Luck, or Cunning, as the Main Means of Organic Modification Part 15

CHAPTER XV--The Excised "My's"

I have quoted in all ninety-seven pa.s.sages, as near as I can make them, in which Mr. Darwin claimed the theory of descent, either expressly by speaking of "my theory" in such connection that the theory of descent ought to be, and, as the event has shown, was, understood as being intended, or by implication, as in the opening pa.s.sages of the "Origin of Species," in which he tells us how he had thought the matter out without acknowledging obligation of any kind to earlier writers. The original edition of the "Origin of Species"

contained 490 pp., exclusive of index; a claim, therefore, more or less explicit, to the theory of descent was made on the average about once in every five pages throughout the book from end to end; the claims were most prominent in the most important parts, that is to say, at the beginning and end of the work, and this made them more effective than they are made even by their frequency. A more ubiquitous claim than this it would be hard to find in the case of any writer advancing a new theory; it is difficult, therefore, to understand how Mr. Grant Allen could have allowed himself to say that Mr. Darwin "laid no sort of claim to originality or proprietors.h.i.+p" in the theory of descent with modification.

Nevertheless I have only found one place where Mr. Darwin pinned himself down beyond possibility of retreat, however ignominious, by using the words "my theory of descent with modification." {202a} He often, as I have said, speaks of "my theory," and then shortly afterwards of "descent with modification," under such circ.u.mstances that no one who had not been brought up in the school of Mr.

Gladstone could doubt that the two expressions referred to the same thing. He seems to have felt that he must be a poor wriggler if he could not wriggle out of this; give him any loophole, however small, and Mr. Darwin could trust himself to get out through it; but he did not like saying what left no loophole at all, and "my theory of descent with modification" closed all exits so firmly that it is surprising he should ever have allowed himself to use these words.

As I have said, Mr. Darwin only used this direct categorical form of claim in one place; and even here, after it had stood through three editions, two of which had been largely altered, he could stand it no longer, and altered the "my" into "the" in 1866, with the fourth edition of the "Origin of Species."

This was the only one of the original forty-five my's that was cut out before the appearance of the fifth edition in 1869, and its excision throws curious light upon the working of Mr. Darwin's mind.

The selection of the most categorical my out of the whole forty- five, shows that Mr. Darwin knew all about his my's, and, while seeing reason to remove this, held that the others might very well stand. He even left "On my VIEW of descent with modification,"

{203a} which, though more capable of explanation than "my theory,"

&c., still runs it close; nevertheless the excision of even a single my that had been allowed to stand through such close revision as those to which the "Origin of Species" had been subjected betrays uneasiness of mind, for it is impossible that even Mr. Darwin should not have known that though the my excised in 1866 was the most technically categorical, the others were in reality just as guilty, though no tower of Siloam in the shape of excision fell upon them.

If, then, Mr. Darwin was so uncomfortable about this one as to cut it out, it is probable he was far from comfortable about the others.

This view derives confirmation from the fact that in 1869, with the fifth edition of the "Origin of Species," there was a stampede of my's throughout the whole work, no less than thirty out of the original forty-five being changed into "the," "our," "this," or some other word, which, though having all the effect of my, still did not say "my" outright. These my's were, if I may say so, sneaked out; nothing was said to explain their removal to the reader or call attention to it. Why, it may be asked, having been considered during the revisions of 1861 and 1866, and with only one exception allowed to stand, why should they be smitten with a homing instinct in such large numbers with the fifth edition? It cannot be maintained that Mr. Darwin had had his attention called now for the first time to the fact that he had used my perhaps a little too freely, and had better be more sparing of it for the future. The my excised in 1866 shows that Mr. Darwin had already considered this question, and saw no reason to remove any but the one that left him no loophole. Why, then, should that which was considered and approved in 1859, 1861, and 1866 (not to mention the second edition of 1859 or 1860) be retreated from with every appearance of panic in 1869? Mr. Darwin could not well have cut out more than he did--not at any rate without saying something about it, and it would not be easy to know exactly what say. Of the fourteen my's that were left in 1869, five more were cut out in 1872, and nine only were allowed eventually to remain. We naturally ask, Why leave any if thirty-six ought to be cut out, or why cut out thirty-six if nine ought to be left--especially when the claim remains practically just the same after the excision as before it?

