubin, Fragmentation of Afghanistan, Fragmentation of Afghanistan, p. 254. Rubin, p. 254. Rubin, Search for Peace, Search for Peace, p. 121. p. 121.

25. The meeting between Turki and Ma.s.soud's representatives is from an interview with Daoud Mir, July 31, 2002, Was.h.i.+ngton, D.C. (GW). Mir recalled that when he finally met Turki at a palace in Jedda, he began complaining vociferously that Saudi intelligence had misunderstood Ma.s.soud for many years. He talked, he recalled, until a frustrated Turki covered his ears with his hands, indicating that he had heard enough.

26. The increase in Ma.s.soud's stipend and the struggle to s.h.i.+p weapons to the Panjs.h.i.+r are from interviews with U.S. officials.

27. "Sore on our backside" is from an interview with Maj. Gen. Mahmud Ali Durrani (Ret.), May 20, 2002, Rawalpindi, Pakistan (SC).

28. Dennis Kux, The United States and Pakistan, The United States and Pakistan, 1947-2000, 1947-2000, p. 309. p. 309.

29. Interview with Robert Oakley, February 15, 2002.

30. While traveling in Kashmir during this period, the author met with Kashmiri Islamist guerrillas who talked of their training in Afghanistan and displayed weapons clearly manufactured in China. The warning to Indian officials about sniper rifles is from interviews with U.S. officials in India during 1991.

31. Ahmed Badeeb interview with Orbit satellite network, early 2002; translated from original Arabic. See note 1 of chapter 4.

32. Ibid.

33. This account of bin Laden's meeting with Khalil and the senior prince is from an interview with Khalil A. Khalil, January 29, 2002, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia (SC). Khalil declined to identify the prince by name but said that "King Fahd is his direct uncle." This may have been Prince Turki.

34. Douglas Jehl, The New York Times, The New York Times, December 27, 2001. December 27, 2001.

35. Prince Turki, MBC television and Arab Arab News, News, November 7, 2001. In an interview with ABC's November 7, 2001. In an interview with ABC's Nightline Nightline on December 10, 2001, Turki cited bin Laden's proposals to lead an anti-Iraqi jihad as "the first signs of a disturbed mind, in my view." The implication is that Turki was untroubled by bin Laden prior to the autumn of 1990. on December 10, 2001, Turki cited bin Laden's proposals to lead an anti-Iraqi jihad as "the first signs of a disturbed mind, in my view." The implication is that Turki was untroubled by bin Laden prior to the autumn of 1990.

36. "Whereas before . . . as well as beyond" is from the memo "Demarche to Pakistan on Hekmatyar and Sayyaf Gulf Statements," January 28, 1991; excised and released April 6, 2000. The memo urges a "strong approach to the GOP [Government of Pakistan], preferably by both the U.S. and Saudi Arabia," and also urges making the same points to Prince Bandar, the Saudi amba.s.sador in Was.h.i.+ngton. Badeeb's trip is from an interview with Ahmed Badeeb, February 1, 2002, Jedda, Saudi Arabia (SC).

CHAPTER 12: "WE ARE IN DANGER".

1. The account in this chapter of the CIA covert action program to s.h.i.+p captured Iraqi armor, artillery, and other equipment to Pakistan for the Afghan rebels is drawn from interviews with multiple U.S. and Saudi officials. While working as a correspondent in Pakistan and Kabul, the author also reported on the program a few months after it began. Steve Coll,Was.h.i.+ngton Post, October 1, 1991. October 1, 1991.

2. Interviews with U.S. officials, including Peter Tomsen, January 21, 2002, Omaha, Nebraska (SC).

3. Charles Cogan, former chief of the Near East Division in the Directorate of Operations, wrote in 1990 that the Tanai coup "revealed, once again, that Gulbuddin, whatever his negative public image, leaves the other resistance leaders far behind in terms of tactics and maneuvering." Cogan acknowledged, however, that this "still did not make Gulbuddin a credible alternative to Najibullah." Not all of his former colleagues at the CIA accepted the second point. See Charles G. Cogan, " "Shawl of Lead," Conflict, Conflict, p. 197. p. 197.