I imagine complaint had early reached Mr. Darwin that the difference between himself and his predecessors was unsubstantial and hard to grasp; traces of some such feeling appear even in the late Sir Charles Lyell's "Principles of Geology," in which he writes that he had reprinted his abstract of Lamarck's doctrine word for word, "in justice to Lamarck, in order to show how nearly the opinions taught by him at the beginning of this century resembled those now in vogue among a large body of naturalists respecting the infinite variability of species, and the progressive development in past time of the organic world." {205a} Sir Charles Lyell could not have written thus if he had thought that Mr. Darwin had already done "justice to Lamarck," nor is it likely that he stood alone in thinking as he did. It is probable that more reached Mr. Darwin than reached the public, and that the historical sketch prefixed to all editions after the first six thousand copies had been sold-- meagre and slovenly as it is--was due to earlier manifestation on the part of some of Mr. Darwin's friends of the feeling that was afterwards expressed by Sir Charles Lyell in the pa.s.sage quoted above. I suppose the removal of the my that was cut out in 1866 to be due partly to the Gladstonian tendencies of Mr. Darwin's mind, which would naturally make that particular my at all times more or less offensive to him, and partly to the increase of objection to it that must have ensued on the addition of the "brief but imperfect"

historical sketch in 1861; it is doubtless only by an oversight that this particular my was not cut out in 1861. The stampede of 1869 was probably occasioned by the appearance in Germany of Professor Haeckel's "History of Creation." This was published in 1868, and Mr. Darwin no doubt foresaw that it would be translated into English, as indeed it subsequently was. In this book some account is given--very badly, but still much more fully than by Mr. Darwin-- of Lamarck's work; and even Erasmus Darwin is mentioned-- inaccurately--but still he is mentioned. Professor Haeckel says:-

"Although the theory of development had been already maintained at the beginning of this century by several great naturalists, especially by Lamarck and Goethe, it only received complete demonstration and causal foundation nine years ago through Darwin's work, and it is on this account that it is now generally (though not altogether rightly) regarded as exclusively Mr. Darwin's theory."

{206a}

Later on, after giving nearly a hundred pages to the works of the early evolutionists--pages that would certainly disquiet the sensitive writer who had cut out the "my" which disappeared in 1866- -he continued:-

"We must distinguish clearly (though this is not usually done) between, firstly, the theory of descent as advanced by Lamarck, which deals only with the fact of all animals and plants being descended from a common source, and secondly, Darwin's theory of natural selection, which shows us WHY this progressive modification of organic forms took place" (p. 93).

This pa.s.sage is as inaccurate as most of those by Professor Haeckel that I have had occasion to examine have proved to be. Letting alone that Buffon, not Lamarck, is the foremost name in connection with descent, I have already shown in "Evolution Old and New" that Lamarck goes exhaustively into the how and why of modification. He alleges the conservation, or preservation, in the ordinary course of nature, of the most favourable among variations that have been induced mainly by function; this, I have sufficiently explained, is natural selection, though the words "natural selection" are not employed; but it is the true natural selection which (if so metaphorical an expression is allowed to pa.s.s) actually does take place with the results ascribed to it by Lamarck, and not the false Charles-Darwinian natural selection that does not correspond with facts, and cannot result in specific differences such as we now observe. But, waiving this, the "my's," within which a little rift had begun to show itself in 1866, might well become as mute in 1869 as they could become without attracting attention, when Mr. Darwin saw the pa.s.sages just quoted, and the hundred pages or so that lie between them.