4. Barnett R. Rubin, The Fragmentation of The Fragmentation of Afghanistan, Afghanistan, p. 255. p. 255.

5. This account of CIA and State Department reporting about Arab radicals is from interviews with U.S. officials.

6. Interview with Milt Bearden, March 25, 2002, Tysons Corner, Virginia (SC).

7. "It is not the world" is from Joshua Tei-telbaum, Holier Than Thou, Holier Than Thou, p. 30. "Crusaders," ibid., p. 29. "Member of the establishment . . . against the regime" is from p. 30. "Crusaders," ibid., p. 29. "Member of the establishment . . . against the regime" is from Frontline, Frontline, "Hunting bin Laden," March 21, 2000. Mary Anne Weaver in "Hunting bin Laden," March 21, 2000. Mary Anne Weaver in The New Yorker, The New Yorker, January 24, 2000, sees bin Laden increasingly "under the sway" of Hawali and another "awakening sheikh," Salman Awdah, during this period. January 24, 2000, sees bin Laden increasingly "under the sway" of Hawali and another "awakening sheikh," Salman Awdah, during this period.

8. Teitelbaum, Holier Than Thou, Holier Than Thou, pp. 32-36. pp. 32-36.

9. The spending of the Ministry of Pilgrimage and Religious Trusts and numbers of religious employees are from Teitelbaum, Holier Than Thou, Holier Than Thou, p. 101. Fahd's offer of free Korans is from Alexei Va.s.siliev, p. 101. Fahd's offer of free Korans is from Alexei Va.s.siliev, The History of The History of Saudi Arabia, Saudi Arabia, p. 473. Saudi foreign minister Prince Saud algaisal traveled to Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Azerbaijan within weeks of the Soviet Union's formal dissolution early in 1992, opening Saudi emba.s.sies in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Saud emphasized that Islam provided the foundation for Saudi relations in the Central Asian region. See Saleh al-Khatlan, "Saudi Foreign Policy Toward Central Asia," p. 473. Saudi foreign minister Prince Saud algaisal traveled to Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Azerbaijan within weeks of the Soviet Union's formal dissolution early in 1992, opening Saudi emba.s.sies in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Saud emphasized that Islam provided the foundation for Saudi relations in the Central Asian region. See Saleh al-Khatlan, "Saudi Foreign Policy Toward Central Asia," Journal of King Journal of King Abdulaziz University, Abdulaziz University, 2000. 2000.

10. Interviews with U.S. officials. Schroen's exchange with Prince Turki from interview with Gary Schroen, July 31, 2002, Was.h.i.+ngton D.C. (SC).

11. Interview with Prince Turki, August 2, 2002, Cancun, Mexico (SC).

12. Interviews with U.S. officials. That Hekmatyar, Sayyaf, and Haqqanni had offices in Saudi Arabia for mosque fund-raising is from written communication to the author from Peter Tomsen, May 3, 2003.

13. The account of the Saudi escort telling bin Laden that the Americans were out to kill him is from an interview with Vincent Cannistraro, January 8, 2002, Rosslyn, Virginia (SC). Cannistraro was chief of operations and a.n.a.lysis at the CIA's Counterterrorist Center during this period. He said the account had been provided to him by a longtime Saudi intelligence officer directly involved. A New York Times New York Times account published on January 14, 2001, based on extensive interviews with U.S. and Arab sources, reported that bin Laden later told "a.s.sociates" that Saudi Arabia had hired the Pakistani intelligence service to kill him, although there was no evidence, the account published on January 14, 2001, based on extensive interviews with U.S. and Arab sources, reported that bin Laden later told "a.s.sociates" that Saudi Arabia had hired the Pakistani intelligence service to kill him, although there was no evidence, the Times Times story said, that such a plot ever existed. There are various published accounts of bin Laden's forced departure from Saudi Arabia, which is generally dated to mid-1991, around the time of the Letter of Demands controversy within the kingdom. The former U.S. counterterrorism officials Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon report that bin Laden first traveled to Afghanistan, then to Sudan. See their book, story said, that such a plot ever existed. There are various published accounts of bin Laden's forced departure from Saudi Arabia, which is generally dated to mid-1991, around the time of the Letter of Demands controversy within the kingdom. The former U.S. counterterrorism officials Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon report that bin Laden first traveled to Afghanistan, then to Sudan. See their book, The Age of Sacred The Age of Sacred Terror, Terror, p. 110. Other accounts have him traveling initially to Pakistan. Peter L. Bergen, in p. 110. Other accounts have him traveling initially to Pakistan. Peter L. Bergen, in Holy War, Inc., Holy War, Inc., p. 29, quotes trial testimony by former a.s.sociates reporting that bin Laden arrived in Sudan with family and followers in his personal jet. For the interrogation statements of two bin Laden a.s.sociates, see National Commission final report, p. 57. p. 29, quotes trial testimony by former a.s.sociates reporting that bin Laden arrived in Sudan with family and followers in his personal jet. For the interrogation statements of two bin Laden a.s.sociates, see National Commission final report, p. 57.

14. Rubin, Fragmentation of Afghanistan, Fragmentation of Afghanistan, pp. 266-67. pp. 266-67.

15. Peter Tomsen, "An extremist seizure," is from "Afghan Policy-U.S. Strategy," September 26, 1991, excised and decla.s.sified March 23, 2000, author's files. "Scramble for power" is from "Afghanistan: Trends for 1992," December 16, 1991, excised and decla.s.sified March 23, 2000, author's files. Charles Cogan, reflecting a widely held outlook at the CIA, wrote in 1993 that "the partners.h.i.+p, if you will, between the United States and the Afghan resistance was of limited duration and could only have been so. The long-range aims of a country in which Islamists were at last beginning to have a say would not be, could not be, wholly compatible with the aims of a Western nation."

16. Interview with a U.S. official. The estimate of the number of tanks is uncertain. ISI officers interviewed by the author acknowledged being pressed by the CIA to destroy leftover Afghan equipment.

17. Interview with Edmund McWilliams, February 26, 2002, Was.h.i.+ngton, D.C. (SC) The size of Dostum's militia is from Rubin, Fragmentation of Afghanistan, Fragmentation of Afghanistan, p. 270. Rubin provides a definitive account of the internal collapse of the Najibullah regime and the fruitless negotiations by the United Nations early in 1992. p. 270. Rubin provides a definitive account of the internal collapse of the Najibullah regime and the fruitless negotiations by the United Nations early in 1992.

18. Michael Griffin, Reaping the Whirlwind, Reaping the Whirlwind, p. 5, quoting the p. 5, quoting the International Herald Tribune International Herald Tribune . .

19. The account of Hekmatyar's operations at Charasyab in April 1992 is drawn largely from an interview with an Arab journalist who was there. The author was in Kabul at the time and heard similar accounts from travelers in the region. The author visited Charasyab in 2002. Abdullah Anis, the son-in-law of Abdullah Azzam, an Algerian Islamist activist who was close to Ma.s.soud, has also published an account of the Ma.s.soud-Hekmatyar negotiations. His recollections of the radio exchange from Ma.s.soud's side are similar to those of the Arab journalist in Charasyab.

20. Interview with an Arab journalist then with Hekmatyar. Prince Turki has also acknowledged that bin Laden was in Peshawar at the time and partic.i.p.ated in the peace talks. Turki told the Arab television network MBC on November 7, 2001, speaking of bin Laden, "He went there to work with other Islamic personalities who were trying to reconcile the Afghan mujahedin, who differed on the setting up of a government. I saw him among those personalities."

21. William Maley, "Interpreting the Taliban," in William Maley, ed., Fundamentalism Fundamentalism Reborn, Reborn, p. 9. p. 9.

22. The author was in Kabul at the time and watched Ma.s.soud's forces rout Hekmatyar over several days of intensive street fighting.

23. Interview with Yahya Ma.s.soud, May 9, 2002, Kabul, Afghanistan (GW).

24. Personal weapons: Rubin, Fragmentation Fragmentation of Afghanistan, of Afghanistan, p. 196. Estimates of total outside aid: Larry P. Goodson, p. 196. Estimates of total outside aid: Larry P. Goodson, Afghanistan's Endless Afghanistan's Endless War, War, p. 99. p. 99.

25. Abdul Haq's letter to Tomsen is from Afghan Warrior: The Life and Death of Abdul Afghan Warrior: The Life and Death of Abdul Haq, Haq, Touch Productions, aired by the BBC, 2003. Tomsen memos: "Afghanistan-U.S. Interests and U.S. Aid," December 18, 1992, excised and decla.s.sified April 4, 2000, author's files; and "Central Asia, Afghanistan and U.S. Policy," February 2, 1993, excised and decla.s.sified March 23, 2000, author's files. Touch Productions, aired by the BBC, 2003. Tomsen memos: "Afghanistan-U.S. Interests and U.S. Aid," December 18, 1992, excised and decla.s.sified April 4, 2000, author's files; and "Central Asia, Afghanistan and U.S. Policy," February 2, 1993, excised and decla.s.sified March 23, 2000, author's files.