I suppose Mr. Darwin cut out the five more my's that disappeared in 1872 because he had not yet fully recovered from his scare, and allowed nine to remain in order to cover his retreat, and tacitly say that he had not done anything and knew nothing whatever about it. Practically, indeed, he had not retreated, and must have been well aware that he was only retreating technically; for he must have known that the absence of acknowledgment to any earlier writers in the body of his work, and the presence of the many pa.s.sages in which every word conveyed the impression that the writer claimed descent with modification, amounted to a claim as much when the actual word "my" had been taken out as while it was allowed to stand. We took Mr. Darwin at his own estimate because we could not for a moment suppose that a man of means, position, and education,--one, moreover, who was nothing if he was not unself-seeking--could play such a trick upon us while pretending to take us into his confidence; hence the almost universal belief on the part of the public, of which Professors Haeckel and Ray Lankester and Mr. Grant Allen alike complain--namely, that Mr. Darwin is the originator of the theory of descent, and that his variations are mainly functional. Men of science must not be surprised if the readiness with which we responded to Mr. Darwin's appeal to our confidence is succeeded by a proportionate resentment when the peculiar shabbiness of his action becomes more generally understood. For myself, I know not which most to wonder at--the meanness of the writer himself, or the greatness of the service that, in spite of that meanness, he unquestionably rendered.

If Mr. Darwin had been dealing fairly by us, when he saw that we had failed to catch the difference between the Erasmus-Darwinian theory of descent through natural selection from among variations that are mainly functional, and his own alternative theory of descent through natural selection from among variations that are mainly accidental, and, above all, when he saw we were crediting him with other men's work, he would have hastened to set us right. "It is with great regret," he might have written, "and with no small surprise, that I find how generally I have been misunderstood as claiming to be the originator of the theory of descent with modification; nothing can be further from my intention; the theory of descent has been familiar to all biologists from the year 1749, when Buffon advanced it in its most comprehensive form, to the present day." If Mr.

Darwin had said something to the above effect, no one would have questioned his good faith, but it is hardly necessary to say that nothing of the kind is to be found in any one of Mr. Darwin's many books or many editions; nor is the reason why the requisite correction was never made far to seek. For if Mr. Darwin had said as much as I have put into his mouth above, he should have said more, and would ere long have been compelled to have explained to us wherein the difference between himself and his predecessors precisely lay, and this would not have been easy. Indeed, if Mr.

Darwin had been quite open with us he would have had to say much as follows:-

"I should point out that, according to the evolutionists of the last century, improvement in the eye, as in any other organ, is mainly due to persistent, rational, employment of the organ in question, in such slightly modified manner as experience and changed surroundings may suggest. You will have observed that, according to my system, this goes for very little, and that the acc.u.mulation of fortunate accidents, irrespectively of the use that may be made of them, is by far the most important means of modification. Put more briefly still, the distinction between me and my predecessors lies in this;- -my predecessors thought they knew the main normal cause or principle that underlies variation, whereas I think that there is no general principle underlying it at all, or that even if there is, we know hardly anything about it. This is my distinctive feature; there is no deception; I shall not consider the arguments of my predecessors, nor show in what respect they are insufficient; in fact, I shall say nothing whatever about them. Please to understand that I alone am in possession of the master key that can unlock the bars of the future progress of evolutionary science; so great an improvement, in fact, is my discovery that it justifies me in claiming the theory of descent generally, and I accordingly claim it. If you ask me in what my discovery consists, I reply in this;-- that the variations which we are all agreed acc.u.mulate are caused-- by variation. {209a} I admit that this is not telling you much about them, but it is as much as I think proper to say at present; above all things, let me caution you against thinking that there is any principle of general application underlying variation."

This would have been right. This is what Mr. Darwin would have had to have said if he had been frank with us; it is not surprising, therefore, that he should have been less frank than might have been wished. I have no doubt that many a time between 1859 and 1882, the year of his death, Mr. Darwin bitterly regretted his initial error, and would have been only too thankful to repair it, but he could only put the difference between himself and the early evolutionists clearly before his readers at the cost of seeing his own system come tumbling down like a pack of cards; this was more than he could stand, so he buried his face, ostrich-like, in the sand. I know no more pitiable figure in either literature or science.