CHAPTER 13: "A FRIEND OF YOUR ENEMY".

1. "The heartbreak" is from a.s.sociated Press, June 17, 1992. "141 words" and "very much apart" are from David Halberstam, War in a Time of Peace, War in a Time of Peace, pp. 193 and 22. "A small blip" is from an interview with Anthony Lake, May 5, 2003, Was.h.i.+ngton, D.C. (GW). pp. 193 and 22. "A small blip" is from an interview with Anthony Lake, May 5, 2003, Was.h.i.+ngton, D.C. (GW).

2. "The biggest nuclear threat" is from the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, September 27, 1991. "Strong special operations" is from September 27, 1991. "Strong special operations" is from The Boston Globe, The Boston Globe, February 2, 1992. February 2, 1992.

3. It had not been a major issue: Interview with Lake, May 5, 2003. Clinton's views about terrorism and Afghanistan are from interviews with senior U.S. officials close to the president.

4. Interview with Robert Gates, March 12, 2002, Cleveland, Ohio (SC).

5. Woolsey's trip to Little Rock and that he had met Clinton only once are from an interview with James Woolsey, February 20, 2002, Was.h.i.+ngton, D.C. (SC). His antiwar activities and professional history are from Michael Gordon, The New York Times, The New York Times, January 11, 1993. January 11, 1993.

6. Interview with Woolsey, February 20, 2002.

7. Ibid. For a similar account of this scene, see Halberstam, War in a Time of Peace, War in a Time of Peace, p. 192. p. 192.

8. Interview with Thomas Twetten, March 18, 2002, Was.h.i.+ngton, D.C. (SC).

9. What Clarridge concluded is from an interview with Duane Clarridge, December 28, 2001, Escondido, California (SC).

10. How Woolsey was perceived at the White House is from interviews with Clinton administration officials.

11. Interview with Woolsey, February 20, 2002.

12. Interviews with Clinton administration officials.

13. Kasi's background is from John Ward Anderson and Kamran Khan, The Was.h.i.+ngton The Was.h.i.+ngton Post, Post, February 17, 1993. "Something big" is from Patricia Davis, February 17, 1993. "Something big" is from Patricia Davis, The Was.h.i.+ngton Post, The Was.h.i.+ngton Post, November 14, 2002. November 14, 2002.

14. Davis, The Was.h.i.+ngton Post, The Was.h.i.+ngton Post, November 14, 2002. See also the November 14, 2002. See also the Post Post coverage of the shootings by Bill Miller, Patricia Davis, D'Vera Cohn, Robert O'Harrow Jr., and Steve Bates, January 26, 1993. coverage of the shootings by Bill Miller, Patricia Davis, D'Vera Cohn, Robert O'Harrow Jr., and Steve Bates, January 26, 1993.

15. The core source of nearly all published biographies of Yousef is the FBI witness statement produced from handwritten notes by FBI special agent Charles B. Stern and United States Secret Service officer Brian G. Parr. The notes were taken during their six-hour conversation with Yousef while flying back to the United States from Pakistan on February 7 and 8, 1995. According to Parr's testimony at Yousef 's trial, Yousef refused to allow them to take notes while they spoke in a makes.h.i.+ft interview room at the back of the plane, so Stern and Parr each got up periodically and took summary notes out of Yousef 's sight, in another part of the plane. The notes were dictated on February 9. The details about his uncle, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, and his great-uncle, Mohammed's father, are from Finn et al., The Was.h.i.+ngton The Was.h.i.+ngton Post, Post, March 9, 2003. March 9, 2003.

16. During one of his FBI interviews, Yousef acknowledged that after the World Trade Center bombing, while he was a fugitive, his parents knew that he was responsible for the attack and on the run from American authorities. Yousef said that his parents had moved to Iran. Certainly they would have been safer there than in Pakistan, less vulnerable to police or government pressure. While in Iran, Yousef said, his parents received a phone call from a woman purporting to be from an American phone company who was looking to locate Yousef about a billing issue. Yousef told the story to indicate that he and his parents had a.s.sumed the caller was from the FBI and that they had dodged the inquiry.