As I write these lines (July 1886) I see a paragraph in Nature which I take it is intended to convey the impression that Mr. Francis Darwin's life and letters of his father will appear shortly. I can form no idea whether Mr. F. Darwin's forthcoming work is likely to appear before this present volume; still less can I conjecture what it may or may not contain; but I can give the reader a criterion by which to test the good faith with which it is written. If Mr. F.

Darwin puts the distinctive feature that differentiates Mr. C.

Darwin from his predecessors clearly before his readers, enabling them to seize and carry it away with them once for all--if he shows no desire to s.h.i.+rk this question, but, on the contrary, faces it and throws light upon it, then we shall know that his work is sincere, whatever its shortcomings may be in other respects; and when people are doing their best to help us and make us understand all that they understand themselves, a great deal may be forgiven them. If, on the other hand, we find much talk about the wonderful light which Mr. Charles Darwin threw on evolution by his theory of natural selection, without any adequate attempt to make us understand the difference between the natural selection, say, of Mr. Patrick Matthew, and that of his more famous successor, then we may know that we are being trifled with; and that an attempt is being again made to throw dust in our eyes.

CHAPTER XVI--Mr. Grant Allen's "Charles Darwin"

It is here that Mr. Grant Allen's book fails. It is impossible to believe it written in good faith, with no end in view, save to make something easy which might otherwise be found difficult; on the contrary, it leaves the impression of having been written with a desire to hinder us, as far as possible, from understanding things that Mr. Allen himself understood perfectly well.

After saying that "in the public mind Mr. Darwin is perhaps most commonly regarded as the discoverer and founder of the evolution hypothesis," he continues that "the grand idea which he did really originate was not the idea of 'descent with modification,' but the idea of 'natural selection,'" and adds that it was Mr. Darwin's "peculiar glory" to have shown the "nature of the machinery" by which all the variety of animal and vegetable life might have been produced by slow modifications in one or more original types. "The theory of evolution," says Mr. Allen, "already existed in a more or less shadowy and undeveloped shape;" it was Mr. Darwin's "task in life to raise this theory from the rank of a mere plausible and happy guess to the rank of a highly elaborate and almost universally accepted biological system" (pp. 3-5).

We all admit the value of Mr. Darwin's work as having led to the general acceptance of evolution. No one who remembers average middle-cla.s.s opinion on this subject before 1860 will deny that it was Mr. Darwin who brought us all round to descent with modification; but Mr. Allen cannot rightly say that evolution had only existed before Mr. Darwin's time in "a shadowy, undeveloped state," or as "a mere plausible and happy guess." It existed in the same form as that in which most people accept it now, and had been carried to its extreme development, before Mr. Darwin's father had been born. It is idle to talk of Buffon's work as "a mere plausible and happy guess," or to imply that the first volume of the "Philosophie Zoologique" of Lamarck was a less full and sufficient demonstration of descent with modification than the "Origin of Species" is. It has its defects, shortcomings, and mistakes, but it is an incomparably sounder work than the "Origin of Species;" and though it contains the deplorable omission of any reference to Buffon, Lamarck does not first grossly misrepresent Buffon, and then tell him to go away, as Mr. Darwin did to the author of the "Vestiges" and to Lamarck. If Mr. Darwin was believed and honoured for saying much the same as Lamarck had said, it was because Lamarck had borne the brunt of the laughing. The "Origin of Species" was possible because the "Vestiges" had prepared the way for it. The "Vestiges" were made possible by Lamarck and Erasmus Darwin, and these two were made possible by Buffon. Here a somewhat sharper line can be drawn than is usually found possible when defining the ground covered by philosophers. No one broke the ground for Buffon to anything like the extent that he broke it for those who followed him, and these broke it for one another.

Mr. Allen says (p. 11) that, "in Charles Darwin's own words, Lamarck 'first did the eminent service of arousing attention to the probability of all change in the organic as well as in the inorganic world being the result of law, and not of miraculous interposition.'" Mr. Darwin did indeed use these words, but Mr.