17. Yousef complained repeatedly during his interviews with the FBI about his lack of funds. He said that he had "borrowed" money from friends in Peshawar who did not know about his plans. The World Trade Center attack was a threadbare operation in many respects. Yousef, however, was able to purchase a first-cla.s.s ticket to Pakistan when he made his escape after the bombing.

18. "Attack a friend" is from the statement by FBI special agent Stern and Secret Service officer Parr, February 7 and 8. They placed the phrase in quotes.

19. A photocopy of the letter was introduced as evidence at Yousef 's trial. The brief narrative of the attack is from transcripts of opening statements delivered at the trial.

20. Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon, The Age of Sacred Terror, The Age of Sacred Terror, p. 13. The authors were counterterrorism officials at the National Security Council during Clinton's second term. p. 13. The authors were counterterrorism officials at the National Security Council during Clinton's second term.

21. Interview with Woolsey, February 20, 2002; interview with Stanley Bedington, senior intelligence a.n.a.lyst at the Counterterrorist Center during this period, November 19, 2001, Rosslyn, Virginia (SC); and interviews with other U.S. officials.

22. That the personal histories of Yousef and Kasi were murky and that Iranian-sponsored terrorism "was the the priority" are from the interview with Lake, May 5, 2003. "Sudafed" is from the interview with Bedington, November 19, 2001. priority" are from the interview with Lake, May 5, 2003. "Sudafed" is from the interview with Bedington, November 19, 2001.

23. This account of the center's budgetary pressures is from interviews with U.S. officials. By this account the pressure eased after 1996 when domestic terrorist attacks led Congress to open its purse for counterterrorism programs governmentwide. Since the September 11 attacks there have been contradictory a.s.sertions about how aggressively counterterrorism efforts were funded by Clinton and Congress. Benjamin and Simon a.s.sert, for instance, that the White House provided budget increases to the CIA's Counterterrorist Center. CIA officials have been quoted in news reports as saying they did not do well in budgetary struggles even during the second term. Since the relevant budgets are all highly cla.s.sified, it is difficult to resolve the contradictions with any confidence. Clearly the second Clinton term was better for counterterrorism budgets than the first. A separate issue is whether other cuts at the CIA during this period in the Directorate of Operations, on which the center heavily depended, merely s.h.i.+fted the burden of the budget problems from one CIA office to another. This, too, is a difficult question to resolve without fuller access to the cla.s.sified budgets.

24. That the center had no more than one hundred personnel during this time and its branch structure are from the interview with Bedington, November 19, 2001.

25. Interview with Larry Johnson, deputy director of the State Department's counterterrorism office during this period, January 15, 2002, Bethesda, Maryland (SC). Clinton signed two important policy doc.u.ments on terrorism, Presidential Decision Directive-35 and Presidential Decision Directive-39, during the first six months of 1995. See chapter 16.

26. This history draws from the staff report of Eleanor Hill, staff director of the Joint Intelligence Committee Inquiry into the events of September 11, issued October 8, 2002.

27. Benjamin and Simon are especially forceful in their criticisms of the FBI's internal culture. They quote Clinton's former national security adviser, Samuel Berger, and deputy national security adviser James Steinberg complaining that they could not extract crucial information from the FBI about a wide variety of subjects including terrorism. Benjamin and Simon write, "For the NSC staff working on counterterrorism, this was crippling-but how crippling was also something they could not know. Every day a hundred or more reports from the CIA, DIA, the National Security Agency, and the State Department would be waiting in their computer queues when they got to work. There was never anything from the FBI. The Bureau, despite its wealth of information, contributed nothing to the White House's understanding of al-Qaeda. Virtually none of the information uncovered in any of the Bureau's investigative work flowed to the NSC." Age of Sacred Terror, Age of Sacred Terror, p. 304. p. 304.

28. Eleanor Hill, Joint Intelligence Committee Inquiry staff report, October 8, 2002.

29. The record of a Woolsey and Lake discussion about bin Laden is from two former senior Clinton administration officials. One of the officials recalled that the memo of the conversation had been prepared by either George Tenet or Richard Clarke, who both later figured heavily in the Clinton administration's covert campaign against bin Laden. This official also believed that the discussion concerned evidence that bin Laden was funding violence by Somali militiamen against American troops. The quotations from and descriptions of CIA reports and cables about bin Laden are from the Joint Inquiry Committee's final report, Appendix, pp. 5-6.