Allen omits the pertinent fact that he did not use them till six thousand copies of his work had been issued, and an impression been made as to its scope and claims which the event has shown to be not easily effaced; nor does he say that Mr. Darwin only pays these few words of tribute in a quasi-preface, which, though prefixed to his later editions of the "Origin of Species," is amply neutralised by the spirit which I have shown to be omnipresent in the body of the work itself. Moreover, Mr. Darwin's statement is inaccurate to an unpardonable extent; his words would be fairly accurate if applied to Buffon, but they do not apply to Lamarck.

Mr. Darwin continues that Lamarck "seems to attribute all the beautiful adaptations in nature, such as the long neck of the giraffe for browsing on the branches of trees," to the effects of habit. Mr. Darwin should not say that Lamarck "seems" to do this.

It was his business to tell us what led Lamarck to his conclusions, not what "seemed" to do so. Any one who knows the first volume of the "Philosophie Zoologique" will be aware that there is no "seems"

in the matter. Mr. Darwin's words "seem" to say that it really could not be worth any practical naturalist's while to devote attention to Lamarck's argument; the inquiry might be of interest to antiquaries, but Mr. Darwin had more important work in hand than following the vagaries of one who had been so completely exploded as Lamarck had been. "Seem" is to men what "feel" is to women; women who feel, and men who grease every other sentence with a "seem," are alike to be looked on with distrust.

"Still," continues Mr. Allen, "Darwin gave no sign. A flaccid, cartilaginous, unphilosophic evolutionism had full possession of the field for the moment, and claimed, as it were, to be the genuine representative of the young and vigorous biological creed, while he himself was in truth the real heir to all the honours of the situation. He was in possession of the master-key which alone could unlock the bars that opposed the progress of evolution, and still he waited. He could afford to wait. He was diligently collecting, ama.s.sing, investigating; eagerly reading every new systematic work, every book of travels, every scientific journal, every record of sport, or exploration, or discovery, to extract from the dead ma.s.s of undigested fact whatever item of implicit value might swell the definite co-ordinated series of notes in his own commonplace books for the now distinctly contemplated 'Origin of Species.' His way was to make all sure behind him, to summon up all his facts in irresistible array, and never to set out upon a public progress until he was secure against all possible attacks of the ever- watchful and alert enemy in the rear," &c. (p. 73).

It would not be easy to beat this. Mr. Darwin's worst enemy could wish him no more damaging eulogist.

Of the "Vestiges" Mr. Allen says that Mr. Darwin "felt sadly" the inaccuracy and want of profound technical knowledge everywhere displayed by the anonymous author. Nevertheless, long after, in the "Origin of Species," the great naturalist wrote with generous appreciation of the "Vestiges of Creation"--"In my opinion it has done excellent service in this country in calling attention to the subject, in removing prejudice, and in thus preparing the ground for the reception of a.n.a.logous views."

I have already referred to the way in which Mr. Darwin treated the author of the "Vestiges," and have stated the facts at greater length in "Evolution Old and New," but it may be as well to give Mr.

Darwin's words in full; he wrote as follows on the third page of the original edition of the "Origin of Species":-

"The author of the 'Vestiges of Creation' would, I presume, say that, after a certain unknown number of generations, some bird had given birth to a woodp.e.c.k.e.r, and some plant to the mistletoe, and that these had been produced perfect as we now see them; but this a.s.sumption seems to me to be no explanation, for it leaves the case of the coadaptation of organic beings to each other and to their physical conditions of life untouched and unexplained."

The author of the "Vestiges" did, doubtless, suppose that "SOME bird" had given birth to a woodp.e.c.k.e.r, or more strictly, that a couple of birds had done so--and this is all that Mr. Darwin has committed himself to--but no one better knew that these two birds would, according to the author of the "Vestiges," be just as much woodp.e.c.k.e.rs, and just as little woodp.e.c.k.e.rs, as they would be with Mr. Darwin himself. Mr. Chambers did not suppose that a woodp.e.c.k.e.r became a woodp.e.c.k.e.r per saltum though born of some widely different bird, but Mr. Darwin's words have no application unless they convey this impression. The reader will note that though the impression is conveyed, Mr. Darwin avoids conveying it categorically. I suppose this is what Mr. Allen means by saying that he "made all things sure behind him." Mr. Chambers did indeed believe in occasional sports; so did Mr. Darwin, and we have seen that in the later editions of the "Origin of Species" he found himself constrained to lay greater stress on these than he had originally done. Substantially, Mr.