30. "Did we screw up . . . Of course" interview with Lake, May 5, 2003.

CHAPTER 14: "MAINTAIN A PRUDENT DISTANCE".

1. After working first as chief of a.n.a.lysis and then as deputy director of the CIA's Counterterrorist Center from 1993 until 1999, Pillar spent a year as a visiting scholar at the Brookings Inst.i.tution in Was.h.i.+ngton, where he completed a book, Terrorism and Terrorism and U.S. Foreign Policy, U.S. Foreign Policy, that was published shortly before the September 11 attacks. The book is a thorough and scholarly review of the modern terrorist threat and American policy instruments for containing it, and it provides a rich archive of Pillar's own a.n.a.lytical outlook. The account of Pillar's views in this chapter is based partially on his book and other published journal articles, as well as on multiple interviews with U.S. officials familiar with CIA Counterterrorist Center a.n.a.lysis during this period. Among those who spoke on the record about the 1993-94 period were former CIA director James Woolsey; Stanley Bedington, a senior a.n.a.lyst at the center until 1994; and Thomas Twetten, chief of the CIA's Directorate of Operations during this period. that was published shortly before the September 11 attacks. The book is a thorough and scholarly review of the modern terrorist threat and American policy instruments for containing it, and it provides a rich archive of Pillar's own a.n.a.lytical outlook. The account of Pillar's views in this chapter is based partially on his book and other published journal articles, as well as on multiple interviews with U.S. officials familiar with CIA Counterterrorist Center a.n.a.lysis during this period. Among those who spoke on the record about the 1993-94 period were former CIA director James Woolsey; Stanley Bedington, a senior a.n.a.lyst at the center until 1994; and Thomas Twetten, chief of the CIA's Directorate of Operations during this period.

2. Mary Anne Weaver, A Portrait of Egypt, A Portrait of Egypt, provides a richly reported account of the rise of the Islamic Group and its roots in the Upper Nile. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have acc.u.mulated thorough records of the atrocities in the Algerian conflict after the elections were canceled. provides a richly reported account of the rise of the Islamic Group and its roots in the Upper Nile. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have acc.u.mulated thorough records of the atrocities in the Algerian conflict after the elections were canceled.

3. This summary of the muddled debates in Was.h.i.+ngton over the challenge of Islamist insurgencies in North Africa is drawn from interviews with multiple partic.i.p.ants, some located at the White House and others at the State Department and the CIA.

4. One issue in the liaison was the routine use of torture against detainees by Egyptian counterterrorist units. The CIA and the State Department tried to calibrate their funding to encourage Egyptian reforms without breaking off the liaison, according to officials involved. At one stage during the mid-1990s the CIA suspended funding to a certain Cairo unit because of its repeated human rights abuses, two officials involved said in interviews. The details of these counterterrorist aid programs and human rights policy decisions remain highly cla.s.sified, and the extent of American pressure on Egyptian security units is difficult to describe with any confidence. In any event, according to human rights monitors, Egyptian police continued to make widespread use of torture. That the U.S. sent its first declared CIA station chief to Algiers in 1985 is from the author's interview with Whitley Bruner, February 26, 2002,Was.h.i.+ngton, D.C. (SC). Bruner was the declared station chief. He left Algiers in 1989 and afterward served in the Tunis and Tel Aviv stations before retiring in 1997.

5. Interview with Bruner, February 26, 2002.

6. Ibid.

7. Interviews with former CIA officials in the Near East Division.

8. Interviews with U.S. officials, including officials who consumed CIA intelligence from Saudi Arabia and others familiar with its collection. In an interview, a former British intelligence official who worked in his government's Saudi Arabia station and later in the Middle East department at headquarters said he was told by CIA colleagues in Riyadh during this period that station policy heavily limited their ability to recruit sources in the kingdom on sensitive subjects, including Islamic radicalism.

9. The information concerning Turki's exchange of letters with Clinton is from interviews with Saudi officials. The White House meeting is from interviews with Saudi and U.S. officials. A similar account of the meeting is in the Los Angeles Times, Los Angeles Times, July 14, 1996. July 14, 1996.

10. The New York Times, The New York Times, August 23, 1993. August 23, 1993.