Chambers held much the same opinion as to the suddenness or slowness of modification as Mr. Darwin did, nor can it be doubted that Mr.

Darwin knew this perfectly well.

What I have said about the woodp.e.c.k.e.r applies also to the mistletoe.

Besides, it was Mr. Darwin's business not to presume anything about the matter; his business was to tell us what the author of the "Vestiges" had said, or to refer us to the page of the "Vestiges" on which we should find this. I suppose he was too busy "collecting, ama.s.sing, investigating," &c., to be at much pains not to misrepresent those who had been in the field before him. There is no other reference to the "Vestiges" in the "Origin of Species" than this suave but singularly fraudulent pa.s.sage.

In his edition of 1860 the author of the "Vestiges" showed that he was nettled, and said it was to be regretted Mr. Darwin had read the "Vestiges" "almost as much amiss as if, like its declared opponents, he had an interest in misunderstanding it;" and a little lower he adds that Mr. Darwin's book "in no essential respect contradicts the 'Vestiges,'" but that, on the contrary, "while adding to its explanations of nature, it expressed the same general ideas." {216a} This is substantially true; neither Mr. Darwin's nor Mr. Chambers's are good books, but the main object of both is to substantiate the theory of descent with modification, and, bad as the "Vestiges" is, it is ingenuous as compared with the "Origin of Species."

Subsequently to Mr. Chambers' protest, and not till, as I have said, six thousand copies of the "Origin of Species" had been issued, the sentence complained of by Mr. Chambers was expunged, but without a word of retractation, and the pa.s.sage which Mr. Allen thinks so generous was inserted into the "brief but imperfect" sketch which Mr. Darwin prefixed--after Mr. Chambers had been effectually snuffed out--to all subsequent editions of his "Origin of Species." There is no excuse for Mr. Darwin's not having said at least this much about the author of the "Vestiges" in his first edition; and on finding that he had misrepresented him in a pa.s.sage which he did not venture to retain, he should not have expunged it quietly, but should have called attention to his mistake in the body of his book, and given every prominence in his power to the correction.

Let us now examine Mr. Allen's record in the matter of natural selection. For years he was one of the foremost apostles of Neo- Darwinism, and any who said a good word for Lamarck were told that this was the "kind of mystical nonsense" from which Mr. Allen "had hoped Mr. Darwin had for ever saved us." {216b} Then in October 1883 came an article in "Mind," from which it appeared as though Mr.

Allen had abjured Mr. Darwin and all his works.

"There are only two conceivable ways," he then wrote, "in which any increment of brain power can ever have arisen in any individual.

The one is the Darwinian way, by spontaneous variation, that is to say, by variation due to minute physical circ.u.mstances affecting the individual in the germ. The other is the Spencerian way, by functional increment, that is to say, by the effect of increased use and constant exposure to varying circ.u.mstances during conscious life."

Mr. Allen calls this the Spencerian view, and so it is in so far as that Mr. Spencer has adopted it. Most people will call it Lamarckian. This, however, is a detail. Mr. Allen continues:-

"I venture to think that the first way, if we look it clearly in the face, will be seen to be practically unthinkable; and that we have no alternative, therefore, but to accept the second."

I like our looking a "way" which is "practically unthinkable"

"clearly in the face." I particularly like "practically unthinkable." I suppose we can think it in theory, but not in practice. I like almost everything Mr. Allen says or does; it is not necessary to go far in search of his good things; dredge up any bit of mud from him at random and we are pretty sure to find an oyster with a pearl in it, if we look it clearly in the face; I mean, there is sure to be something which will be at any rate "almost" practically unthinkable. But however this may be, when Mr.